tihxavy  of  Che  theological  ^eminarjp 

PRINCETON  •  NEW  JERSEY 

FROM  THE  LIBRARY  OF 
ROBERT  ELLIOTT  SPEER 


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A    HISTOIiY 


AUG  31  1959 


THE    JEWISEL    PEOPLE 


m  THE  TIME  OF  JESUS  CHRIST. 


^ 


EMIL   SCHUEEK,   D.D.,   M.A., 

PnOFESSOR   OF   THEOLOGY    AT   THE    VNIVlCltsn  Y   OF   GTKSSKX. 


Being  a  Second  and  Revised  Edition  of  a  "Manual  of 
the  History  of  J\"eiv  Testament  Times." 


^irst  Division. 

POLITICAL  niSTOEY  OF  PALESTINE,  FKOM  B.C.  175  TO  A.D.  135. 


TRAN'SLATKD    BY 

KEV.    JOHN   MACPHERSON,   M.A. 


voj.  ir. 


NEW    YOllK: 
CHARLES     S  C  11  I  T,  X  E  11 '  S     SONS. 

I  8  f»  1 . 


CONTENTS  OF  DIVISION  I.  VOL.   11. 


§  IG   Disturbances  after  Herod's  Death, 

§  17.  The  Sons  of  Herod,   ..... 
(a)  Philip,  B.C.  4-A.D.  34,  .... 
His  Territory  under  the  Roinaii-^,  a.d.  34-37, 
(h)  Herod  Antipas,  B.C.  4-A.r).  3!». 
(c)  Archelaus,  B.C.  4:-a.d.  6,  .  .  . 

Judea  under  Eoman  Procurators,  a.d.  6-41,    . 
Disorders  under  Caligula  in  Alexandria, 
Disorders  tinder  Caligula  in  Judea,     . 
Excursus    I.  The  Census  of  Quirinius, 
Excursus  II.  The  so-called  Testimony  of  Josephus  to  Christ, 

§  18.  Herod  Agrippa  I.,  a.d.  37,  40,  41-44, 

§  19.  The  Roman  Procurators,  a.d.  44-GG, 

§  19.  Supplement,  Agrippa  II.,  a.d.  50-100, 

§  20.  The  Great  War  with  Eome,  a.d.  66-73, 

(1)  Outbreak  and  Triumpli  of  the  Revolution  (a.d.  66), 

(2)  The  War  in  Galilee  (a.d.  67),  . 

(3)  From  the  Subjugation  of  Galilee   to  the   Siege  of 

Jerusalem  (a.d.  68-G9),      . 

(4)  Siege  and  Con([uest  of  Jerusalem  (a.d.  70),     . 

(5)  The  Conclusion  of  the  War  (a.d.  71-73), 
§  21.  From  the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem  to  the  Overtiiuow 

OF  Bar-Cochba,        .  .  .  •  • 

(l)The  State  of  Affairs  in  Pale.stine  from  Vespasian  to 
Hadrian,      .  .  •  •  • 

(2)  The  War  under  Trajan,  a.d.  115-117, 

(3)  The  Great  Rebellion  under  Hadrian,  a.d.  132-135, 


PACK 
1 

10 

10 
10 
17 
38 
43 
90 
99 
105 
143 

150 

166 

191 

207 
208 

218 

227 
235 

248 


257 
280 
287 


viii  CONTENTS  OF  DIVISION  I.  VOL.  II. 

APPENDICES  I.-VIII. 


PAGZ 


T.  History  of  Chalcis,  Iturea,  and  Abilene,           .           .  325 

II.  History  of  the  Nabatean  Kings,  ....  345 
tIT.  The  Jewish  and  Macedonian  Months  compared  with 

the  Julian  Calendar,       .....  363 

IV.  The  Jewish  Coins  and  Coins  of  the  Eebellion,  .            .  378 

(1)  The  Shekel 379 

(2)  The  Coins  of  the  Rebellion,     .  .  .  .383 

V.  Parallel  Years  op  the  Greek,  Syrian,  Roman,  and 

Christian  Eras,     .... 
VI.  Genealogy  of  the  Seledcidae, 
VII.  Genealogy  of  the  Asmoneans, 
VIII.  The  House  of  Herod, 

Addenda  to  Division  I.  Vols.  I.  and  11. ,  . 


393 
399 

400 
401 
403 


§  16.  DISTUEBANCES  AFTER  HEROD'S  DEATH,  B.C.  4. 

Sources. 
JosEPHUS,  Antiq.  xvii.  9-11  ;    JFars  of  the  Jews,   ii.   1-6.      Zonaras, 

Annates,  vi.  1-2  (summary  from  Joseplius). 
Nicolas  op  Damascus  in  Miiller,  Fragmenia  Historicorum  Graecarum, 

iii.  353  sq.  ;  Feder,  Exceiyta  Escurialensia,  p.  67  sq. 

Literature. 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  v.  449-457. 

Geikie,  Life  and  Words  of  Christ,  7th  ed.,  London  1879,  i.  263-272. 
Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii.  pp.  246-253. 
HiTziG,  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Isi-ael,  ii.  559-562. 
SCHNECKENBURGER,  Zeitgeschichte,  pp.  200-203. 
Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  i.  275-283. 
Lewin,  Fasti  sacri  ad  Ann.  4. 
Brann,  De  Herodis  qui  dicitur  Magni  filiis  'patrem  in  imj^erio  secutis, 

pars  1,  1873  (treats  only  of  the  events  of  B.C.  4). 
Menke,  Bihelatla%,  Bl.  V.   "  Judea   and  neighbouring    countries  in  the 

time  of  Christ  and  the  Apostles." 

By  the  last  will  of  Herod,  Arclielaus  had  been  named  his 
successor  on  the  throne.  Archelaus  therefore  made  it  his 
first  business  to  secure  the  emperor's  confirmation  of  his  father's 
arrangement,  and  with  this  end  in  view  he  resolved  to  make  a 
journey  to  Eome.  But  before  he  could  start  on  such  an 
expedition,  he  had  to  stamp  out  a  rebellion  in  Jerusalem. 
The  people  could  not  so  easily  forget  the  execution  of  tlio 
two  rabbis,  Judas  and  Matthias,  and  violently  insisted  that 
Archelaus  should  bring  to  punishment  the  counsellors  of 
Herod.  Archelaus  endeavoured  at  first  in  a  conciliatory 
manner  to  dissuade  the  people  from  their  purpose.  But  when 
he   could   not  succeed  in  this   way,  the  only  result  of  his 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  A 


2  THE  KOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

proposals  being  the  increase  of  the  tumult,  he  resolved 
to  crush  the  revolt  by  violence.  He  accordingly  sent  forth  a 
detachment  of  soldiers  against  the  people  assembled  in  the 
temple,  where  the  people  who  had  flocked  into  Jerusalem  in 
prospect  of  the  approaching  Passover  festival  were  wont  to 
gather  at  that  season  in  great  crowds.  But  the  detachment 
sent  was  not  strong  enough  to  make  way  against  the  excited 
masses.  A  portion  of  the  soldiers  was  stoned  by  the  people ; 
the  rest,  together  with  their  leader,  took  to  flight.  Archelaus 
was  now  obliged  to  call  out  his  whole  fighting  force ;  and 
only  by  the  help  of  his  entire  army,  amid  great  bloodshed,  was 
he  able  to  put  down  the  rebellion.^ 

After  Archelaus  had  thus  by  the  exercise  of  force  secured 
quiet,  he  hastened  to  Eome,  leaving  his  brother  Philip  to  act 
as  administrator  of  the  kingdom.  Scarcely  had  he  gone,  when 
Antipas  also  started  for  Eome  in  order  to  press  his  own  claims 
there.  He  had  by  the  third  and  last  will  of  Herod  received  only 
Galilee  and  Perea,  whereas  in  the  second  will  he  had  been 
appointed  successor  to  the  throne.  He  therefore  now  wished 
to  represent  to  the  emperor  that  to  him,  and  not  to  Archelaus, 
did  the  kingdom  properly  belong.  Many  other  members  of  the 
Herodian  family  were  also  present  in  Eome  at  the  same  time 
as  Archelaus  and  Antipas,  and  these  now  mostly  appeared 
against  Archelaus,  and  expressed  a  strong  desire  that  Palestine 
should  now  be  put  under  immediate  Eoman  government ;  or  if 
this  could  not  be,  then  they  would  rather  have  Antipas  than 
Archelaus.^ 

Hence  the  sons  of  Herod  plotted  and  schemed  against  one 
another  in  Eome.  Augustus,  in  whose  hands  the  decision 
lay,  meanwhile  convoked  at  his  palace  a  consultative  assembly, 
at  which  the  opposing  brothers  were  called  upon  to  make  a 

^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xvii.  9.  1-3  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  1.  1-3. 
2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  9.  3-4;    IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  2.  1-3.      Nicolas 
of  Damascus  in  Mailer,  iii.  353. 


§  16.    DI5TUKBANCES  AFTER  IIEROD's  DEATH,  B.C.  4.  3 

statement  of  Uieir  conflicting  claims.  A  certain  Antipater 
spoke  on  behalf  of  Antipas,  while  Nicolas  of  Damascus, 
formerly  the  minister  of  Herod,  appeared  on  behalf  of 
Archelaus.  Each  party  sought  to  win  over  the  emperor 
to  his  side,  partly  by  advancing  arguments,  partly  by  insinuat- 
ing suspicions  against  his  opponent.  When  Augustus  had 
heard  both  parties,  he  inclined  more  to  the  side  of  Archelaus, 
and  made  a  statement  to  the  effect  that  he  was  most  fit  to 
ascend  the  royal  throne.  Yet  he  did  not  wish  immediately 
to  decide  the  matter,  and  so  dismissed  the  assembly  without 
issuing  a  final  and  formal  judgment.^ 

But  before  the  question  about  the  succession  to  the  throne 
had  been  decided  in  Eome,  new  troubles  had  broken  out  in 
Judea.  Soon  after  the  departure  of  Archelaus  the  Jews  had 
again  risen  in  revolt,  but  had  been  restored  to  quiet  by  Varus, 
the  governor  of  Syria.  Varus  had  then  returned  to  Antioch, 
leaving  behind  him  in  Jerusalem  a  legion  to  maintain  order. 
But  scarcely  had  he  gone  when  the  storm  broke  out  afresh. 
After  Herod's  death,  pending  the  settlement  of  the  question  of 
succession  to  the  throne,  the  emperor  had  sent  to  Palestine  a 
procurator,  Sabinus.  But  he  oppressed  the  people  in  every 
sort  of  way,  and  behaved  in  all  directions  in  the  most  reckless 
manner.  Hence  it  was  that  a  revolt  broke  out  again 
immediately  after  the  withdrawal  of  Varus.  It  was  now  the 
season  of  the  Passover  festival,  and  therefore  crowds  of  people 
were  present  in  Jerusalem.  They  were  divided  into  three 
great  divisions,  and  attacked  the  Ptomans  at  the  three  different 
points :  on  the  north  of  the  temple,  south  beside  the  race- 
course, and  on  the  west  of  the  city  beside  the  royal  palace. 
The  keenest  struggle  took  place,  first  of  all,  at  the  temple.  Tlie 
Piomans  pressed  forward  successfully  into  the  tomple  court ; 
but  the  Jews  offered  a  most  stubborn  resistance, — mounted  upon 
the  roofs  of  the  buildings  which  surround  the  temple  court, 
3  Josephus,  Anti<j.  xvii.  9.  5-7  ;  Jf\v$  of  the  Jews,  ii.  2.  4-7. 


4  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

and  hurled  down  stones  upon  the  soldiers.  These  were 
therefore  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  fire,  set  flames  to  the 
roofs,  and  in  this  way  succeeded  at  last  in  reaching  the  temple 
mount.  When  the  longed  for  booty  of  the  treasury  of  the 
temple  fell  into  their  hands,  Sabinus  appropriated  to  himself 
400  talents.* 

But  this  first  defeat  of  the  rebels  was  only  the  signal  for 
the  further  spread  of  the  rebellion.  In  Jerusalem  a  portion 
of  the  soldiers  of  Herod  joined  the  rebels,  and  consequently 
they  were  able  to  lay  siege  to  Sabinus  and  his  fighting  force 
in  the  palace  of  Herod.*  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Sepphoris 
in  Galilee,  Judas,  the  son  of  that  Hezekiah  with  whom  Herod 
had  once,  to  the  great  indignation  of  the  Sanhedrim,  made 
so  short  a  process  (see  vol.  i.  p.  383),  gathered  a  number 
about  him,  gained  possession  of  the  weapons  stored  up  in  the 
royal  arsenal,  distributed  these  among  his  followers,  and  was 
able  then  to  make  all  Galilee  unsafe.  He  is  even  said  to 
have  aimed  at  obtaining  the  royal  crown.®  In  Perea  a  certain 
Simon,  formerly  a  slave  of  Herod,  collected  a  band,  and  had 
himself  proclaimed  king  by  his  followers  ;  but  was  soon 
afterwards  conquered  by  a  Eoman  detachment,  and  put  to 
death.''  Finally,  it  is  reported  of  one  termed  Athronges, 
formerly  a  shepherd,  that  he  had  assumed  the  royal  crown, 
and  for  a  long  time,  along  with  his  four  brothers,  kept  the 
country  in  a  ferment.^ — It  was  a  time  of  general  upheaval, 
when  every  one  sought  to  secure  the  greatest  possible  benefit 
for  himself.  On  the  part  of  the  people  there  was  agreement 
only  on  this  one  point,  that  every  one  wished  at  any  cost  to 
be  freed  from  the  power  of  the  Romans. 

When    Varus    was     informed     of     these    proceedings,    he 

*  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  1-2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  3.  1-3. 
^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  3  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  3.  4. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  5  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  4.  1. 
^  Josei)hus,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  6  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  4.  2. 

*  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  7  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  4.  3. 


§  IG.    DISTURBANCES  AFTER  IIEKOD's  DEATH,  B.C.  4.  5 

hastened  from  Antioch,  with  the  two  legions  which  he  still 
had  with  him,  in  order  to  restore  order  in  Palestine.  On  the 
way  he  also  procured,  in  addition,  Arabian  auxiliary  troops  sent 
by  King  Aretas,  as  well  as  other  auxiliaries.  With  this  fight- 
ing force  he  first  of  all  reduced  Galilee.  Sepphoris,  where 
that  Judas  had  been  fermenting  disorder,  was  consigned  to  the 
flames,  and  the  inhabitants  sold  as  slaves.  Thence  Varus 
proceeded  to  Samaria,  which,  however,  he  spared  because  it 
had  not  taken  part  in  the  revolt.  He  then  directed  his  course 
toward  Jerusalem,  where  the  legion  stationed  there  was  still 
being  besieged  by  the  Jews  in  the  royal  palace.  Varus  had 
there  an  easy  game  to  play ;  for  when  the  besiegers  saw  the 
powerful  Eoman  forces  approach,  they  lost  their  courage  and 
took  to  flight.  In  this  way  Varus  became  lord  of  city  and 
country.  But  Sabinus,  who  in  consequence  of  his  robbing 
the  temple  and  of  other  misdeeds  had  no  good  conscience, 
made  off  as  quickly  as  possible.  Varus  then  led  his  troops  up 
and  down  through  the  country,  apprehending  the  rebels  who 
were  now  lurking  here  and  there  in  small  parties.  He  had 
two  thousand  of  them  crucified,  while  he  granted  pardon 
to  the  mass  of  the  people.  After  he  had  then  stamped  out 
the  rebellion,  he  returned  to  Antioch.^ 

While   these    things  were   going  on   in   Judea,  Archelaus 
and  Antipas  were  still  in  Home  waiting  for  the  decision  of  the 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  9-10, 11. 1 ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  5.  1-3. — This 
war  of  Varus  is  also  referred  to  in  contra  Ajnonem,  i.  7,  as  one  of  the  most 
important  between  that  of  Pompey  and  that  of  "Vespasian.  The  name 
Varus  is  therefore  probably  to  be  restored  in  a  corrupt  passage  in  Seder 
olam,  s.  fin.,  in  which  it  is  said  that  "  from  the  war  of  Asveros  down  to 
the  war  of  Vespasian  there  were  eighty  years,"  lyi  D1T1DX  ?l^  DID^ISO 
njtJ'  D''3?2ti'  Dir'^DDDX  b'y  DID^ia.  Although  the  nuinbcT  eighty  is  some- 
what too  high,  and  although  the  best  text  exemplars  give  DII^IDS,  it  is  yet 
highly  probable  that  Dill  should  be  read,  i.e.  Varos  (so  Griitz,  Geschichte  der 
Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii.  pp.  249,  714  if.  ;  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  194  ;  Brann, 
De  Herodis  qui  dicitur  Magni  fiHi.%  p.  24  sq.).  In  reference  to  the  trans- 
mission of  the  text,  compare  especially,  Salzer,  Magazin  fiir  die  Wissen- 
scha/t  des  Jiidenthuvi-s,  iv.  1877,  pp.  141-144. 


6  THE  EOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

emperor.  Before  this  was  issued  an  embassy  from  the  people 
of  Judea  appeared  before  the  emperor,  asking  that  none  of  the 
Herodians  should  be  appointed  king,  but  that  they  should 
be  permitted  to  live  in  accordance  with  their  own  laws. 
About  the  same  time  Philip  also,  the  last  of  the  three  brothers, 
to  whom  territories  had  been  bequeathed  by  Herod,  made  his 
appearance  in  Eome  in  order  to  press  his  claims,  and  likewise 
to  support  those  of  his  brother  Archelaus.^'^  In  regard  to 
these  conflicting  claims,  Augustus  was  obliged  at  last  to  give 
a  decision.  In  an  assembly  which  he  fixed  precisely  for  this 
purpose  in  the  temple  of  Apollo,  he  heard  first  of  all  the 
ambassadors  from  the  Jewish  people.  These  reported  a  long 
list  of  scandalous  misdeeds  which  Herod  had  allowed  and 
sought  them  to  buttress,  their  demand  that  none  of  the 
Herodian  race  should  any  more  govern  in  Palestine,  but  that 
it  should  be  granted  them  to  live  according  to  their  own  laws 
under  Eoman  suzerainty.  When  they  had  ended,  Nicolas 
of  Damascus  arose  and  spoke  on  behalf  of  his  master 
Archelaus.^^  When  Augustus  had  thus  heard  both  sides,  he 
issued  his  decision  after  a  few  days.  By  it  the  will  of  Herod 
was  in  all  essential  points  sustained.  Archelaus  obtained  the 
territory  assigned  to  him :  Judea,  Samaria,  Idumea ;  only  the 
cities  of  Gaza,  Gadara,  and  Hippos  were  severed  from  these 
domains  and  attached  to  the  province  of  Syria ;  and  instead  of 

1"  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  11.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  1. — The  facts 
here  related  have  unquestionably  afforded  the  outward  framework  for  the 
parable  of  the  Pounds,  Luke  xix.  12  ff.  Compare  especially  ver.  12  :  "A 
certain  nobleman  (Archelaus)  went  into  a  far  country  (Rome)  to  receive 
for  himself  a  kingdom  (Judea),  and  to  return."  Ver.  14:  "But  his 
citizens  hated  him,  and  sent  a  message  after  him,  saying :  We  will  not 
have  this  man  to  reign  over  us." — Sevin  (Chronologie  des  Lebens  Jesu,  1874, 
pp.  128-130)  is  wrong  in  thinking  of  the  journey  of  Antipas  reported  by 
Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  1  ;  for  in  it  is  wanting  a  main  point,  viz.  the 
embassy  and  protest  of  the  people.  Indeed,  we  have  no  information  at 
all  as  to  the  purpose  of  that  journey. 

^'  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  11.  2-3     Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  2. 


§  IG.    DISTURBANCES  AFTER  UEROD's  DEATH,  B.C.  4.  7 

the  title  of  king,  that  of  ethnarch  was  given  him.  Antipas 
obtained  Galilee  and  Perea,  with  the  title  of  tetrarch ;  Philip, 
also  as  tetrarch,  received  the  districts  of  Batanea,  Trachonitis, 
and  Auranitis.  Archelaus  was  to  derive  from  his  territories 
an  income  of  600  talents,  Antipas  200  talents,  and  Philip 
100  talents.  Also  Salome,  the  sister  of  Herod  the  Great, 
obtained  the  portion  assigned  to  her,  the  cities  of  Jamnia, 
Azotus,  Phasaelis,  and  500,000  pieces  of  silver,  in 'addition  to 
the  palace  at  Ascalon.^^ — Salome  lived  in  the  enjoyment  of 

12  Josephup,  Antiq.  xvii.  11.  4-5  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3  ;  generally 
also,  Nicolas  of  Damascus  in  Miiller,  Frarjvienta,  iii.  354  ;  Strabo,  xvi.  2. 
4G,  p.  765. — On  the  cities  named  above,  Gaza,  Gadara,  Hippos,  Jamnia, 
Azotus,  Phasaelis,  see  §  23,  i.,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  68,  76,  78,  98,  100,  131. 
— The  title  idvxpx^'  evidently  signifies  a  rank  somewhat  higher  than  that 
of  riTpa,pxYi;.  The  former  had  been  conferred,  e.g.,  by  Caesar  upon  Hyrcanus 
II.  (see  vol.  i.  p.  378),  but  is  otherwise  rare.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
title  rsTpa.pxni  is  very  common.  Herod  the  Great  and  his  brother 
Phasael  had  it  conferred  ujDon  thein  by  Antony  (Antiq.  xiv.  13.  1  ;  Wars 
of  the  Jews,  i.  12.  5).  In  B.C.  20,  Pheroras  was  made  tetrarch  of  Perea 
{Antiq.  XV.  10.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  24.  5). — The  expression  riTp»px'''* 
was  first  made  use  of  by  Euripides  with  reference  to  Thessaly.  That 
country  had  been  from  early  times  divided  into  four  districts  (Harpocra- 
tion.  Lex.  ed.  Dindorf,  s.v.  TsTpupx't*  .  .  .  k»i  '  ApioTcriAri;  oe  iu  t>5  koivti 

QSTTd'hcoV   '7ro>.ITilX   STTi      AT^SVOt    TOV    TivppOV     dr/lP'/jd^Cil     (pYlJiV    il;    O'     fiOipol;    T'/}ll 

QiTTot,7^ixv.  On  the  antiquity  of  the  Aleuadae  and  on  the  constitutional 
history  of  Thessaly  generally,  see  Gilbert,  Handhuch  der  griechischen 
Staatsalterthiimer,  Bd.  ii.  1885,  pp.  5-17).  Euripides  therefore,  at  the 
close  of  his  Alcestis,  makes  Admetus  say  :  "  I  now  command  the  citizens 
and  every  tetrarchy  (or  :  '  and  the  whole  tetrarchy ')  to  proceed  with  the 
dances  and  to  bring  forward  the  sacrifices,"  etc.  (Euripides,  Alcestis 
1154:  'Aaro7;  Is  Tctayi  r  ii/t/eTru  riTpup-/,iec,  etc.).  When  King  Philip  of 
Macedon  had  reduced  the  whole  of  Thessaly  under  his  rule,  he  set  an 
eip/^u'j  over  every  mpii  {Hariwcration,  I.e. :  on  §£  O/A/xtto?  x.uff   'sx.oi,aTn>j 

TCtVTWJ  TU'J   y^OtpOlV   Oe.pX'i'J't Ot,   X-OnilTT/llS    ^iQyj'hUKXIJi!/     OtKKOl  n   KXt    ©roVoaTOJ    tV 

TJ)  /Lco').  With  reference  to  this  proceeding,  Demosthenes  says  that  Philip 
instituted  tetrarchies  in  Thessaly  (Demosthenes,  Philipp.  iii.  26  :  «xx« 
QiTTxT^i'oi  -jroi;  'ix-' >  ^^X^  '^^'  "TraKniiotg  kocI  Txg  TToJ^a;  ccvtuu  ■TrxpyiOYiToti  xxt 
nrpupxtx;  KXTiarms").  While  some  doubt  can  be  entertained  as  to  the 
meaning  of  nrpxpx'ot.  in  Euripides,  it  clearly  signifies  in  Demosthenes  a 
province  containing  a  fourth  part  of  the  kingdom  (the  government  of  a 
Tirpx;,  whence  also  is  derived  TSTpxoxpx'x).  We  also  meet  with  the 
expression  in  this  original  sense  in  Galatia.     Over  this  country,  according 


8  THE  EOMAN-TIEEODIAN  AGE. 

these  possessions  for  some  twelve  or  fourteen  years.     She  died 

to  the  description  of  Strabo,  twelve  tetrarclues  ruled,  tliat  is,  four  over 
each  of  the  three  tribes  of  the  Trocmi,  Tolistoboii,  and  Tectosagae  (Strabo, 
xii.  5.  1,  p.  566  sq.  ;  less  correctly  in  Pliny,  Hist.  Naturalis,  v.  146). 
When  the  most  of  them  had  been  massacred  by  Mithridates  (Appian, 
Mithridat.  46),  Pompey  rearranged  matters,  so  that  over  each  of  the  three 
tribes  there  was  set  one  tetrarch.  Subsequently  the  number  was  reduced 
to  two,  and  finally  to  one,  the  Dejotarus  (Strabo,  xii.  5.  1,  p.  567  ;  compare, 
in  addition,  the  complete  exposition  of  these  relations  in  Niese,  Ehein. 
Museum,  Bd.  38,  1883,  pp.  583-600).  But  although  the  title  of  tetrarch 
had  wholly  lost  its  original  meaning,  it  was  still  retained  ;  for  the  title  of 
king,  which  some  assumed,  applied,  not  to  Galatia,  but  to  other  possessions 
(StraV.o,  xii.  3.  13,  p.  547,  xiii.  4.  3,  p.  625  ;  Niese,  Ehein.  Museum). 
The  title  of  tetrarch,  completely  stripped  of  its  original  signification,  is  met 
with  also  elsewhere  very  frequently  in  the  Roman  times.  It  was  then 
used  simply  to  indicate  a  small  dependent  prince,  whose  rank  and 
authority  was  less  than  that  of  a  king.  Such  tetrarchs  seem  to  have  been 
very  numerous,  especially  in  Syria.  Compare  Pliny,  Hist.  Naturalis, 
v.  74  :  "  intercursant  cinguntque  has  urbes  [Decapoleos]  tetrarchiae,  reg- 
norum  instar  singulae ;  ihid.  77  :  Decapolitana  regio  praedictaeque  cum 
ea  tetrarchiae ;  ihid.  81  :  Nazerinorum  tetrarchia ;  ihid. :  tetrarchiaa 
duas  quae  Granucomatitae  vocantur  ;  ihid.  82  :  tetrarch iam  quae  Mam- 
misea  appellatur ;  ihid.  :  tetrarchias  in  regna  descriptas  barbaris  nomini- 
bus,"  xvii.  Josephus,  Vita,  11  :  sx.yovo;  loif^ov  roi  Tripl  rov  Alfixuou 
Tsrpxpxovvro;.  Antony  made  presents  of  "  tetrarchies  and  kingdoms " 
(Plutarch,  Antony,  36  :  -TroTiMl;  exapi^iro  rsTpapxiot;  >cxl  fioiafXeias  kSuuy 
(A-iycthuv).  To  the  army  of  Varus  in  B.C.  4  belonged  also  auxiliaries  which 
^  ^xai'Aug  VI  7tvs;  nrpipx^i  tots  -Timpslxov  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  10.  9,  init.). 
In  the  time  of  Nero  the  "  tetrarch  and  kings  "  in  Asia  were  instructed  to 
obey  the  orders  of  Corbulo  (Tacitus,  Annals,  xv.  25  :  "  scribitur  tetrarchis 
ac  regibus  praefectisque  et  procuratoribus  .  .  .  jussis  Corbulonis  oh- 
sequi").  And  so  generally  during  the  Roman  times  besides  the  reges,  the 
tetrarchae  were  very  often  referred  to  as  minor  princes  of  subordinate  rank 
(e.g.  Cicero,  iji  Vatinium,  12.  29  ;  pro  Balho,  5.  13  ;  pro  Milone,  28.  76  ; 
Fhilipp.  xi.  12.  31  ;  Caesar,  Bell.  Civ.  iii.  3  ;  Bell.  Alex.  78  ;  Horace,  Satires, 
i.  3.  12.  Further  examples  may  be  found  in  the  literature  quoted 
below).  Besides  the  Galatian  tetrarchs  and  the  Herodian  princes,  we 
have  particular  information  about  the  tetrarchs  of  Chalcis  or  Iturea  : 
Ptolemy,  Lj'sanias,  Zenodorus  (see  about  these  in  Appendix  I.).  When 
we  consider  the  small  importance  of  these  minor  princes,  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at  that  the  title  nrpipxri?  is  comparatively  seldom  met  with  on 
inscriptions  and  coins.  On  inscriptions,  compare  Corpus  Inscript.  Graec.  n. 
4033,  4058  ;  Bullettino  dell'  Institxdo  di  corrisp.  archeol.  1873,  p.  365  sq, 
(both  referring  to  Herod  Antipas) ;  Corp.  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  4521.  4523  = 
Kenan,  Mission  de  Phenicie,  j^p.  317-319  (dynasty  of  Chalcis).     Of  coins, 


§  16.    DISTURBANCES  AFTER  HEROD's  DEATH,  B.C.  4.  9 

about  A.D.  10,  in  the  time  of  the  procurator  M.  Ambivius,  and 
bequeathed  her  property  to  the  Empress  Livia.'^ 

What  had  been  the  empire  of  Herod  was  therefore  now 
parted  into  three  territories,  each  of  which  has  for  a  while  its 
own  history. 

besides  those  of  Philip  and  Herod  Antipas,  we  meet  only  with  those  of 
Ptolemy,  Lysanias,  and  Zenodorus  (see  Appendix  I.). — Compare  generally : 
Stephanus,  Thesaurus,  s.v.  Ttrpapx^;  and  Tirpapx'tx. ;  Forcellini,  Lexicon, 
s.v.  tetrarches  and  tetrarchia ;  Winer,  ReahvorterhucJi,  ii.  593  ;  Keim  in 
Schenkel's  BibeUextcon,  v.  487-490  ;  Bohn,  Qua  condicione  juris  recjes  socii 
liopuli  Romani  fuerint  (1877),  pp.  9-11  ;  Niese,  Galaiien  und  seine 
Tetrarchen  {Rhein.  M^iseum,  Bd.  38,  1883,  pp.  083-GOO), 
^8  Josephus,  Antig.  xviii.  2.  2. 


§  17.  THE  SOXS  OF  HEEOD. 
a.  Philip,  b.c.  4-a.d.  34.     His  Territory  under  the 

EOMANS,  A.D.   34-37. 

Sources. 
JosEPHUS,  Antiq.  xviii.  2.  1,  4.  6,  6.  10 ;  JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  1-6. 
On  the  coins,  see  below. 

Literature.^ 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vi.  71-74,  347. 
Westcott  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 
"Winer,  Eealworterhuch,  ii.  250. 

Leyrer  in  Herzog's  Eeal-Encydojjaedie,  2  Aufl.  xi.  G18. 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  i.  258,  274  ;  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexicon,  iii.  40-42. 
Lewin,  Fasti  Sacri  (see  Index,  p.  408). 

Brann,  Die  Sohne  des  Herodes,  1873  (reprint  from  the  Monatsschrift  ficr 
Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthuvis),  pp.  77-87. 

The  extent  of  the  territory  which  Philip  received  is  variously 
stated  in  different  places  by  Josephus.^  Putting  altogether, 
it  embraced  the  districts  of  Batauea,  Trachonitis,  Auranitis, 
Gaulanitis,  Panias,  and,  according  to  Luke  iii.  1,  also  Iturea.'' 

^  The  most  thorough  treatise  on  Herod's  sons  and  grandsons  is  the 
article  by  Keira  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon. — The  older  literature  is  given 
by  Reuss,  Geschichte  der  heiligen  Schriften  A.  T.'s,  §  558. 

^  Josephus,  A7itiq.  xvii.  8.  1,  11.  4,  xviii.  4.  6  ;  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3. 
In  the  latter  passage,  undoubtedly,  instead  of  'lx/u.vnxu  should  be  read 
HccvitoiOct.,  in  accordance  with  Antiq.  xvii.  8,  1,  11.  4. 

^  Batanea  corresponds  to  the  Old  Testament  Bashan  (jU's) ;  Eusebius, 
Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  232 :  Boso-av  .  .  .  uvrn  Bctjotyirt;  ii  vvu  x.x'hov- 
/^ivn  BxToivcttiit.  Yet  the  ancient  Bashan  was  of  larger  extent  than  the 
modern  Batanea'.  By  Bashan  was  understood  the  whole  region  on  the 
other  side  of  Jordan  between  Hermon  on  the  north  and  the  district  of 
Gilead  on  the  south,  extending  eastward  as  far  as  Salcha,  on  the  southern 

10 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEi;OD.  11 

The  districts  named  were  not  ancient  tribal  possessions  of  the 
Jewish  people,  but  were  in  great  part  added  to  the  Jewish 

elope  of  the  Hauran.  See  Dent.  iii.  10,  13  ;  Josh.  xii.  4,  xiii.  11,  30,  xvii. 
1,  5  ;  1  Chron.  v.  23.  But  within  this  district  lay  the  later  provinces  of 
Trachonitis,  Auranitis,  and  Gaulanitis ;  so  that  thus  Batanea  is  only  a  part 
of  the  ancient  Bashan.  Tlie  expression,  however,  is  sometimes  used  even 
by  later  writers  in  the  wider  sense  ;  e.g.  Josephus,  Life,  11  med. :  /mra.  ruv 
iv  BxTX'jxicc  Upa-x'^'-'tr'^''.  Since  the  cities  of  Ashtaroth  and  Edrei  are 
named  as  the  chief  cities  of  Bashan  (Josh.  xii.  4,  xiii.  11,  30),  it  may  he 
assumed  that  these  also  formed  the  centre  of  the  modern  Batanea. 
Edrei,  later  Adraa,  the  modern  Der'a,  lies  almost  exactly  in  the  middle 
between  the  southern  point  of  the  lake  of  Gennezaret  and  the  soutlieru 
end  of  the  mountains  of  Hauran.  That  Ashtaroth  and  Adraa  lay  in 
Batanea  is  stated  by  Eusebius  (Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  pp.  209,  213,  263, 
articles' A(jtx pud  Kxpuocsiu,  'Aarxpiid,  and  Kupvccst/ic  ^ KmctpisS).  The  Gi'cek 
BxTxuciicc  of  Polybius,  xvi.,  also  corresponds  to  that  of  Josephus,  Antiq, 
xii.  3.  3,  and  Ptolemy,  v.  15.  26. 

Trachonitis  or  6  Tpxx'^'-'  (so  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  16.  5,  xv.  10.  1 ;  TFars 
of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3  ;  and  the  inscription  of  Mismie)  is  the  rugged  plateau 
south  of  Damascus,  stretching  on  to  Bostra,  which  is  now  called  the 
Lejah.  It  lies,  therefore,  north-east  of  Batanea  proper.  Proof  of  this  is 
afforded  by  the  following  data.  On  an  inscription  at  Mismie,  the  ancient 
Phana,  in  the  north  of  the  Lejah,  this  place  is  characterized  as  /icr,rpox.ufii» 
ToD  Tpcix'-"'°s  {Corp.  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  4551  =  Le  Bas  et  Waddington,  Inscrip- 
tions, t.  iii.  n.  2524).  Strabo  speaks  of  the  T/)«%a>5j  as  two  hills  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Damascus  (Strabo,  xvi.  2.  20,  p.  756  :  vvioKnurui  I 
uvTyi;  Ivo  y.iyoy.i'jot  "ho^oi  Hpu-xuvH ',  compare  also  xvi.  2.  16,  p.  755). 
Eusebius  places  Trachonitis  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Bostra 
{Onomasticon,  s.v.  'Izovpxix,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  268  :  Tpxx'-'v'iTi:  oi  x.a,XslTcii  vi 
■zaoce.-'Ciiu.i'j-^  Xupoe,  tJ]  tpviuat  tyi  x-ctToi  Biarpccv  rvj;  Aox/SiXi.  Ibid.  S.V. 
Kxyxd,  p.  269  :  nehxt  Be  kuI  ht  x.»i  s/vu  iv  Tox-^uvt  -^rhriiiov  Boarcuv.  Ibid, 
s.v.  "YpxycwATi:,  p.  298  :  'iartv  oi  kxI  I'Triy.ituot,  VioarpZiu  kxto.  t/iu  'ipvu^ov  "Trpoi 
voTov  u(;  Wi  Aot.utx.ax.iu).  Also  in  a  rabbinical  treatise  on  the  boundaries 
of  Palestine  the  statement  occurs  :  "  Trachon,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Bostra"  {jer.  Shebiith  vi.  1,  fol.  36c;  Tosephta  Shebiith  iv.  ed.  Zuckcr- 
mandel,  p.  66,  10;  ,S%/ire,  section  Ekeb,  at  the  end.  The  Jerusalem 
Talmud  has  mVinb  Dnnoi  NJiairo,  "  Trachon,  which  borders  on  Bostra." 
Compare  on  the  whole  subject :  Neubauer,  G^ographie  du  Talmud,  pp. 
10-21  ;  and,  especially,  Hildesheimer,  Bcitriige  zur  Geographic  Paliistinas, 
Berlin  1886  [on  Trachon,  pp.  55-57]).  The  Targums  identify  XJI^IO  ^vith 
the  biblical  Argob  {OnJcelos,  Deut.  iii.  4, 13  f.).  Pliny  speaks  of  Trachonitis 
as  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Panias  (Pliny,  Hist.  Naturalis,  v.  74) ;  Ptolemy 
(v.  15.  26)  speaks  of  the  TpaxuMrxt  " i\px(ii;  as  dwelling  to  the  east  of 
Batanea.     The  latter  passage  is  indeed  explained  by  Waddington,  Comptes 


12  THE  EOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

territory  in  later  times.     The  population  was  a  mixed  one  ;  and 

rendus  de  VAcademie  des  inscr.  1865,  p.  102  sq.,  as  meaning  rather  the 
reverse,  namely,  that  Batanea  proper  lay  to  the  east  of  Trachonitis  ;  but 
his  exposition  hardly  commends  itself. — In  determining  the  meaning  of 
Luke  iii.  1,  it  is  of  interest  to  note  that  Philo,  or  rather  Agrippa  in  the 
letter  communicated  by  Philo,  uses  the  abbreviated  expression  :  ttju 
Hocx.xuuItiv  "hiyoi/.ivYiu,  to  describe  the  whole  territory  of  Philip,  just  as  for 
the  territories  of  Herod  Antipas  he  uses  the  phrase  :  r'/jv  TccXi'Xc/Jciv  ;  both 
a  parte potio7-i,  as  in  Luke.  See  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  §  41,  ed.  Mangey, 
ii.  593  fin. 

Aurauitis  is  the  pin  mentioned  by  Ezekiel,  xlvii.  16, 18  ;  which  also  in 

the  Mishna,  Rosh  hashana  ii.  4,  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  stations  for  the 
five  signals  from  Judea  to  Babylon.  Some  manuscripts  of  the  Mishna 
have  plin,  others  p^ri-  Since  the  Hauran,  according  to  the  context  of 
the  Mishna,  must  be  a  mountain,  Auranitis  is  undoubtedly  the  country 
round  about  the  mountain  peak,  which  now  is  called  Jebel  Hauran. 

Gaulanitis  has  its  name  from  the  town  Golan,  which  in  the  Bible  is 
reckoned  in  Bashan  (Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Josh.  xx.  8,  xxi.  27  ;  1  Chron.  vi.  56  ; 
Eusebius,  Onoraasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  242).  Josephus  distinguishes 
Upper  and  Lower  Gaulanitis,  and  remarks  that  in  the  latter  lies  the  city 
Gamala  (Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  1  ;  according  to  the  same  passage,  Gamala 
lay  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  lake  of  Gennezaret).  According  to  TFars 
of  the  Jeus,  iii.  3.  1,  Gaulanitis  formed  the  eastern  boundary  of  Galilee. 
Hence  Gaulanitis  is  practically  within  the  same  lines  as  what  is  now 
called  Djaulan,  embracing  the  lowlands  east  of  the  Jordan  from  its  source 
down  to  the  southern  point  of  the  lake  of  Gennezaret.  A  detailed 
description  of  it  is  given  by  Schumacher  in  the  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen 
Falastina-Vereins,  ix,  1886. 

The  district  of  Panias,  at  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (see  on  the  town 
Panias,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  132-135),  had  in  earlier  times  belonged  to 
Zenodorus,  and  before  that  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Itureans  (see  Appendix  I. 
at  the  close  of  this  volume).  So  far  the  statement  of  Luke  is  not  alto- 
gether incorrect,  that  Philip  also  ruled  over  Iturea.  But  that  district 
formed,  indeed,  only  a  small  portion  of  what  had  been  the  kingdom  of  the 
Itureans.  The  Itureans  proper  had  their  dwelling  in  the  Lebanon  (see 
Appendix  I.),  and  during  the  period  a.d.  38-49  were  under  the  sovereignty 
of  a  certain  Soemus  (Dio  Cassius,  lix.  12  ;  Tacitus,  xii.  23),  while  at  that 
same  time  Agrippa  I.  had  in  his  possession  the  whole  tetrarchy  of  Philip 
(Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  10,  xix.  8.  2).  Iturea  proper  cannot  therefore 
have  belonged  to  the  domain  of  Philip  (see  Keim  in  Schenkel's  Bihellexi- 
kon,  iii.  41).  Wetzstein's  idea  is  certainly  wrong,  that  Iturea  is  to  be 
placed  upon  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Hauran. 

Compare  generally  on  the  districts  above  named :  Eeland,  Palaestina, 
pp.  106-110,  193-203  ;  Gesenius,  Thesaurus,  pp.  249  sq.,  458  sq.,  285  sq.; 
Hitter,  Erdkunde,  xv.  800-1001  ;  Eaumer,  FaUistina,  p.  226  flf.  ;  the  articles 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKOD,  13 

the  non- Jewish, ^'.c.  Syrian  and  Greek, element  prevailed.*  riiilip 
himself  was  certainly  a  real  exception  among  the  sons  and 

on  Basan,  Traclionitis,  Havran  or  Hauran,  and  Golan  in  tlic  Biblical 
Dictionaries  of  Smith,  Kitto,  Fairbairn,  Winer,  Sclienkel,  and  Rielini  ; 
r.  W.  Schultz  in  Herzog's  Beal-EncydojMedie,  2  Aiifl.  ii.  112-llG  (article 
"  Basan")  ;  Cless  in  Pauly's  Eeal-Encydojmedie,  vi.  2,  2038  f.,  art.  "  Tracho- 
nitis  ;"  Kuhn,  Die  stddtische  und  biirgerliche  Verfassung  des  rom.  Eeichs,  ii. 
381  f.,  384  f.;  Porter,  "Historico-Geographical  History  of  Bashan"  (in 
Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  new  series,  vol.  vi.  1854,  ])p.  281-313);  Five 
Years  in  Damascus,  1855,  ii.  250-275  ;  Wetzstein,  Eeisehericht  iiher  Hauran 
und  die  Trachonen,  1860,  pp.  36  f.,  82-92  ;  Wetzstein's  Excursus  to  De- 
litzsch's  Commentary  on  Job;  Waddington,  ComjHes  rendus  de  VAcade'mie 
des  inscriptions  et  belles-lettres,  1865,  pp.  82-89,  102-109.  The  treatise  of 
Noldeke,  Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  1875,  p.  419  ff.,  deals  with  the  sixth  century 
after  Christ. 

With  reference  to  the  southern  limits  of  the  tetrarchy  of  Philip  this 
much  may  be  accepted  with  confidence,  that  the  region  round  about  the 
cities  now  called  Bosra  and  Salkhat,  south  of  the  Hauran,  did  not  belong 
to  his  domain,  as  is  proved  by  inscriptions  discovered  in  these  cities 
bearing  the  names  of  the  Arabian  kings  Malchus  and  Aretas.  See  de 
Vogiie,  Syrie  centrale,  hiscriiMons  s^mitiques  (1868),  pp.  103,  107.  On  the 
other  hand,  Hebran,  on  the  southern  slope  of  the  Hauran,  still  belonged 
to  his  territory  ;  for  an  Aramaic  inscription  found  there  is  dated  not 
according  to  the  years  of  the  reign  of  an  Arabian  king,  but  according  to 
the  years  of  Claudius  :  "  In  the  month  Tizri  in  the  seventh  year  of  the 
Emperor  Claudius  "  =  a.d.  46.  See  de  Vogiie',  p.  100.  From  this,  there- 
fore, one  may  conclude  that  Hebran  belonged  to  the  domain  of  Philip, 
and  that  in  a.d.  37  it  was  given  over  to  Agrippa  I.,  and  was  after  his 
death  placed  under  Roman  administration.  Compare  the  remarks  of  Le 
Bas  and  Waddington,  Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n.  2286. 

*  In  Batanea,  Herod  the  Great,  in  the  last  years  of  his  reign,  had  settled 
a  Jewish  colony  from  Babylon,  under  the  leadership  of  a  certain  Zamaris, 
and  conferred  on  them  the  privilege  of  complete  freedom  from  taxation, 
which  was  also,  in  all  essential  points,  respected  by  Philij).  See  Antiq. 
xvii.  2.  1-3.  For  the  history  of  this  colony,  compare  also  Josephus, 
Life,  11  ;  De  Saulcy,  "  Monnaies  des  Zamarides"  (Numismatic  Chronicle, 
1871,  pp.  157-181).  These  "coins  of  the  Zamaridae"  are  in  the  highest 
degree  problematical. — In  Traclionitis,  Herod  the  Great  had  settled  3000 
Idumeans,  to  whom  he  assigned  the  task  of  maintaining  the  peace  of  the 
district  against  the  robber  ])ands  which  inhabited  it.  See  Antiq.  xvi.  9.  2. 
— The  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  however,  was  pagan,  as  is  proved  by 
the  large  proportion  of  the  Greek  inscriptions  of  that  region  which  are 
still  preserved.  Compare  also,  in  general,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  3.  5 :  o'lKovot 
"hi  etvrviv  ^iyxhzi  '  Xw^ouai  n  kxi  'S.vpot  ;  and,  in  addition,  Div.  II.  vol.  i. 
p.  4. 


14  THE  ROMAN-UERODIAN  AGE. 

grandsons  of  Herod.  While  all  the  others,  copying  fathers  and 
grandfathers,  were  ambitious,  imperious,  harsh,  and  tyrannical 
toward  their  subjects,  nothing  but  what  is  honourable  is  told 
of  Philip.  His  reign  was  mild,  just,  and  peaceful.  To  the 
traditions  of  his  father  he  remained  faithful  only  in  this,  that 
he  also  sought  renown  in  the  construction  of  great  buildings. 
The  building  of  two  cities  by  him  is  expressly  reported.  The 
ancient  Panias,  at  the  sources  of  the  Jordan,  north  of  the  lake 
of  Gennezaret,  he  rebuilt,  with  larger  dimensions,  and  gave 
it,  in  honour  of  the  emperor,  the  name  of  Caesarea.  To  dis- 
tinguish it  from  the  well-known  Caesarea  by  the  sea,  it  was 
called  Caesarea  Philippi,  under  which  name  we  are  familiar 
with  it  in  the  Gospel  history  (Matt.  xvi.  13  ;  Mark  viii.  27). 
The  other  city  which  he  rebuilt  was  the  Bethsaida^  situated  at 
the  point  where  the  Jordan  enters  into  the  lake  of  Gennezaret, 
which,  in  honour  of  the  daughter  of  Augustus,  he  named 
Julias.^  Josephus  tells  of  him,  incidentally,  that  he  first  dis- 
covered and  proved  that  the  supposed  sources  of  the  Jordan  at 
Panias  obtained  their  water  by  a  subterranean  passage  from 
the  so-called  Phiala.  Philip  demonstrated  this  by  throwing 
in  chaff  into  the  Phiala,  which  came  out  again  at  Panias.^ 

"We  know,  however,  nothing  more  about  his  reign  beyond 
what  Josephus  tells  us  in   reporting  his   death :  ^   "  He  had 

*  To  be  distinguished,  probably,  from  the  New  Testament  town  of  that 
name.     See,  however,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  136. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  2.  1  ;  Wars  oftIieJeu's,u.9. 1. — On  both  cities, 
the  time  of  their  building  and  their  subsequent  history,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i. 
pp.  133-136. 

'  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  in.  10.  7.  According  to  the  description 
of  Josephus,  the  "  Phiala"  can  scarcely  be  anything  else  than  the  present 
Birket  Ram.  But  then  the  story  told  by  him  is  not  possible,  owing  to 
the  relative  levels.  See  Eitter,  Erdkunde,  xv.  1. 174-177 ;  Robinson,  Later 
Biblical  Researches,  p.  400  ;  Stanley,  Sinai  and  Palestine,  p.  394  ;  Guerin, 
Galilee,  ii.  329-331  ;  Schumacher,  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Falastina- 
Vereins,  ix.  1886,  p.  256  f.  (with  map). 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  6  :  TiT^ivtcc  .   .  .  (/.irpiov  iu  oi;  vjpx,i  Trxptnaxuv 

rov    TpO-TTOV    KCCi     XTpol.'/ l^OUU.        AlXlT»l/    ftSV    yUf    TO    Xa*    il/  TYI  yji  T)5   UTTOriT^tl 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  15 

sliown  himself  a  person  of  moderation  and  quietness  in  the 
conduct  of  his  life  and  government.  He  constantly  lived  in 
that  country  which  was  subject  to  him.  He  used  to  make 
his  progress  with  a  few  chosen  friends;  his  tribunal,  also,  on 
which  he  sat  in  judgment,  followed  him  in  his  progress ;  and 
when  any  one  met  him  who  wanted  his  assistance,  he  made  no 
delay,  but  had  his  tribunal  set  down  immediately,  whereso- 
ever he  happened  to  be,  and  sat  down  upon  it  and  heard  his 
complaint ;  he  then  ordered  the  guilty,  that  were  convicted, 
to  be  punished,  and  absolved  those  that  were  accused  un- 
justly." —  Of  his  private  life  we  know  only  that  he  was 
married  to  Salome,  daughter  of  Herodias,  and  that  there  were 
no  children  by  this  marriage.^ — According  to  his  political 
principles,  he  was  a  consistent  friend  of  the  Eomans,  and  laid 
great  value  upon  the  favour  of  the  emperor.  Tiiis  is  shown 
not  only  in  his  giving  to  his  cities  the  names  of  Caesarea  and 
Julias,  but  also  in  his  impressing  upon  his  coins  the  images  of 
Augustus  and  Tiberius, — this  being  the  first  instance  in 
which  any  likeness  was  engraven  on  the  coins  of  a  Jewish 
prince.^" 

tTTOis^ro'  'TTporjOoi  o'  t)ixv  xi/TO)  avu  cihtyoig  tuv  i'TrO^iKzuv,  xxl  toO  dfiovov  ti;  ov 
Kpiuiii  xecdi^ofifjo;  ii>  rxi;  6ooi;  iTroyAvcv,  oVo'rs  r/j  inron/Tixacc;  eu  '/cpnx 
yivono  xiiTu  t'TrtjioriQiiu,  oi/osi/  it;  uvx^fihoii  xKTC  sk  rou  o^io;  iopvasug  tov 
dp'Ji/ov  Yj  y.xl  rv'/^oi  ytvof/Ai/yi;  Kxdii^o/nsvo;  ij^poxTO,  kxI  rif^aoix;  r£  iTrtrif/.x 
Toi;  xhovai  kxI  ij^iit  rov;  xhiKu;  iv  syK>.'/j/.ixai  y-vof^ii/ov;.  —  The  judge's 
sitting  upon  the  sella  was  a  necessary  formality,  without  which  tlie 
decision  would  have  no  legal  effect.  Examples  :  Matt,  xxvii.  19  ;  John 
xix.  13  ;  Acts  xxv.  6  ;  Josephus,  JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  3  (Pilate),  ii.  14.  8 
(Florus),  iii.  10.  10  (Vespasian).  Generally  on  the  sella  curulis  and  the 
sitting  of  the  magistrate.  Rein  in  Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  vi.  1.  9G0  ; 
ilomrasen,  liomisches  Staatsrecht,  i.  315  ff. 
'■'  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  4. 

1"  In  explanation  of  this,  it  should  be  remembered  that  Philip's  domain 
was  predominantly  pagan. —  Compare  on  tlie  coins:  Eckhel,  iii.  490  sq.  ; 
Mionnet,  v.  5G6  s'p  ;  Lenormant,  Tresor  de  numismatiqite,  p.  126,  pi.  Ix. 
n.  1-2  ;  Madden,  Histonj  of  Jewish  Coinaye,  pp.  100-102  ;  De  Saulcy, 
"  Notes  sur  les  monnaies  de  Philippe  le  tetrarque"  (Annuaire  de  la  Society 
Jrangaise  de  Numismatique  et  d'Archeologie,  t.  iii.  1868-1873,  pp.  262-265) ; 


16  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Philip  died,  after  a  reign  of  thirty-seven  years,  in  the  20th 
year  of  Tiberius,  a.d.  33-34,  and  was  buried  in  the  tomb 
built  by  himself. ^^  Hiy  territory  was  then  added  to  that 
of  Syria,  but  retained  the  right  of  administering  its  own 
revenues ; "  and  was  again,  after  a  few  years,  made  over  to 
a  prince  of  the  Herodian  family.  The  Emperor  Caligula, 
immediately  after  his  succession  to  the  throne,  in  March 
a.d.  37,  gifted  the  tetrarchy  of  Philip  to  Agrippa,  a  son  of 
that  Aristobolus  who  had  been  executed  by  his  father  Herod, 
and  so  a  grandson  of  Herod  and  Mariamme.'^ 

Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881,  pp.  123-127  (tins  is  tlie  most  complete 
exposition);  De  Saiilcy,  "  Monnaie  inedite  de  Philippe  le  tetrarque" 
(Anmiaire  de  la  Societe  fr.  de.  Num.  et  dJArch.  t.  v.,  or,  seconde  serie,  t.  i. 
fasc.  3,  1879,  p.  181  sq.).  —  The  coins  have  on  the  one  side  the  name  of 
Philip,  OIAinnOT  TETPAPXOT,  with  the  image  of  a  temple  and  the 
number  of  the  year  12,  16,  19,  33,  37  (the  number  of  the  year  IB  =  12  in 
Madden,  Coins,  p.  125,  and  on  an  example  in  de  Saulcy,  Annuaire,  v.  3. 
181  sq.,  not  given  by  Madden).  The  year  numbers  26  and  29,  given  by 
Mionnet,  are  regarded  by  de  Saulcy  as  false  readings.  The  coins  of  the 
year  37  (first  communicated  by  Madden,  History,  p.  102)  belong  to  the  last 
year  of  Philip,  a.d.  33-34.  The  coins  of  the  year  12  and  16  =  a.d.  8-9  or 
12-13,  have  on  the  obverse  the  head  of  Augustus  and  the  inscription 
KAICAFI  CEBACTfl  (fragmentary)  ;  those  of  the  years  19,  33,  37  have 
the  head  of  Tiberius,  with  a  similar  inscription  :  those  of  37  have  the  full 
name  TIBEPIOC  CEBACTOC  KAICAP.— The  temple  engraved  on  all 
the  coins  is  indeed  the  temple  of  Augustus  at  Panias  which  Herod  the 
Great  had  built  {Antiq.  xv.  10.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  21.  3).  The  type  is 
therefore  wholly  pagan. — The  image  and  name  of  the  emperor  are  also 
found  on  the  coins  of  many  other  dependent  kings,  from  the  time  of 
Augustus  onward  ;  yet  there  are  still  instances  in  which  all  allusion  to 
the  supreme  imperial  authority  is  wanting.  See  Bolin,  Qua  condicione 
juris  reges  socii  2)opuli  Eomani  fuerint,  1877,  pp.  45-49. 

11  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  6. — The  20th  year  of  Tiberius  began  on  the 
19th  August  A.D.  33.  The  37th  year  of  Philip  ended,  if  we  reckon  from 
Nisan  to  Nisan  (compare  vol.  i.  p.  465),  in  spring  A.U.C.  787  =  a.d.  34. 
Philip  therefore  died  in  the  winter  of  a.d.  33-34, 

1^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  6. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  10  ;  JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  6. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD,  1*7 

h.  Herod  Antipas,  b.c.  4-a.d.  39. 

Sources. 
JoSEPHUS,  Antiq.  xviii.  2.  1  and  3,  4.  5,  5.  1-3,  7.  1-2  ;   Wars  of  the  Jev:s, 

ii.  9.  1,  6. 
In  the  New  Testament :  Matt.  xiv.  1-11  ;  Mark  vL  14-28  ;  Luke  iii.  19  f., 

ix.  7-9,  xiii.  31,  xxiii.  7-12. 
On  the  coins,  see  below. 

LiTERATDRE. 

Geikie,  Life  and  Words  of  Christ,  7th  ed.  London  1879,  i.  298-302,  500, 

ii.  182. 
EwAIiD,  Histortj  of  Israel,  vi.  74-80,  vii.  241,  242. 
Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgescliichte,  2  Aufl.  i.  284  fT.,  325  ff.,  ii. 

207  ff.,  221  ff. 
Winer,  Realwdiierlmch,  i.  484. 
Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis  of  the  Four  Gospels,  pp.  50,  159,  216. 

Also  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  2  Aufl.  i.  465  f. 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  i.  269,  ii.  333,  340,  392,  iv.  217,  vi.  103.     Also  iii 

Schenkel's  Bihellexikon,  iii.  42-46. 
Gerlach  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  luth.  Theologie,  1869,  pp.  32-53. 
Lewin,  Fasti  Sacri  (see  Index,  p.  408). 
Brann,  Die  Sdhne  des  Herodes,  1873  (reprint  from  the  Monatsschrift  fiir 

Geschichte  und  Wisscnschaft  des  Judenthums),  pp.  17-76. 

In  the  partition  of  their  father's  possessions,  a  larger  slice 
tlian  that  given  to  Philip  fell  to  the  lot  of  his  half-brother 
Antipas,  or,  as  he  is  frequently  called  by  Josephus,  on  the 
coins,  and  in  the  New  Testament,  Herod,  to  whom,  as  well  as 
to  Philip,  was  given   the    title   of  tetrarch.^      His  territory, 

1  Thus  is  he  correctly  named  in  Matt.  xiv.  1 ;  Luke  iii.  19 ;  on  the  other 
hand,  he  is  incorrectly  called  fixatXiv;  in  Mark  vi.  14. — Since  Herod 
Antipas  is  the  only  Herod  who  bore  the  title  of  tetrarch,  the  two  following 
inscriptions  are  nndoubtedly  to  be  referred  to  him.  They  give  evidence, 
at  the  same  time,  of  his  foreign  travels  : — 

(&)  On  the  island  of  Cos  (Corpus  Inscript.  Graec.  n.  2502) : 

'Hpuoov  Tou  ^otai'Kiu;   viov, 
Ttrpoip'/,inv, 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  B 


18  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

embracing  Galilee  aud  Perea,  was  indeed  broken  up  into  two 
parts  by  the  so-called  Decaj)olis,  which  came  in  like  a  wedge 
between  Galilee  and  Perea."  But  for  this  he  was  amply 
indemnified  by  the  fact  that  the  half  of  his  domains  con- 
sisted of  the  beautiful,  fertile,  and  thickly-populated  Galilee, 
with  its  vigorous  and  brave,  though  freedom-loving  inhabit- 
ants.^ In  point  of  character,  Antipas  was  a  genuine  son  of 
old  Herod, — sly,  ambitious,  and  luxurious,  only  not  so  able  as 
his  father.*  In  regard  to  his  slyness  we  have  unmistakable 
evidence  from  the  life  of  Jesus,  who,  on  a  memorable  occasion, 
attached  to  him  tlie  designation  of  ''  that  fox."  ^  It  was 
always  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  craft  in  order  to  keep 
the  Galileans  in  order,  and  to  guard  the  frontiers  of  Perea 
against  the  robber  raids  of  the  Arabians.  For  the  defence  of 
Galilee  he  rebuilt  Sepphoris,  that  had  been  destroyed  by  fire 
by  the  soldiers  of  Varus  (see  above,  p.  4),  and  surrounded  it 
with  strong  walls.  And  for  the  defence  of  Perea  he  fortified 
Betharamphtha,  and  named  it  after  the  emperor's  wife  Livias 

{b)  On  the  island  of  Delos  {Bulletin  de  correspondance  helleniqxie,  t.  iii. 
1879,  p.  365  sq.)  : 

O     S^,t40.C     0    '  h\_8/\yociuV    KCtl     0(] 

x,ci.~oix.o[i>ure;  rvju   vv)aov\ 

TlTpcip^nV     clpir7l[;    ifUCl!/    Koci     iVVOi-"] 

u;  T'^j  f/f  ia.vTOv\j  .   .   .   clui$r}x,{xu'\. 

2  Compare  the  map  in  Menke's  Bihelatlas. — On  the  Decapolis  (Matt, 
iv.  25  ;  Mark  v.  20,  vii.  31),  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  94-121. 

^  Compare  the  description  of  Galilee  in  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeivs, 
iii.  3.  2-3,  10.  8. 

■*  Josephus  in  Antiq.  xviii.  7.  2,  characterizes  him  as  dyocTruu  rviu 
ijTvx'iccv. 

*  Luke  xiii.  32. — Hofmann,  SchrLftheu-eis,  ii.  1.  315  ;  Geilach,  Zeitschrift 
fur  luth.  Theologie,  1869,  p.  36 ;  and  Volkmar,  DieEvangelien,  1870,  p.  499  f., 
explain  the  use  of  the  phrase  "  that  fox,'"'  not  as  a  symbol  of  craftiness, 
but  as  that  of  open  robbery  and  rapacity.  See,  on  the  other  hand,  Keim, 
Jesus  of  Nazara,  iv.  344;  and  Hamburger,  Real-Encydop.  fiir  Bihel  und 
Talmud,  Abth.  i.  (1870)  art.  "  Fuchs."  In  the  Talmud  the  fox  is  expressly 
designated  as  "being  regarded  as  the  sliest  among  the  beasts,"  vi?J?  piDISti' 
r,1\-;3L"  npD  {h.  Bemchoth  Q\h\ 


§   17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEROD.  19 

or  Julias.^  He  was  also  imdoubtedly  induced  by  political 
motives  to  marry  the  daughter  of  the  Arabian  king  Aretas/ 
He  thought  that  in  this  way  he  would  be  better  able  than  by 
all  fortifications  to  secure  the  country  against  the  inroads  of 
the  Arabians ;  and  perhaps  it  was  Augustus  liinisclt"  who 
persuaded  him  to  enter  on  this  marriage.^ 

Like  all  the  Herods,  Herod  Antipas  delighted  in  magnificent 
buildings.  In  tliis  direction  he  was  particularly  taken  up 
with  the  idea  of  building  a  splendid  capital,  which  he  under- 
took during  the  time  of  Tiberius.^  He  selected,  as  the  site 
for  his  city,  the  most  beautiful  spot  in  Galilee,  the  western 
bank  of  the  lake  of  Gennezaret,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
warm  springs  of  Enmiaus.  The  choice  of  this  spot  was  in 
one  respect  not  a  happy  one.  For  just  on  that  spot  on  whicli 
the  city  was  built,  as  became  apparent  from  the  sepulchral 
monuments,  was  an  ancient  burying-ground,  and  the  inhabit- 
ing of  such  a  place  was  impossible  to  the  Jews  who  strictly 
observed  the  law,  since  every  contact  with  a  grave  occasioned 
ceremonial  impurity  of  seven  days.^"  Herod  was  therefore 
obliged,  in  order  to  secure  inhabitants  for  his  city,  to  settle 
there  by  force  many  foreigners,  adventurers,  and  beggars,  so 
that  the  population  was  of  a  very  mixed  description.  But  in 
regard  to.  the  beauty  of  the  buildings  nothing  more  perfect 
could   be   desired.      It   had,  among   other  public  structures,  a 

*  Joseplius,  yljiii^.  xviii.  2.  ]  ;  JFars  of  the  Jcus,  ii.  9.  ]. — On  both  citioH, 
and  on  the  change  ol'  the  narues  Livias  and  Julias,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i. 
pp.  141-143. 

'  Josephus,  Aniiq.  xviii.  5.  1. — On  Aretas  and  the  Nabatean  kings 
generally,  see  Appendix  II. 

**  Compare  Suetonius,  Augustus,  c.  48:  "  Reges  socios  etiam  inter  seniet 
ipsos  necessitudinibus  niutuis  junxit,  promptissiinus  aflinitatis  cujusijue 
atque  amicitiae  conciliator  ct  fautor." 

'•*  On  the  time  of  the  building  of  Tiberias,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  143, 144. 

^'*  Num.  xix.  16;  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  2.  3.  More  detailed  jiai- 
ticulars  about  im])urity  caused  by  giaves  are  given  in  Mishna  Vhuloth 
xvii.,  xviii. 


20  THE  KOMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

ardBiov  '^  and  a  royal  palace,  which,  indeed,  by  its  figures  of 
animals  gave  offence,  and  during  the  war  with  the  Iionians 
was  sacrificed  to  the  fanaticism  of  the  Jews.'^  Also  there 
was  not  wanting  a  Jewish  Trpocrev^')],  a  fieyiarov  ooKijfia.^^ 
The  constitution  of  the  city  was  wholly  modelled  upon  the 
Hellenistic  pattern.  It  had  a  council,  ^ov\i],  of  600  mem- 
bers, with  an  ap-^cov,  and  a  committee  of  the  Se'/ca  irpwroi ; 
also  Hyparchs  and  an  Agoranomos.  In  honour  of  the 
emperor  the  new  capital  was  named  Tiberias.'* 

During  the  time  of  Pilate,  a.d.  26-36,  Antipas,  together 
with  his  brother,  successfully  made  complaints  against  Pilate  on 
account  of  his  having  set  up  an  offensive  votive  shield  in  the 
palace  at  Jerusalem.^^  And  as  he  was  in  this  instance  the 
representation  of  the  Jewish  claims,  he  also  did  not  venture 
otherwise,  notwithstanding  his  paganish  buildings  at  Tiberias, 
to  break  away  completely  from  the  traditions  of  Judaism,  and 
even  in  this  respect  showed  himself  a  true  son  of  Herod. 
Prom  the  Gospel  we  know  that  he  went  up  to  the  feast  at 
Jerusalem  (Luke  xxiii.  7) ;  and  his  coins,  just  like  those  of 
old  Herod,  have  upon  them  no  image.^® 

^^  Joseplms,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  21.  6,  iii.  10.  10  ;  Life,  17,  64. 

1-  Joseplms,  Life,  12.  ^^  Joseplius,  Life,  54. 

I''  Compare  on  the  building  of  Tiberias  generally  :  Joseplius,  Antiq. 
xviii.  2.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  1  ;  Life,  9.  For  further  details  about 
llie  city  and  the  nature  of  its  institution,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  143-147. 

^^  Philo,  Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  30  (ed.  Mangey,  ii.  589  sq.). — Philo  indeed 
<loes  not  mention  the  name  of  Antipas,  but  states  that  "  o/  ilxut'Kicu^ 
[  HjOwdov]  vitl;  Tirrocpig  ovx  etTrooiouT:;  to  t£  d^iufMH  Kotl  rotj  Ti>)^ct;  toiv 
/SasfT/Aeay"  made  themselves  specially  prominent  in  the  business.  Philip 
and  Antipas  were  first  of  all  intended  by  this  .statement.  Archelaus  was 
no  longer  resident  in  Palestine  after  a.d.  6.  But  it  remains  questionable 
who  the  other  two  are.  We  know  expressly  from  Antiq.  xvii.  1.  3  ;  Wars 
of  the  Jews,  i.  28.  4,  that  there  were  still  three  sons  of  Herod  who  might 
be  named  in  this  connection  :  1.  Herod,  son  of  Mariamme  ;  2.  Herod,  son 
of  Cleopatra  ;  and  3.  Phasael,  son  of  Pallas. 

^''  On  the  coins  of  Herod  Antipas,  compare  Eckhel,  iii.  486-490 ; 
Mionnet,  v.  566  ;  Lenormant,  Tre'sor  de  Numismatique,  p.  125,  pi.  lix.  n. 
16-20;  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numisviatik,  i.  53,  58-60;   L&vy,  Geschichte 


§   17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  21 

The  complaint  against  Pilate  was  probably  not  made  berort> 
A.D.  3G."  Also  what  we  otherwise  known  of  Herod  Antipas 
belongs  to  the  later  period,  somewhere  in  the  last  ten  years 
of  his  reign.  During  that  period  he  was  almost  wholly  under 
tlie  influence  of  a  woman,  vvlio  occasioned  to  him  a  whole 
series  of  misfortunes.  When  once  he  made  a  journey  to 
Eome,  we  know  not  for  what  jDurpose,  nor  exactly  at  what 
time,  he  started  before  the  departure  of  his  half-brother  Herod, 
the  son  of  Mariamme  the  high  priest's  daughter,  who  had  been 
designated  eventual  successor  to  the  throne  in  the  first  will 
of  Herod  (see  vol  i.  p.  462).      That  Herod  was  married  to 

derjiid.  Munzev,  p.  80  ;  Madden,  Hidory  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  95-99  ;  De 
Saulcy,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1871,  p.  254  ;  Madden,  Numismatic 
Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  47-49 ;  De  Saulcy,  Melanges  de  Numismatique,  t.  ii. 
1877,  p.  92  ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881,  pp.  118-122  (this  gives  the 
most  complete  list). — The  coins  fall  into  two  classes  :  1.  The  one  class 
has  the  inscription  HPriAOT  TETPAPXOT,  with  the  number  of  the 
year,  33,  34,  37,  38  ;  on  the  other  side  the  name  of  the  city,  TIBEPIA2. 
2.  The  other  class  has  tlie  inscription  HPnAIIS  TETPAPXII2  ;  on  the 
other  side,  PAin  KAICAPI  FEPMANIKH.  Of  this  second  cla.ss  then- 
are  only  three  examples  which  can  be  with  certainty  identified,  all  with 
the  year  number  MP  or  43  — a. D.  39-40.  Since  this  was  most  probably  tin- 
last  year  of  Herod  Antipas,  the  existence  of  the  year  number  44,  which 
some  prefer  to  read,  is  extremely  questionable.  One  of  the  two  who  con- 
tend for  this  date,  Vaillant,  is  generally  not  to  be  depended  on  ;  the 
other,  Freret,  describes  a  coin  (in  the  Me'moires  de  VAcade'mie  des  Inscrip- 
tions et  Belles- Lettres,  alte  serie,  t.  xxi.  1754,  p.  293,  according  to  a 
manuscript  by  Erland)  which  had  on  one  side  the  inscription  HPHAOT 
TETPAPXOT  {sic),  while  the  inscription  on  the  other  side  was  quite 
illegible.  The  coin  seems  therefore  to  have  belonged  to  the  first  class, 
and  it  may  be  reasonably  conjectured  that  instead  of  MA,  44,  should  be 
read  AA,  34.  Compare,  however,  what  is  said  in  vol.  i.  jx  465. — The 
coins  of  Antipas,  with  the  name  of  the  emperor,  without  his  image,  occupy 
a  middle  position  between  those  of  Herod  the  Groat,  which  have  neither 
name  nor  image  of  the  emperor,  and  those  of  Philiji,  which  have 
both. 

1'  This  conclusion  may  be  drawn  from  Philo,  Legnt.  ad  Cajum,  §  24 
(ed.  Mangey,  ii.  569),  according  to  which  Tiberius,  during  the  lifetime  cf 
Ssjanus  (who  died  A.D.  31),  was  unfavourably  disposed  toward  the  Jews, 
whereas  after  his  death  he  became  decidedly  favourable  to  their  religious 
peculiarities. 


22  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Herodias,  a  daiigliter  of  Aristobulus,  executed  in  B.C.  7.'* 
The  issue  of  this  marriage  was  Salome,  the  wife  of  the  tetrarch 
Philip,  who  was  then  not  the  first  husband,  as  the  Gospels 
tell  us,  but  the  son-in-law  of  Herodias.^^  When  now  Antipas 
paid  a  visit  to  the  house  of  his  brother,  he  was  fascinated  by 
Herodias,  and  made  his  proposals  of  marriage,  to  which  the 
ambitious  woman  readily  assented.  It  was  arranged  that 
Herod  on  his  return  from  Rome  should  divorce  his  wife,  the 
daughter  of  Aretas,  and  should  be  married  to  Herodias. 
With  this  promise  he  proceeded  on  his  journey  to  Eome. 
On  his  return,  his  wife,  who  had  meanwhile  obtained  infor- 
mation about  the  proposed  procedure,  entreated  him  that  he 
would  have  her  sent  to  Machiirus,  the  strong  fortress  east  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  which  then  belonged  to  Aretas.      Since  Antipas 

1^  Compare  on  Herodias,  Winer,  IIJFB.  i.  486  ;  Keini  in  Sclienkels 
Bibellexikon,  iii.  46-49. 

^^  Joseijlius,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  4. — Philip  is  named  as  first  liusLand  of 
Herodias  in  Mark  vi.  17.  Tlie  parallel  passage,  Matt.  xiv.  3,  omits  the 
name  in  cod.  D,  and  is  put  in  brackets  by  Tischendorf  (ed.  8),  but  is 
inclined,  owing  to  the  nnanimous  testimony  of  all  the  other  manuscripts, 
to  hold  it  as  genuine.  In  Luke  iii.  19,  on  the  other  hand,  where  it  is 
inserted  in  the  textus  receptus,  it  ought  certainly  to  be  struck  out. — Since, 
according  to  Joseph  us,  not  the  tetiarch  Philip,  but  the  above-named 
Heroil,  was  the  first  husband  of  Herodias,  the  statement  of  Mark  and 
Matthew  is  evidently  a  mistake.  Many,  indeed  (among  tlicm  Winer,  li  JVB. 
art.  "  Philippius  "),  seek  to  explain  away  this  mistake  by  assuming  that 
they  gave  to  this  Herod  the  name  Herod  Philip,  who  therefore,  distinct 
indeed  from  the  tetrarch  Philip,  was  meant  by  Mark  and  Matthew.  But 
it  must  be  admitted  as  very  remarkable  that  the  one  name  should  be 
chosen  by  Josephus  and  the  other  by  the  New  Testament  writers  ;  and 
yet  more  peculiar  would  it  have  been  had  the  old  Herod  two  sons  with 
the  name  of  Philip.  If  we  are  to  reason  analogically  from  the  use  of  the 
name  Herod,  whicli  several  of  his  sons  had,  such  reasoning  will  not 
apply  here:  for  that  was  the  family  name.  And  just  as  little  to  the 
purpose  is  the  analogy  of  the  two  brothers,  Antipater  and  Antipas,  for 
these  are  actually  f[uite  different  names.  We  can  therefore  come  to  no 
other  conclusion  than  this,  that  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  two  evangel- 
ists made  a  mistake.  Comjiare  Yolkmar,  Theol.  Jahrhh.  1846,  pp.  363- 
383  •  Kwald,  IliMoyji  of  Israel,  vi.  77  ;  Keim,  Jesus  of  Kazara,  ii.  390 ; 
Schcukel'a   Bibellexikon,  iii.  47. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  23 

(lid  not  desire  that  his  wife  should  know  about  his  secret 
])lans,  he  granted  her  wish.  But  scarcely  had  the  daughter  of 
Aretas  reached  Machiirus,  when  she  fled  thence  to  her  father, 
and  let  him  know  what  friendly  intentions  her  husband 
entertained  regarding  her.  From  that  moment  the  Arabian 
king  took  up  an  attitude  of  direct  opposition  to  Herod 
Antipas.^**  Nevertlieless  Antipas  seems  to  have  proceeded 
immediately  with  his  marriage  with  Herodias. 

At  the  time  of  this  marriage,  or  soon  thereafter,  John  the 
Baptist  and  Jesus  Christ  made  their  appearance,  both  of 
them  carrying  on  their  labours  in  the  domains  of  Antipas,  the 
Baptist  in  Perea,^^  Jesus  in  Galilee.  Of  John  the  Baptist, 
Josephus  gives  the  following  account :"'  "  He  was  a  good  man, 

^<'  Josepluis,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  1. — On  Macharus,  see  vol.  i.  p.  436,  and 
§  20  toward  the  end.  Macharus  at  all  other  periods,  before  and  after, 
formed  part  of  the  Jewish  territory.  Alexander  Jannaeus  fortified  it,  as 
did  also  Herod  the  Great  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  2).  Herod  Antipas 
put  John  the  Baptist  in  prison  there.  In  the  Vespasian  war  it  was  one 
of  the  best  places  of  refuge  for  the  rebels  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  6,  vii. 
G).  It  is  therefore  very  remarkable  that  it  should  tlien  have  belonged  to 
the  Arabian  king.  The  words  of  Josephus  are  as  follows  :  d;  t6v  Majja;- 
pai/vrot  TOTS  \a,l.  tu  -f,  Bekker,  conj.  t6u  r&ij  Trarpi  Mvry;g  vTroTiKri.  It  is 
equally  remarkable  that  Antipas  should  have  guilelessly  allowed  his  wife 
to  go  to  this  fortress  belonging  to  the  Arabian  king.  Or  did  he  con- 
sciously agree  to  it  in  order  to  smooth  the  way  for  her  flight,  wishing 
thus  to  be  rid  of  her  1  Josephus  did  not  so  conceive  of  the  matter,  for 
according  to  his  representation  Herod  Antipas  knew  nothing  of  the 
meditated  flight.  Hitzig  {Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  p.  567)  for  these 
reasons  regards  the  statement  that  Machiii'us  then  belonged  to  Aretas  as 
an  interpolation.  It  may  be,  however,  that,  on  the  contrary,  some  words 
have  dropped  out,  or  that  Josephus  himself  made  a  misstatement  through 
carelessness. 

-^  The  scene  of  the  Baptist's  activity  may  have  been,  as  Keim  {Jesus  of 
Xazara,  ii.  2.31-2.3.5)  su[)po?es,  for  the  most  part  on  this  side  of  Jordan, 
therefore  in  Judea.  But  in  any  case  he  did  actually  work  on  the  other 
bank  in  Perea  is  proved,  not  only  by  the  fourth  evangelist  (i.  2,  8,  iii.  26, 
X.  40),  but  also  by  the  fact  of  the  imprisonment  by  Antipas.  This  is 
admitted  even  by  Keim,  Jesus  of  Namra,  ii.  265,  266. 

^-  Josephu.s,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  2:  Krstusi  toZtov  'Wooihn;  oLyotdov  oLvOpix,  y.xl 
Toii;  'lovoutovg  KiXivovroi,  ecoirxu  iTrccaKoui/rx;  koci  tyi   ^fioc  ai)^'Kv,'>^wz  oty.ui'. 


24  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

and  commanded  the  Jews  to  exercise  virtue,  botli  as  to 
righteousness  towards  one  another  and  piety  towards  God, 
and  so  to  come  to  baptism.  For  the  washing  would  be 
acceptable  to  Him,  if  they  made  use  of  it,  not  in  order  to  the 
putting  away  of  some  sins  only,  but  for  the  purification  of 
the  body;  supposing  still  that  the  soul  was  thoroughly 
purified  beforehand  by  righteousness.  Now,  when  many 
others  came  to  crowd  about  him,  for  they  were  greatly  moved 
by  hearing  his  words,  Herod,  who  feared  lest  the  great 
influence  John  had  over  the  people  might  put  it  into  his 
power  and  inclination  to  raise  a  rebellion  (for  they  seemed 
ready  to  do  anything  he  should  advise),  thought  it  best  by 
putting  him  to  death  to  prevent  any  mischief  he  might  cause, 
and  not  bring  himself  into  difficulties  by  sparing  a  man  who 
might  make  him  repent  of  it  when  it  should  be  too  late. 
Accordingly  he  was  sent  a  prisoner,  out  of  Herod's  suspicious 
temper,  to  Macharus,  the  castle  I  before  mentioned,  and  was 
there  put  to  death."— This  account  by  Josephus,  if  it  really 
belongs  originally  to  him,  and  the  accounts  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment about  the  Baptist  and  his  relation  with  the  tetrarch 
Herod,  mutually  supplement  one  another.  What  Josephus 
says  about  the  contents  of  the  Baptist's  preaching  of  repent- 
ance has  indeed  very  much  of  the  style  of  the  cultured 
Grseco  -  Ptoman  world.  In  this  respect  the  short  statements 
of  the  synoptic  Gospels  are  truer  and  more  reliable.^^      On  the 

T^K  (ixTTTiarJ  oLvoOiKTViv  uiiju  (Pccvsla6»i,  i^Vj  itti  tiuuv  (ky.ocpToiQa'j  irmponzYiaei 
XfUf^i^oiv,  aAA'  10'  ccyviiot  rov  auj^ciTo:,  eirt  S^  x,»l  ty,;  ipv^Vg  itKoctoavtiti 
'nrpoiKx.ix.ctSocpfii'jYig.  K«i  Tuu  oLXhuu  avarpe(pOfiS!/uu  (^Kctl  ydp  v^pS/iactv  £C7(' 
v'huaro'j  TYi  ccKpooiaii  ru'j  "Koyuv)  Bs/uoef  Ylpu^fi^  to  g^i  Toco'i/Og  'ttiSx.vov  ociirov 
T'Jt;  civdpMTroi;  /nvj  Ivl  ccTrooruast  Tiui  (pipot  (^•jravrot,  yxp  iux.=aav  ai/f^jSov'Ai^ 
rfi  imivov  '7rpciS,oyTi;),  t^oKii  x-pihrov  'h'/unx-t,  "jrptvri  i/scmpov  iS,  oiiizov  ysuiadxi, 
'7rpo'Koe,[iu'j  oivxipfiu,  V)  f^iToe.j2oy\ii;  yivoj^ivn;  it;  ras  Trpocy^ucirx  ifirsaai/  fiirct- 
i/oiiv.  Kcti  0  juiu  vTvoi^'toe,  tY'  H/)iwSoy  oitjy.ioi  si;  -zuv  l\lxx,xipouuT»  ■7riy,(pdii;, 
TO  vpoiipnuiuov  (Ppovpiov,  tccOtt]  KTi'vuvreii. 

2*  Compare,   in   explanation   of  the   passage   in   Josephus :    Volkmar, 
Jesus  Namrcnus  (1882\  \)-p.  332-334;  Klopper,  "  Ein  puar  Bemerkungen 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEBOD.  25 

other  hand,  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  real  occasion  of  the 
imprisonment  of  the  Baptist  by  Antipas  was,  just  as  Josephus 
states,  fear  of  political  trouble.  The  powerful  popular  preacher 
did  undoubtedly  produce  a  great  excitement,  which  was  indeed 
iirst  of  all  of  a  religious  kind,  but  certainly  not  without  the 
mingling  of  a  political  element.  For  the  masses  of  the  people 
were  not  then  able  to  keep  separate  their  religious  and 
political  hopes.  It  is  therefore  quite  credible  that  Antipas 
feared  political  troubles  from  the  labours  of  the  Baptist,  and 
so,  when  he  extended  his  activity  to  Perea,  cast  him  into 
prison.  Nevertheless  the  evangelists  may  be  right  (Matt. 
xiv.  3  f . ;  Mark  vi.  17  ;  Luke  iii.  19  f.)  when  they  say  that 
he  did  this  because  John  blamed  him  for  his  marriage  with 
Herodias.  The  two  statements  are  not  inconsistent  with  one 
another.^* — The  place  Avhere  John  was  imprisoned  is  not 
named  by  the  evangelists.  From  Josephus  we  learn  that  it 
was  Macharus,  the  strong  fortress  on  the  east  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  It  must  then  have  been  no  longer  in  the  possession  of 
the  Arabian  king  Aretas,  as  it  was   at   the  time   of  the   flight 

zu  dem  Urtlieil  des  Josephus  liber  Johannes  den  Taufer"  (Zeitschrift  ficr 
JVissenschaftl.  Tlieologie,  1865,  pp.  1-28). — Also  in  the-  almost  unlimited 
literature  on  John  the  Baptist  soiiie  notice  is,  as  a  rule,  taken  of  this 
passage  in  Josephus.  See  especially  Keirn,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii.  201-266. 
The  earlier  literature  is  given  in  Winer,  liealworterbuch, -dvt.  "Joliannes 
der  Taufer  ;"  Hase,  Lehen  Jesu,  §  42  ;  Keuss,  Geschichte  der  heil.  Schriften 
Alien  Testaments  (1881),  §  561. 

^*  The  genuineness  of  tlie  passage  in  Josephus  is  but  rarely  vindicated 
(even  Volkmar  sets  aside  without  more  ado  ;  against  this  decision  :  J. 
Chr.  K.  V.  Hoi'raann,  Die  hcil.  Sclirift  Neuen  Testaments,  7  Thl.  3  Abtli. 
iJer  Brief  Jakohi,  1876,  p.  4  f.).  This,  however,  may  be  aUegod  in  its 
favour,  that  tlie  motive  for  imprisoning  and  executing  the  Baptist  are 
there  reported  in  a  manner  so  entirely  different  from  the  account  in  the 
Gospels.  But  since  Josephus  in  other  passages  has  been  certainly  inter- 
polated by  a  Christian  liand,  we  cannot  be  here  perfectly  confident 
regarding  its  genuineness.  Suspicion  is  awakened  by  the  favourable 
estimate  of  John,  who  could  have  been  viewed  sympathetically  by 
Josephus  only  u])on  one  side,  as  an  ascetic  and  moral  preaclier,  but  not 
as  the  projiliet  of  tlie  coming  Messiah  who  jiowerfully  moved  the  people. 


26  Tin:  roman-herodiax  age. 

of  the  first  wife  of  Antipas,  but  in  the  possession  of  Herod 
Antipas  himself.  AVe  do  not  indeed  know  in  what  way  it 
had  meanwhile  come  into  his  hands."^ — According  to  Josephus, 
it  would  seem  as  if  the  execution  of  the  Baptist  followed 
immediately  upon  his  arrestment  and  imprisonment.  But 
from  the  Gospel  narrative  we  see  that  Herod  kept  the  Baptist 
a  longer  time  in  prison,  being  undecided  as  to  what  he  should 
do  with  him.^^  At  last  the  decision  was  brought  about  by 
Herodias,  the  cliief  foe  of  the  rigid  preacher  of  repentance. 
When  on  the  occasion  of  tlie  celebration  of  Antipas'  birth- 
day" in  the   palace  of   Macharus,  for  there  it   was  that  the 

25  Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii.  382  ;  Protestantische  Kirchenzeitung,  1869, 
Nr.  51,  col.  1218  f.,  conjectures  that  Antipas  had  gained  possession  of  the 
fortress  in  the  beginning  of  the  war  against  Aretas.  But  even  apart 
from  the  fact  that  this  supposition  is  possible  only  if  one  places,  as  Keim 
does,  the  apprehension  of  the  Baptist  close  upon  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  with  Aretas,  i.e.  in  a.d.  34,  it  is  not  still  probable  tliat  Herod  should 
liave  confined  a  political  jDrisoner  in  a  fortress  that  had  been  taken  from 
the  enem}^  The  word  of  Wieseler  therefore  in  the  Chronological  Synopsis, 
pp.  216-217  ;  Beitriige,  pp.  5,  13  ;  Beweis  des  Glaubens,  1870,  p.  166,  that 
Aretas  has  been  compelled  at  the  bidding  of  Tiberius  to  surrender  the 
fortress  to  Herod,  is  more  forcible. — Gerlach,  Zeitschrift  ftir  luth.  Theologie, 
1869,  pp.  49-51,  believes  that  the  fortress  had  never  really  been  in  the 
])ossession  of  Aretas,  but  that  it  was  only  the  city  of  Macharus  tliat  for 
a  long  time  lay  under  tribute  to  liim.  In  this  form  the  hypothesis  is 
clearly  impossible,  since  the  one  thing  without  the  other  is  inconceivable. 
On  the  otlier  hand,  the  supposition  is  well  grounded,  that  the  city  and 
fortress  of  Macharus  never  belonged  to  Aretas,  and  that  the  statement  we 
have  been  discussing  originated  in  an  error  of  Josephus  or  a  corruption 
of  our  test  of  Josephus.  See  above,  p.  22. — The  most  extraordinary  of  all 
is  the  idea  of  Sevin,  that  Machiirus  was  still  in  the  hands  of  Aretas  when 
Herod  Antipas  imprisoned  the  Baptist,  and  had  him  executed  in  that 
stronghold  of  his  father  -  in  -  law.  Sevin,  Chronologie  des  Lebens  Jesu, 
2  Aufl.  p.  96  ;  generally,  pp.  90-96. 

2*  Matt.  xiv.  5  ;  Mark  vi.  20  ;  Matt.  xi.  2-6  ;  compare  Keim,  Jesus  of 
I^azara,  ii.  340-343;  Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschirhie,  vol.  i.  p. 
331  ;  Weiss,  Marcnsevangelium,  p.  217  f. 

^''  The  signification  of  yi'/tatai.  (Matt.  xiv.  6  ;  Afark  vi.  21)  is  matter  of 
controversy.  See  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis,  p.  266  ;  Beitrage,  ]>. 
182  f.  ;  Keim,  Jestis  of  Nazara,  iv.  223  ;  Hausrath,  N euteslamentlirhe 
ZeitgeschicJdey  vol.  i.  p.  331 ;  and  the  commentators  on  Matt.  xiv.  6 ;  Mark 


§  17.    THE  SOXS  OF  HEROD.  27 

whole  business  was  carried  out,^''  a  great  banquet  was  given, 
the  daughter  of  Herodias,  Salome  (she   was   still  a  Kopdaiov, 

vi.  21.  Instead  of  the  ordinary  morning  "  birthday,"  many  exjiositors 
understand  it  to  mean  the  anniversary  day  of  his  accession  to  the  throne." 
But  an  instance  of  tliis  meaning  cannot  with  certainty  be  got  in  the  whole 
range  of  Greek  literature  ;  and  even  the  rabbinical  material,  from  which 
they  seek  support,  is  very  weak.  The  principal  passage  in  Mishna  Ahoda 
sara  i.  3 :  "  The  following  are  the  festivals  of  the  heathen :  The  Calendne  and 
the  Saturnalia  and  the  xpccrmit;  (D''D^D"lp),  and  the  day  of  the  yeviiricc  of 
the  king  (a''D^D  b^  H^D'^^i  DV),  and  the  day  of  birth  and  the  day  of  death. 
So  R.  Meir.  The  learned  say  :  Only  a  case  of  death,  wherein  there  evi- 
dently apjjears  the  scorching  of  fire,  is  accompanied  by  an  idolatrous 
sacrifice ;  but  where  this  is  not  the  case  there  is  no  idol  sacrifice."  An 
explanation  of  tlie  exjnessions  used  is  not  given  in  the  Mishna.  In  the 
Palestinian  Talmud  {Jer.  Ahoda  sara  i.  fol.  39c),  N''D"':''3  DV  is  interpreted 
l^y  HT'^n  mS  "birthday."  In  the  Babylonian  Talmud  (-Ba/<.  Ahoda  sara 
10  ")  there  is  a  regular  discussion  over  the  meaning  of  the  j)hrase,  in  which 
the  reasons  in  favour  of  the  meaning  "  birtliday  "  are  brought  forward,  but 
finally  preference  is  given  to  the  interpretation  :  ti'po  13  pTDJ?OK'  DV, 
"  the  day  on  which  the  king  ascended  the  throne  "  (see  Levy,  A'euhebr. 
IForterbuch,  i.  394'*,  and  the  literal  production  of  the  whole  discus- 
sion in  the  German  translation  in  Ahodah  Sarah,  translated  by  Ferd. 
Chr.  Ewald,  2  Ausg.  1868,  p.  70  f.).  Upon  this  only  is  grounded  the 
interpretation,  "the  anniversary  of  the  accession  to  the  throne,"  adopted 
by  many  modern  scholars.  But  since  the  Palestinians  undoubtedly  knew 
better  about  such  matters  than  the  Babylonians,  who  for  the  most  part 
iiuly  guessed  without  accurately  knowing,  the  interpretation  of  the 
Babylonians  should  not  be  accepted  when  it  is  in  opposition  to  all  other 
instances.  So  also  Dalman,  Theolog.  Liter aturzeitung,  1889,  172,  in  his 
review  of  Strack's  Ahoda  sara.  Also  the  connection  of  the  context  of  the 
Mishna  is  in  favour  of  the  interpretation  "birthday."  For  D'D^OIp  is 
most  probably  the  anniversary  of  the  obtaining  of  the  government. 
Therefore  S"'D''3''3  nuist  be  distinguished  from  it.  But  alongside  of  it  is 
mentioned  "  the  day  of  birth,"  as  further  investigation  of  the  Mishna 
shows,  not  the  anniversary  of  the  birth,  but  only  that  particular  day  on 
which  a  child  is  born.  On  the  custina  of  celebrating  the  birthday 
anniversary  in  general,  see  Pauly's  Real-Encydopaedie,  art.  "  Natalis  dies ;" 
Mai'quardt,  Das  Priratlehen  der  llomer,  Bd.  i.  1879,  p.  244  f. 

2'*  The  Gospels  of  Matthew  and  Mark  evidently  assume  that  the  banquet 
was  given  in  the  same  place  where  the  Baptist  lay  a  prisoner.  See 
Meyer  on  Matt.  xiv.  10  ff.  But  that  was  Machiirus.  And  there  the 
banquet  may,  in  fact,  have  been  given.  For  Machiirus  had  a  beautiful 
palace,  which  had  been  l.nult  by  Herod  the  Great  ( IFars  of  the  Jews, 
vii.  6.  2).  There  is  therefore  no  reason  for  transferring  the  scene  to 
Julias,   as   is   done    by   Wieseler,    Chronological  Synopsis,    pp.   220,  221  ; 


28  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Matt.  xiv.  11;  ]\raik  vi.  22,  28;  therefore  not  yet  married 
to  Philip),  by  her  dancing  so  delighted  the  tetrarch,  that  he 
promised  to  fulfil  to  her  any  wisli  she  might  express.  At 
the  instigation  of  her  mother,  she  demanded  the  head  of  the 
Eaptist.  Herod  was  weak  enough  to  gratify  the  wish 
immediately,  and  to  give  orders  that  the  Baptist  should  be 
beheaded  in  the  prison  at  Machiirus.^* 

Jkitrage,  p.  5.  The  Gospels  are  silent  in  regard  to  the  place  ;  for  from 
Mark  vi.  21  it  is  not  necessarily  to  be  concluded,  as  Keim,  Jesu!>-  of  Nazara, 
iv.  217  ;  Bibellexikon,  in.  48  ;  and  Volkmar,  Die  Evangelien,  p.  3b'9,  think, 
tliat  Mark  assumes  Galilee,  that  is,  Tiberius,  as  the  scene  of  the  trans- 
action. 

2»  Matt.  xiv.  6-11  ;  Mark  vi.  21-28  ;  Luke  ix.  9.— In  Mark  vi.  22  some 
very  important  and  authoritative  tests,  accepted  by  Westcott  and  Hort  and 
Volkmar,  read:  t'^;  ^w/xTpo;  kvtov  ' Upulidclog.  According  to  this  reading 
the  maiden  herself  was  called  Herodias,  and  may  have  been  a  daughter  of 
Herod  Antipas,  and  not  merely  the  daughter  of  Herodias.  But  a  child  of 
the  marriage  of  Antipas  with  Herodias  could  not  then  have  been  more  than 
two  years  old  ;  wherea.s,  on  the  other  hand,  we  know  from  Josephus  that 
Herodias  by  her  first  marriage  had  a  daughter  called  Salome  {Antiq, 
xviii.  5.  4).  Also  in  the  Gospel  narrative  itself  the  maiden  appears  only 
as  a  daughter  of  Herodias.  The  statement,  therefore,  that  would  result 
from  that  reading  of  Mark,  cannot  in  any  case  be  regarded  as  historically 
correct,  be  that  reading  ever  so  old. — On  the  imprisonment  and  execution 
of  the  Baptist  generally,  compare  Keiin,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii.  329  ff., 
iv.  215  flf.  ;  Sevin,  Ghronologie  des  Lebens  Jesu,  pp.  124-128. — The  narrative 
of  the  Gospels  contains  much  that  arouses  suspicion  ;  especially  that 
Salome  is  still  designated  a  x-oooc-jiov,  whereas  we  are  informed  by 
Josephus  that  she  had  been  married  long  before  a.d.  28-30  to  the  tetrarch 
Philip,  who  had  begun  his  reign  in  B.C.  4,  and  had  died  in  a.d.  34  (see 
above,  p.  16).  But  just  the  weakest  point  in  the  Gospel  story  is  proved  on 
more  careful  examination  to  be  not  improbable.  The  facts  derived  from 
Josephus  are  gathered  together  in  the  following  summary  by  Gutschmicl 
{Literarisches  Oentralhlatt,  1874,  p.  522,  in  his  review  of  Brann's,  Die  Sohne 
des  Herodes) :  "  Aristobulus,  Salome's  second  husband,  was  a  son  of  Herod 
of  Chalcis,  by  Mariara,  the  daughter  of  Joseph  and  Olympias,  a  sister  of 
Archelaus,  who  had  married  after  B.C.  7,  but  before  B.C.  4.  Therefore,  at 
the  earliest,  Miriam's  son  Aristobulus  could  not  have  been  born  before 
B.C.  5,  and  not  likely  before  a.d.  14.  This  affords  us  incidentally  dates 
for  determining  the  age  of  Salome,  whom  we  should  not  without  necessity 
regard  as  much  older  than  Aristobulus,  since  her  second  marriage,  by 
which  she  was  mother  of  three  sons,  was  evidently  one  in  wliich  the 
partners  were  of  similar  age.     Philip,  her  first  husband,  had  in  B.C.  4  or  3 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  29 

Even  before  John  had  been  removed  from  the  scene,  the 
" Mightier"  to  whom  lie  had  pointed,  had  already  made  His 
appearance,  and  had  begun  to  preach  the  gospel  in  Galilee.  He, 
too,  could  not  remain  unnoticed  by  the  nobles  of  the  land.  Yet 
Antipas  first  heard  of  the  deeds  of  Jesus  after  the  Baptist  had 
been  put  to  death.  Hence,  tormented  by  his  evil  conscience, 
he  felt  convinced  that  the  Baptist  had  risen  again,  and  was 
continuing  his  dangerous  and  revolutionary  work.^°  In  order 
to  make  sure  whether  this  was  so,  he  desired  to  see  the  miracle- 
worker  who  preached  in  Capernaum,  and  attracted  all  the 
people.^^  He  meant  in  time  to  get  rid  of  Him,  not,  however, 
by  violence,  but  by  craft.  He  won  over  to  him  the  Pharisees, 
and  got  them  to  undertake  the  attempt  to  induce  Jesus 
voluntarily  to  quit  the  country  by  representing  to  Him  that 
Herod  sought  His  life.'^^  The  plan  was  indeed  very  craftily 
conceived ;  but  it  failed  in  execution,  because  Jesus  saw 
through  it.  Subsequently,  indeed,  Jesus  did  quit  Galilee  in 
order  to  take  His  death  journey  to  Jerusalem,  There  also 
Antipas,  who  was  at  that  time  living  at  Jerusalem  that  he 
might  keep  the  Passover,  had  the  satisfaction  of  meeting  with 
his  mysterious  subject.  Pilate  sent  the  prisoner  to  him,  in 
order  that  he,  as  ruler  of  the   province,  might  pronounce  the 

reached  such  an  age  as  to  be  capable  of  assuming  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, and  so  must  have  been  born  at  latest  in  B.C.  21.  Thougli  a  great 
disparity  of  age  between  the  two  undoubtedly  existed,  we  cannot,  without 
making  a  most  improbable  hypothesis,  suppose  the  difference  to  have  been 
more  than  thirty  years  ;  this  would  give  as  the  latest  date  for  the  birth  of 
Salome,  a.d.  10."  Gutschmid  therefore  assumes  tliat  Salome  was  born 
in  A.D.  10,  and  regards  it  as  quite  possible  that  she  was  still  a  Kopaaiou  in 
A.D.  28,  and  that  in  her  nineteenth  year  she  married  Pliilip,  who  was  in 
Lis  forty-ninth  year. 

30  Matt.  xiv.  i  f.  ;  Mark  vi.  14-1 G  ;  Luke  ix.  7-9. 

^*  Luke  ix.  9. — Among  the  female  followers  of  Christ  tliere  is  mentioned 
the  wife  of  an  officer  of  Antipas  (Luke  viii.  3  :  '  luiwa.  yv-jvi  Xov^x  'frrt- 
rprjTrov    tlpahov). 

^2  So  at  least  is  Luke  xiii.  31,  32  understood  by  many  expositors.  Thia 
interpretation,  too,  is  correct ;  compare  Keini,  Jesus  uf  Nazara,  iv.  344. 


30  THE  EOMAN-IIERODTAN  AGK. 

death  sentence  clamoured  for  by  the  Jewish  hierarchy. 
Antipas,  however,  would  not  lend  himself  to  this  scheme,  but 
contented  himself  with  pouring  contempt  upon  Jesus,  and 
sending  Him  back  again  to  Pilate.^^ 

The  chronology  of  the  public  ministry  of  the  Baptist  and  of 
Jesus  Christ,  which  has  hitherto  been  based  for  the  most  part 
on  Luke  iii.  1  and  John  ii.  20,  has  been  in  recent  times  com- 
pletely turned  upside  down  by  Keim.^*  Whereas  previously 
almost  the  only  subject  of  contention  had  been  whether  the 
year  30  or  the  year  31  was  the  year  of  Christ's  death,  Keim 
sets  down  the  execution  of  the  Baptist  in  the  end  of  a.d.  34 
(Jesus  of  Xazara,  vi.  226,  232),  the  death  of  Clnist  at  Easter  of 
A.D.  35  (Jesus  of  JVazara,  vi.  232).  His  chief  argument  is  the 
lollowing.  Joseplms  remarked  (Antiq.  xviii.  5.  2)  that  the 
defeat  which  Herod  Antipas  sustained  in  the  war  with  the 
Arabian  king  Aretas  in  a.d.  36,  was  considered  by  the  people 
as  a  judgment  for  the  execution  of  John  the  Baptist.  Accord- 
ingly, says  Keim,  the  execution  nmst  be  placed  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  year  36  ;  and  since,  in  view  of  the  deposition  of 
Pilate  before  Easter  a.u.  36,  Jesus  must  liave  been  put  to  death 
not  later  than  Easter  a.d.  35,  and  the  execution  of  the  Baptist 
must  be  put  down  as  occurring  in  the  end  of  tlie  year  34. 
There  is  also  one  other  reason  for  insisting  upon  this  late  dating 
of  these  events.  The  attack  of  Aretas  upon  Antipas  was  an 
act  of  vengeance  on  the  part  of  Aretas,  because  his  daughter 
had  been  divorced  by  Antipas.  Hence  both  events  must  have 
occurred  very  nearly  about  the  same  time.  And,  seeing  that 
the  execution  of  the  Baptist  could  not  have  occurred  until  after 
the  divorce  of  the  daughter  of  Aretas  and  the  marriage  with 
Herodias,  the  death  of  the  Baptist  and  of  Christ  could  not  for 
this  reason  liave  occurred  in  a.d.  29  and  30  respectively. 

Against  this  theory  Wieseler  particularly  has  urged  a  series 

^^  Luke  xxiii.  7-12.     Compare  Geilacli,  Ziitschrift  fiir  lath.   Tlwoloyic, 

1869,  pp.  40-42  ;  Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vi.  103-105. 

3*  See  Der  fjeschichtliche  Christus  (3  Aufl.  1866),  pp.  224-240  ;  Jesus  of 
Nazara,  ii.  381,  vi.  220  ;  Protestantische  Kirchenzeitung,  1869,  Nr.  49  and 
51. — Keim  is  supported  by  Holtzmann,  Hausrath,  Sevin,  Schenkel,  and 
in  all  essential  points  by  Hitzig,  who  reckons  indeed  a.d.  36  as  the  year 
of  Jesu.s'  deatli.  See  the  summary  of  conclusions  in  Keim,  vi.  226,  240  ; 
also  in  Sevin,  Chronologie  des  Lehens  Jesu,  2  Aufl.  1874. — Against  Keim, 
Bee  especially:  Wieseler,  Beitrage  (1869),  jip.  3-16;  Benris  des  Glauhenfj 

1870,  ])p.  163-173. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HFHOD.  31 

of  arguments  which  indeed  are  not  all  of  a  convincing  character. 
He  seeks  especially  as  the  ground  of  Agrippa's  residence  witli 
Antipas  (see  under  §  18)  to  prove  that  the  marriage  with 
Herodias  occurred  at  an  earlier  date.  When  Agrippa  had  been 
appointed  by  Antipas  aguranonios  of  Tiberius,  AnLi])as  was 
already  married  to  Herodias.  Afterwards  Agrippa  was  sent 
away  by  Antipas,  and  then  stayed  for  a  long  time  with  Flaccus, 
the  legate  of  Syria,  and  then  went  to  Home,  where  he,  or  rather 
his  freedman  Eutychus,  became  intimate  with  the  city  prefect 
Piso  (Antiq.  xviii.  6.  2-5).  Seeing  then — so  argues  Wieseler — 
that  Flaccus  died  in  a.d.  33,  Piso  having  previously  died  in 
A.D.  32,  the  marriage  with  Herodias  must  have  taken  place 
before  a.d.  32,  Wieseler  thinks  in  a.d.  29.  But  we  saw  ah-eady 
that  that  Piso  was  not  tlie  man  wlio  died  in  a.d.  32,  but  a  later 
one,  and  that  Flaccus  possibly,  indeed  probably,  did  not  die  till 
A.D.  35  (see  vol.  i.  pp.  360-364).  By  these  arguments,  there- 
fore, nothing  can  be  proved. 

But  the  rock  upon  which  Keim's  chronology  suffered  ship- 
wreck is  the  definite  statement  of  Luke  iii.  1,  that  the  Baptist 
made  his  appearance  before  the  public  in  the  iifteenth  year  of 
Tiberius,  i.e.  betv/een  August  a.d.  28  and  August  a.d.  29  ;  which 
statement  indeed  Iveim  rejects  as  unworthy  of  belief.  Tlie 
tendency  now  is  not  to  overestimate  the  trustworthiness  of 
Luke,  and  certainly  in  reference  to  the  tracing  of  Quirinius  he 
has  erred  grievously.  But  it  is  surely  impossible  that  in  this 
case  an  error  of  five  full  years  should  have  been  made. 
Evidently  Luke  took  great  care  in  examining  into  this  particular 
(late.  We  have  here  therefore  before  us,  not  so  much  his 
opinion,  as  that  of  the  entire  Christendom  of  his  time."  Can 
it  be  thought  possible  that  all  Christendom  was  wrong  to  tlu; 
extent  of  five  full  years  about  the  date  of  their  Lord's  death  ? 
jMore  powerful  reasons  must  be  given  than  those  brought 
forward  from  Josephus  before  we  can  feel  justified  in  adopting 
such  a  view. 

The  reasons  advanced  by  Josephus  are  indeed  nothing  less 
than  convincing.     This  is  at  least  correct,  and  also  generally 

3*  Probably  tbe  result  of  Luke's  investigations  was  this,  that  Christ  died 
at  Easter  a.d.  30.  From  this  datum  lie  then  reckons  back  one  year  ;  for 
he  only  allows  one  year  for  the  public  ministry  (Luke  iv.  19-21),  and  so 
reaches  the  15th  year  of  Tiberius  as  the  date  of  the  public  appearance  of 
the  Baptist  and  Christ. — In  any  case  it  is  the  year  30  that  John,  ii.  20, 
points  out  as  the  date  of  Christ's  death  ;  only  that  John,  who  assumes  a 
two  years'  activity  of  Christ,  places  the  beginning  of  His  ministry  in 
A.D.  28.     Compare  vol.  i.  p.  410. 


32  THE  ROMAN -HEEODIAN  AGE. 

admitted,  that  the  defeat  of  Antipas  in  a.d.  3G  took  place  some- 
where about  half  a  year  before  the  death  of  Tiberius,  in  March 
a.d.  37.  But  that  the  people  could  not  have  regarded  it  as  a 
divine  judgment  for  the  execution  of  the  Baptist,  seeing  that 
that  event  was  now  seven  years  past,  cannot  be  maintained. 
A  couple  of  years  more  would  in  this  matter  make  no  difference. 
For  Pharisaism  was  wont  to  discover  such  causal  connections 
after  the  expiry  of  very  long  periods  indeed.  Further,  that  the 
divorce  of  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  followed  by  the  marriage 
with  Herodias,  and  the  war  with  the  Arabian  king,  must  have 
followed  immediately  upon  one  another,  still  remains  a  point 
that  cannot  be  proved.  Joseplms  says  expressly,  that  only 
fiom  the  divorce  is  to  be  dated  the  beginning  of  the  hostility 
lietween  Antipas  and  Aretas  (Antiq.  xviii.  5.  1  :  o  d's  apyj,v 
iX^pccg  ravrriv  'xciyicdfj-svog),  and  that  after  additional  reasons  arose, 
such  as  contentions  about  boundaries.  Even  Keim  himself 
admits  the  possibility  of  setting  down  the  marriage  to  a.d. 
32-33  {Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii.  397).  Why  then  not  to  the  year 
29,  if  once  an  interval  of  several  years  has  to  be  admitted  ? 
Hausrath,  who  in  other  respects  agrees  with  Keim,  put  it  back 
as  far  as  the  year  27,  and  in  this  way  deprives  himself  of  the 
main  ground  upon  which  he  had  supported  his  position 
{Neutestamentliche  Zeitgcschiclite,  vol.  i.  p.  326,  328). 

Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  we  feel  entitled  to  hold  by  the 
statements  of  the  New  Testament,  and  to  place  the  death  of 
Christ  at  Easter  A.D.  30,  that  of  the  Baptist  in  a.d.  29,  and  the 
marriage  of  Herodias  somewhat  earlier,  perhaps  in  a.d.  29, 
perhaps  even  some  years  earlier  (Gutschmid,  Literarisches 
Centralblatt,  1874,  Sp.  523,  places  it  about  a.d.  26). 

The    connection    with    Herodias    brought    little    good    to 

Antipas.      The    Arabian    king   Aretas   could   not    forget   that 

Antipas  on  her  account  had  repudiated  his  daughter.     The 

feud  arising  from  this  cause  was  increased  through  boundary 

disputes  about  Galaaditis, — for  so  we  should  read  the  name 

rather  than  Gamalitis.^®     Finally,  in  a.d.  36   the  misunder- 

2^  The  district  of  Gamala  belonged  to  what  had  been  the  tetrarchy  of 
Philip,  and  cannot  therefore  have  been  a  subject  of  contention  between 
Antipas  and  Aretas.  On  the  other  hand,  the  province  of  Galaaditis 
(Gilead)  lay  on  the  borders  of  their  territories.  But  from  TAAAAAITIS 
tlie  other  word  TAMAAITIS  might  easily  be  made.  Undoubtedly  the 
text  of  the  passage  in  question  {Antiq.  xviii.  5.  1)  is  defective.  Compare 
Keim  in  the  Protcstantische  Kirchenzeitung,  1869,  Nr.  51,  col.  1218. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEKOD,  33 

standing  between  the  two  neighbours  broke  out  into  the  war 
which  ended  in  the  utter  destruction  of  the  army  of  Antipas.^" 
The  conquered  monarch  had  now  no  other  resource  but  to 
complain  of  his  victorious  opponent  to  the  Emperor  Tiberius.^* 

Wlien  Tiberius  heard  of  the  bold  proceedings  of  the  Arabian 
prince,  he  gave  Vitellius,  governor  of  Syria,  express  orders  to 
gain  possession  of  Aretas,  dead  or  alive.  Vitellius  had  indeed 
little  heart  to  enter  on  the  expedition,  for  he  was  not  greatly 
drawn  toward  Antipas.  But  he  could  not  oppose  the  imperial 
command,  and  so  he  prepared  himself  for  the  war  against 
Aretas.  After  he  had  ordered  his  army  to  march  round 
about  Judea  to  Petra,  he  himself  went  on  a  visit  to  Jerusalem, 
where  a  feast  was  then  being  celebrated,  probably  that  of  the 
Passover.^^  He  waited  in  that  city  three  days.  On  the  fourth, 
he  received  news  of  the  death  of  Tiberius,  which  had  taken 
place  on  16  th  March  a.d.  37.  He  considered  himself  thereby 
released  from  his  undertaking,  and  turned  back  with  his  army 
to  Antioch.^^  Thus  the  defeat  of  Antipas  remained  un- 
avenged. 

About  this  time  we  find  our  Jewish  tetrarch  present  on 
one  occasion  at  the  Euphrates  during  important  negotiations 
between  Vitellius  and  the  king  of  the  Parthians.  But  it 
seems  that  the  account  of  this  affair  in  Josephus  is  not  free 
from  error.  We  know,  for  instance,  that  in  the  years  35  and 
36  the  Parthian  king  Artabanus  had  to  do  repeatedly  with 
the  Eomans.      His  affairs   seemed  to   be  taking  a  favourable 

3^  The  date  is  derived  from  tins,  that  the  defeat  of  Antipas,  as  what 
follows  shows,  took  place  not  long — somewhere  about  half  a  year — before 
the  death  of  Tiberius  in  March  a.d.  37. 

3**  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  1. 

"3  Compare  Keini,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vi.  227  ;  Sevin,  Chronologie  des  Lchens 
Jesu,  2  Aufl.  pp.  75-77. 

^•^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  1-3.  Since  the  imperial  legates  had  their 
office  only  at  the  personal  will  of  the  emperor,  so,  strictly  taken,  every 
command  ceased  with  the  death  of  the  emperor.  See  Mommsen,  lldmische 
Staatsrecht,  1  Aufl.  ii.  1.  235,  ii.  2.  873. 

DI\^  I.  VOL.  II.  C 


34  THE  KOMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

turn  when,  by  the  threats  of  Vitellius  and  the  revolt  of  his 
own  subjects,  he  was  obliged  to  betake  himself  to  flight  into 
the  remoter  provinces.  In  consequence  of  this,  Vitellius,  in 
the  summer  of  a.d.  36,  went  to  the  Euphrates  along  with  the 
pretender  Tiridates,  supported  by  the  Eomans,  and  established 
him  as  king  over  the  Parthians.  Nevertheless,  before  the 
end  of  that  same  year,  Artabanus  returned,  drove  out  Tiridates, 
and  secured  the  government  again  to  himself.*^  Subsequently 
Vitellius  arranged  a  meeting  with  Artabanus  at  the  Euphrates, 
at  which  Artebanus  concluded  a  peace  with  the  Eomans,  and 
in  pledge  thereof,  sent  his  son  Darius  to  Eome  as  a  hostage.*'^ 
At  this  meeting,  according  to  Josephus,  Herod  Antipas  was 
also  present.  He  entertained  Vitellius  and  Artabanus  in  a 
magnificent  tent  erected  upon  the  Euphrates  bridge,  and 
hastened,  as  soon  as  the  negotiations  were  concluded,  to 
communicate  the  favourable  result  to  the  emperor, — a  piece  of 
officiousness  which  annoyed  Vitellius  at  him  exceedingly, 
since  he  had  thereby  completely  anticipated  his  official  report.'** 
— Thus  Josephus  places  this  meeting  in  the  time  of  Tiberius, 
and  considers  that  the  quarrel  arising  out  of  this  between 
Vitellius  and  Herod  Antipas  was  the  reason  why  Vitellius, 
after  the  death  of  Tiberius,  immediately  abandoned  the 
campaign  against  Aretas.  But  Suetonius  and  Dio  Cassius 
say  expressly,  and  the  silence  of  Tacitus,  in  the  sixth  book  of 
his  Annals,  indirectly  proves,  that  the  meeting  between 
Vitellius  and  Artabanus  took  place  under  Caligula.  Josephus 
therefore  is  certainly  in  one  particular  in  error.  The  only 
question  is,  in  what  particular.      If  it  is  correct  that  Herod 

*^  Tacitus,  Annals,  vi.  31-37,  41-44.  With  respect  to  the  date,  compare 
also  :  Annals,  vi.  38  ;  Dio  Cassius,  Iviii.  26 ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  4. 
— The  fixing  of  the  date  results  from  the  statement  of  Tacitus. 

*^  Suetonius,  Caligula,  14,  Vitellius,  2  ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  27  ;  Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  4.  5.  Besides  Josephus,  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  17,  and  Suetonius, 
Caligula,  19,  speak  of  Darius  as  present  in  Rome  in  a.d.  39 

**  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  5. 


S  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEKOD.  35 

Antipas  took  part  in  the  I'arthian  negotiations  on  the 
Euphrates  in  the  time  of  Tiberius,  then  these  must  have  been 
the  negotiations  between  Vitellius  and  Tiridates  in  the  summer 
of  A.D.  36  (Tacitus,  Annals,  vi.  37).  But  if  it  is  correct  that 
he  took  part  in  the  negotiations  between  Vitellius  and 
Artabanus,  it  cannot  have  been  before  the  time  of  Caligula. 
The  latter  supposition  is  most  probably  the  true  account  of 
the  matter.  For  in  summer  a.d.  36  Herod  was  engaged  in 
the  war  against  Aretas.** 

If  Antipas  had  his  passion  for  Herodias  to  thank  as  the 
real  occasion  of  his  defeat  and  damage  at  the  hand  of  Aretas, 
the  ambition  of  this  wife  of  his  brought  about  at  last  the  loss 
of  his  government  and  of  his  freedom.  One  of  the  first  acts 
of  the  new  Emperor  Caligula  on  his  taking  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment into  his  hands  was  to  assign  to  Agrippa,  the  brother  of 
Herodias,  what  had  been  the  tetrarchy  of  Philip,  together  with 
the  title  of  king.  Agrippa  at  first  remained  still  at  Eome.  But 
in  the  second  year  of  Caligula,  March  a.d.  38  to  March  a.d.  39, 
he  went  to  Palestine,  and  made  his  appearance  there  as  king. 
The  success  of  tlie  adventurer,  whose  fortunes  had  once  been 
at  so  low  an  ebb,  and  who  had  even  himself  sought  aid  at 
the  hand  of  Antipas,  excited  the  envy  of  Herodias,  who  there- 
fore insisted  upon  her  husband  seeking  also  from  the  emperor 
the  royal  title.  Herod  Antipas  was  not  very  much  disposed 
to  go  forth  on  such  an  errand.  At  last,  however,  he  was 
obliged  to  yield  to  the  persistent  entreaty  of  his  wife,  and 
proceeded  to  Eome,  accompanied  by  Herodias,  to  prosecute 

■**  Compare  Hitzig,  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  568 ;  Hausrath, 
Zeitgcschichte,  2  Aufl.  ii.  209-211.  Also  Usslier  and  Tilleniont  {Histoire 
des  Empereurs,  vol.  i.  Veiiise  1732,  p.  139  sq.,  and  note  4  on  Caligula) 
express  the  same  opinion.  Compare  on  the  Parthian  liistory  generally  : 
(iutschmid,  Geschichte  Irans  und  seiner  Nachbarldnder,  1888,  and  the 
literature  referred  to  there  on  p.  171  f.  A  list  of  original  documents  is 
given  in  Clinton,  Fasti  liomani,  ii.  1850,  pp.  243-263.  On  the  relations 
between  the  Konians  and  Parthians,  see  also  Schiller,  Gtsdiichte  der  rdni. 
Kaiserzeit,  Bd.  i.  ;  and  Mounusen,  Horn.  GcSiJiicldi;  Bd.  v.  p  339  ff. 


36  THE  ROMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

his  suit.  But  they  were  immediately  followed  by  a  repre- 
sentative of  i\gnppa,  Fortunatus,  with  a  document  containing 
charges  against  Herod  Antipas,  in  which  he  was  accused  of 
old  and  recent  offences,  of  having  made  a  compact  with 
Sejanus  (who  died  in  a.d.  31),  and  with  the  Parthian  khig 
Artabanus.  In  proof  of  these  charges,  his  accuser  pointed  to 
the  accumulation  of  arms  made  by  Antipas.  Both  parties 
came  at  the  same  time  before  Caligula  at  Baiae.  When  the 
emperor  had  heard  the  petition  of  Antipas  and  the  accusations 
against  him,  he  asked  Antipas  how  it  was  that  he  had  made 
such  a  collection  of  arms.  And  when  Antipas  could  give  no 
proper  account  of  this,  Caligula  credited  also  the  other  charges, 
deposed  Antipas  from  his  tetrarchy,  and  banished  him  to 
Lyons  in  Gaul.  He  wished  to  allow  Herodias,  as  the  sister 
of  Agrippa,  to  live  on  her  private  estate.  But  the  proud 
woman  scorned  the  imperial  favour,  and  followed  her  husband 
into  his  exile.  As  a  new  proof  of  imperial  favour,  the 
tetrarchy  was  conferred  upon  the  accuser  Agrippa.^®     Herod 

**  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xviii.  7.  1-2  ;  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  6.  The  latter 
passage  contains  some  inaccuracies,  which  are  corrected  in  the  Antiquities, 
namely  :  (1)  According  to  the  TFars  of  the  Jews,  Agrippa  himself  im- 
mediately followed  Antipas  to  Eome,  where,  according  to  the  Antiquities, 
he  sent  Fortunatus  ;  (2)  According  to  the  TFars  of  the  Jevjs,  Antipas  was 
banished  to  Spain  ;  but,  according  to  the  Antiquities,  to  Lugdunum  in 
Gaul.  The  difference  in  reference  to  the  place  is  not  to  be  explained 
away,  whether  one  understands  by  Lugdunum  the  modern  Lyons  (which 
is  certainly  correct),  or  Lugdunum  Conrenai-um,  on  the  northern  slope  of 
the  Pyrenees,  which  also  belonged  to  Gaul  (so,  e.g.,  Schiller,  Geschichte  der 
rom.  Kaiserzeit,  i.  383).  Lewin  (Fasti  Sacri,  n.  1561)  conjectures  that  tlio 
definite  judgment  of  Caligula  had  not  been  given  forth  before  his  visit  to 
Lyons  in  a.d.  40,  and  that  Joseplius  confounded  the  place  where  the 
sentence  was  given  with  the  place  of  banishment, — an  artificial  hypothesis 
which  only  burdens  Josephus  with  a  more  grievous  error  in  order  to 
exonerate  him  from  a  less  serious  one.  The  time  of  the  deposition  of 
Antipas  is  determined  partly  from  A7itiq.  xviii.  7.  1-2  compared  with 
6.  11,  pjartly  from  xix.  8.  2.  In  the  latter  passage  it  is  said  of  Agrippa  : 
Tirrxpcc;  jxiu  ouu  iTri  Yctiov  Kxiaocpo;  ifiaai'Ksvaiv  hiuvTOv:,  r'?i;  <l><>(7r^oy  f^iv 

TST00tDX,'»;    ih    TpllTlXV     clp^Ot.:,     TU    TiTXpTCf)     di     HCtl     rT,V       HpiJOOV     VpOUil'hriillOIC. 

Seeing  then  that  Caligula  reigned  from  March  a.d.  37  till  January  a.d.  41, 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEROD.  37 

Antipas  died  in  banishment.     A  confused  statement  in  Dio 

Agrippa  obtained  the  tetrarcliy  of  Antipas  in  the  beginninj^  of  a.d.  40. — 
But,  according  to  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  11,  Agrippa  had  returned  to  Palestine  in 
the  second  year  of  Caligula,  between  March  a  d.  38  and  March  a.d.  39, 
and  had  the  benefit  of  the  trade  winds  {hmixi,  Pliilo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  5,  ed. 
Mangey,  ii.  521),  which  from  the  20th  July  blew  for  thirty  days  (Pliny, 
Hist.  Nat.  ii.  47).  Consequently  he  may,  since  he  had  on  his  way  paid  a 
visit  to  Alexandria  (Philo,  I.e.),  have  arrived  in  Palestine  about  the  end 
of  September  a.d.  38.  Seeing  then  that  the  deposition  of  Antipas  was 
closely  connected  with  the  appearance  of  Agrippa,  it  would  seem  that  it 
must  have  taken  place,  if  not  in  a.d.  38,  at  least  in  a.d.  39.  In  fact,  it 
can  be  proved  that  it  actually  occurred  not  earlier  and  not  later  than  the 
summer  of  a.d.  39.  Not  earlier:  for  the  forty -third  year  of  Antipas, 
of  which  we  have  coins  extant,  only  began  with  1st  Nisan  792  a.u.c, 
a.d.  39.  But  also  not  later.  Caligula  was  absent  from  Eome  from 
autumn  a.d.  39  till  31st  August  a.d.  40  on  an  expedition  to  Gaul,  Germany, 
and  Britain  (Dio  Cassius,  lix.  21-25  ;  Suetonius,  Caligula,  17,  43-49  : 
his  entry  into  Rome  '■'■natali  suo,"  i.e.  31st  August,  see  Suetonius,  Caligula, 
8).  Seeing  then  that  the  deposition  of  Antipas  took  place  while  Caligula 
was  at  Baiae,  and  seeing  also,  according  to  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  2,  that 
it  cannot  have  occurred  after  the  German  campaign,  it  must  have  happened 
before  that  campaign,  i.e.  before  autumn  a.d.  39.  It  is  indeed  impossible 
that  it  should  have  taken  place  only  after  the  German  campaign,  for 
Agrippa,  from  autumn  a.d.  40  till  Caligula's  death,  resided  again  near  to 
the  emperor  (Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  35  if.,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  584  ff.  ; 
Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  7  ff.  ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  24  ;  compare  also  §  17  c. 
and  §  18  of  the  present  work),  whereas  at  the  time  of  the  deposition  of 
Antipas  he  was  in  Palestine.  It  is  also  shown  to  be  impossible  by  this 
other  fact,  that,  according  to  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  41,  ed.  Mangey, 
ii.  593,  Agrippa  was  in  autumn  a.d.  40  already  in  possession  of  Galilee. 
Compare  also  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  4,  from  wliich  it  may  be  concluded 
that  Tiberias  then  no  longer  belonged  to  Herod  Antipas.  In  a.d.  39 
Caligula  was  twice  in  Campania  (at  Baiae  and  Puteoli).  Tlie  one  visit  is 
referred  to  in  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  13  ;  the  other,  in  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  17.  Seo 
also  Suetonius,  Caligula,  19.  After  his  second  absence,  however,  he  was 
again  at  Rome  on  the  occasion  of  his  birthday,  31st  August  (Dio  CassiuF, 
lix.  20  ;  Suetonius,  Caligula,  26),  after  which  he  went  forth  on  the 
German  expedition.  The  deposition  of  Antipas  took  place  at  Baiae 
therefore  before  the  31st  August  a.d.  39.  But,  seeing  that  Agrippa  only 
oljtained  the  tetrarchy  of  Antipas  in  the  beginning  of  a.d.  40  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xix.  8.  2),  we  may  fairly  assume,  with  Noris  {0pp.  ii.  622  sq.)  and 
Wieseler  (Chronologic  des  Apostolischen  Zeitalters,  p.  130),  an  interval  of 
several  months  to  have  occurred  between  the  deposition  of  Antipas  and 
the  conferring  of  his  tetrarchy  upon  Agrippa,  and  that  this  latter  event 
did  not  take  place  until  the  time  of  the  Gallo- German  campaign  of 


33  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Cassius    seems    to    imply    that    he    was    put    to    death    by 
Calisula."" 


c.  Archelaus,  B.C.  4-A.D.  6.     His  Territory  under  Eoman 
Procurators,  a.d.  6-a.d.  41. 

SoURCEa. 
JosEPScrs,  Antiq.  xvii.  13,  xviii.  1-4.  8  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii  7-10. 
Philo,  De  legatione  ad  Gajum  {Opera,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  545-600). 
On  the  coins,  see  below. 

Literature. 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  v.  449-457,  vii.  235-257. 
Geikie,  Life  and  Words  of  Christ,  i.  263-272. 

Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii.  pp.  253-271,  315-317,  341-344. 
HiTZiG,  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  562  f.,  573-583. 
Hausrath,  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  i.  287-308,  ii.  199-270. 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  i.  253-262,  ii.   223,  vi.  79,  183,  227  ;  and  art. 
"  Arclielaus  "  in  Schenkel's  Bihellexikon,  iii.  38-40. 


Caligula. — Compare  generally  :  Noris,  De  nummo  Herodis  Antipae  {Opera, 
ii.  col.  646-665) ;  Sanclemente,  De  vulgaris  aerae  emendatione,  pp.  307-315. 
— On  the  coins  of  Herod  bearing  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  year  number 
44,  which  would  require  an  extension  of  his  reign  down  to  a.d.  40,  see 
above,  vol.  i.  p.  466,  and  the  present  vol.  pp.  20,  21.  Were  the  existence  of 
this  coin  well  established,  we  should  be  obliged,  with  Lewin,  to  assign  the 
deposition  of  Antipas,  not  to  the  period  of  Caligula's  residence  at  Baiae, 
but  to  the  period  of  his  Gallic  campaign,  and  so  to  assume  a  serious  error 
in  Josephus. 

•^^  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  8  {Caligula):  ^ KypiTr'zctv  rov  toD  'Hpu^ov  ty-/o-jo<j 
'kvaot,';  TS  .  .  .  x«i  t>5  tw  •Ka-imav  ccp^^fi  Trpoarcc^ctc,  rov  oioi'K<^6v  ij  nxi  zov  viou 
(ivx,  OTt  ruv  'zxTB^itv  d-TZiaTipriaiv,  oiXKoi  xeci  x.XTi'!(pu.i,=.  Although  the 
relationship  is  not  very  clearly  expressed,  the  reference  can  only  be  to 
Herod  Antipas.  To  execute  those  whom  he  banished  was  a  common 
custom  with  Caligula,  Suetonius,  Caligula,  28 ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  18  ; 
Philo,  InFlaccum,  sec.  21,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  543 ;  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  n.  1562. — 
According  to  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  6,  Antipas  died  in  banish- 
ment in  Spain.  Instead  of  Spain  we  are  to  read,  according  to  Antiq. 
xviii.  7.  2,  Lugdunum  in  Gaul.  For  one  has  no  right  so  to  combine 
contradictory  statements  of  Josephus  that  a  later  removal  of  the  banished 
one  from  Lyons  to  Spain  may  be  assumed. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  39 

Gerlach,  Zdtschrift  fiir  luth.  Theologie,  18G9,  pp.  30-32  ;  Die  romischcn 

Statthalter  in  Sijrien  and  Jud'ia,  pp.  44-48,  53-65. 
Winer,  Eealworterbuch,  i.  82  f.  (Archelaus),  and  ii.  261-263  (Pilatus). 
Brann,  Die  Sohne  des  Herodes,  1873  (reprint  from  the  Monatsschrift  fiir 

Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthuvis\  pp.  1-16. 
Lewin,  Fasti  Sacra,  ad  ann.,  4  B.C. -41  a.d. 
MoMiiSEN,  Rdmische  Geschichte,  v.  508  ff. 
Kellxer,  Die  rdmische  Statthalter  von  Syrien  und  Judcia,     2.  Art.  Die 

kaiserlichen  Procuratoren  von  Judlia  {Zeitschrift  fiir  kathol.  Theologie, 

1888,  p.  630  ff.). 
Kellner,  Politische  und  administrative  Zustdnde  von  Paldstina  zur  Zeit 

Christi  {Der  Katholik,  1888,  i.  pp.  47-63).     A  summary  of  the  history 

during  the  time  of  Pompey. 
Menke,  Bibelatlas,  Bl.  V.  Special  map  of  Judea  and  neighbouring  coun- 
tries in  the  time  of  Pontius  Pilate. 

Judea  proper  with  Samaria  and  Idumea  (including  the  large 
cities  of  Caesarea,  Samaria,  Joppa,  and  Jerusalem,  but  exclud- 
ing Gaza,  Gadara,  and  Hippos)  was  in  the  partition  assigned 
to  Archelaus,  the  elder '  brother  of  Antipas,  not  indeed,  as 
Herod  had  intended,  with  the  title  of  king,  but  only  with  that 
of  an  ethnarch."^  Yet  Augustus  promised  him  the  kingdom 
if  he  should  prove  himself  to  be  worthy  of  it.^  Archelaus 
also,  like  Antipas,  named  himself  on  the  coins  and  elsewhere 
by  the  family  name  of  Herod.^ 

^  Josephus,  irars  of  the  Jews,  i.  32.  7,  33.  7. 

2  He  is  inaccurately  styled  (ixai'Aiv;  in  Matt.  ii.  22,  and  in  Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  4.  3. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  11.  4  ;   IVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3. 

*  By  Josephus  he  is  never  indeed  called  Herod,  but  he  is  so  called  by 
Dio  Cassius,  Iv.  27.  That  the  coins  with  the  inscription  IIPflAOT 
E0N.APXOT  belong  to  him  cannot  be  doubted,  for  no  other  Herodian 
besides  him  bore  the  title  of  ethnarch.  Tliis  was  first  of  all  recognised 
by  Scipio  Maffeius,  Antt.  Gall.  p.  113  (quoted  by  Eckhel,  iii.  484).  Eck- 
hel  is  at  least  inclined  to  agree  with  him  ("  Forte  verior  est  conjectura 
Scipionis  Maffeii,"  etc.).  It  is  now  admitted  b}'  all  scholars.  Compare 
on  these  coins  generally  :  Cavedoni,  Bihlische  Numismatik,  i.  53,  57  f., 
ii.  32  f.  ;  De  Saulcy,  Eecherches,  p.  133  sq.  ;  Levy,  Geschichte  der  jUd. 
Miinzcn,  p.  73  f.  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  91-95  ;  Cave- 
doni in  Urote's  Miinzstudicn,  v.  25  f  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatic  Chronicle, 


40  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Among  the  sons  of  Herod  he  procured  for  himself  the 
worst  reputation.  His  rule  was  violent  and  tyrannical.^  He 
set  up  and  removed  the  high  priests  at  his  pleasure.^  He 
gave  special  offence  by  his  marriage  with  Glaphyra,  daughter 
of  the  Cappadocian  king  Archelaus.  She  had  been  married 
first  to  Alexander,  the  half-brother  of  Archelaus,  executed  in 
B.C.  7.  See  vol.  i.  p.  456  of  this  work.  After  his  death 
she  was  married  to  Juba,  king  of  Mauritania.^      Upon  the 

1871,  pp.  248-250 ;  ^raclden,  Numismatic  Cliwnide,  1875,  45  sq.  ; 
Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  pp.  114-118. 

^  'n.iio'ruj  x-cil  Tvpetuvig  are  charged  against  liim  in  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  2. 
Compare  also  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  7.  3. 

"  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  1. 

'  It  is  this  same  one  who  made  himself  known  as  a  writer.  Reports 
about  him  and  the  fragments  of  his  writings  are  collected  by  Miiller, 
Fragmenta  Histor.  Graec.  iii.  465-484.  Compare  also  Clinton,  Fasfi 
Hellenici,  2  ed.  iii.  578  sq.  ;  Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  iv.  345  ;  Nicolai, 
Griechische  Literaturgeschichte,  ii.  185  f.  ;  La  Blanchere,  De  rege  Juba  regis 
Jubaefilio,  Paris  1883,  and  the  literature  referred  to  there. — Juba  as  a 
child  (/3^£(poj,  App. ;  xoimoyi  v/i-x-io;,  Plut.)  was  led  in  triumph  by  Caesar  in 
B.C.  46  (Appian,  ii.  101  ;  Plutarch,  Caesar,  c.  55).  In  B.C.  29  he  obtained 
from  Augustus  his  father's  kingdom  of  Numidia  (Dio  Cassius,  Ii.  15). 
Four  years  later,  in  B.C.  25,  Augustus  gave  him  instead  of  that  the  lands  of 
Bocchus  and  Boguas  (Mauritania  Tingitana  and  Caesariensis),  and  a  part 
of  Gatulia  (Dio  Cassius,  liii.  26).  He  was  still  living  in  a.d.  18  (Miiller, 
iii.  466),  and,  as  is  proved  by  the  evidence  of  the  coins,  did  not  die  before 
A.D.  23  (Monimsen,  Ephemeris  epigr.  i.  278  ;  Marquardt,  Romisches  Staats- 
vertvaltung,  i.  1881,  p.  482  ;  Riihl,  Jahrbb.  filr  class.  Philol.  117  Bd.  1878, 
pp.  542-544.  Riihl  succeeds  in  proving,  in  opposition  to  Niese  in  Hermes, 
xiii.  1878,  p.  35  f ,  Anm.,  that  Juba  died  in  a.d.  23.  Schiller  in  Bursian's 
Jahresbericht,  xv.  497  f.  ;  Paul  Meyer,  Leipziger  Studien  zur  class.  Philol. 
ii.  1879,  p.  72  ;  Vogel,  Philologus,  Bd.  41,  1882,  p.  517 ;  La  Blanchere, 
De  rege  Juba,  p.  85  [all  in  favour  of  a.d.  23]. — The  marriage  with  Gla- 
phyra occurred  probably  between  B.C.  1  and  a.d.  4,  if  the  conjecture  of 
Miiller  is  correct  that  Juba  accompanied  C.  Caesar  on  his  Oriental  expedi- 
tion, and  on  that  occasion  became  acquainted  with  Glaphyra. — An 
inscription  at  Athens,  filled  up  as  follows  by  Monimsen,  probably  refer  to 
Glaphyra  (fi'^/iemem  ejngr.  i.  277  sq.=:  C'o?^^.  Inscr.  Attic,  iii.  1,  n.  549)  :^ 

'H  (iQV'hVI  KCtI    [O  3^,M0j] 

(iotai'hcaaoi.v  [y'Ka(pvpxv'\ 

' Apx^y^Kov  OV/[_XTipU,    li'/Soc] 

yvvociKci  [_dpiT-/i;  ivfx,x\. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  41 

dissolution  of  this  marriage,^  Glaphyra  lived  in  her  father's 
house.  There  Archelaus  became  acquainted  with  her,  fell  in 
love  with  her,  and  took  her  to  be  his  wife,  for  he  divorced  his 
own  wife  Mariamme.  Seeing  that  Glaphyra  had  children  by 
Alexander,  the  marriage  was  unlawful,  and  therefore  gave 
great  offence.^  The  marriage  was  not  indeed  of  long  duration, 
for  Glaphyra  died  soon  after  her  arrival  in  Judea,^"  after 
having  had  a  remarkable  dream,  in  which  her  first  husband, 
Alexander,  appeared  to  her,  and  made  known  to  her  her 
approaching  death.^^ 

It  will  almost  go  without  saying  that  Archelaus  as  son  of 
Herod  engaged  upon  great  building  enterprises.  The  palace 
at  Jericho  was  restored  in  the  most  magnificent  style.  An 
aqueduct  was  built  to  lead  the  water  necessary  for  the  palm- 
groves,  which  he  had  laid  out  anew  in  the  plain  north  of 
Jericho,  from  the  village  of  Neara.  He  also  founded  a  city, 
and  called  it  in  honour  of  himself  Archelais.^'^ 

But  these  beautiful  and  useful  undertakings  could  not  recon- 
cile his  sul>jects  to  his  misgovernment.     After  tolerating  his 

*  Josephus  says  "after  the  death  of  Juba,"  -which,  however,  is  wrong. 
See  previous  note. 

'■•  Compare  generally  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  1  and  4  ;  JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii. 
7.4. 

^^  Mst'  oKiyav  tov  ix.(pi^euc  xp^'-">''i  ^^'^ai'S  of  the  Jews,  ii.  7.  4. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  4  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  7.  4. 

^2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  1. — On  the  palm-groves  near  Jericho,  see 
vol.  i.  p.  423  ;  on  the  village  of  Archelais,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  122.  It 
lay,  according  to  the  tabula  Peutinger.  (ed.  Konr.  Miller,  1888),  on  the 
road  from  Jericho  to  Scythopolis,  12  Roman  miles  north  of  Jericho, 
12  +  12  Roman  miles  south  of  Scythopolis.  Seeing  that  the  actual  distance 
lictween  was  somewhere  about  15  Roman  miles,  an  error  has  some- 
where crept  into  the  figures.  If  we  assume  that  the  statement  of  tlie 
distance  between  Jericho  and  Archelais  as  12  Roman  miles  is  correct, 
then  Archelais  must  have  been  a  little  south  of  Phasaelis,  not  north,  as  is 
generally  supposed.  The  following  fact  is  in  favour  of  such  a  view. 
Archelais,  like  Phasaelis,  was  celebrated  for  its  palm-groves  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  2.  2  ;  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  xiii.  4.  44).  "We  may  therefore 
actually  seek  the  palm-groves  anew  laid  out  by  Archelaus,  for  which  he 


42  THE  EOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

rule  for  more  than  nine  years,  a  deputation  of  tlie  Jewish  and 
Samaritan  aristocracy  set  out  for  Eome,  in  order  to  lay  their 
complaints  against  him  before  Augustus.  The  points  in  their 
accusation  must  have  been  verj''  serious  ;  for  the  emperor 
felt  himself  obliged  to  summon  Archelaus  to  Eome,  and,  after 
having  heard  him,  to  depose  him  from  his  government,  and 
banish  him  to  Vienne  in  Gaul  in  a.d.  6.  To  him  also,  as  to 
his  wife,  his  fate  had  been  foretold  by  a  remarkable  dream.^^ 

The  territory  of  Archelaus  was  taken  under  immediate 
Eoman  rule,  for  it  was  attached  to  the  province  of  Syria,  but 
received  a  governor  of  its  own  from  the  equestrian  order.^*  In 
consequence  of  this  arrangement  the  condition  of  Judea  became 
essentially  changed.  Herod  the  Great  and  his  sons  had  in 
spite  of  all  their  friendship  for  the  Eomans  considerable 
respect  for  and  understanding  of  the  national  traditions  and 
peculiarities  of  the  Jews,  so  that  they,  apart  from  individual 
exceptions,  did  not  wantonly  wound  the  most  sacred  sensi- 
bilities of  the  people.  Common  prudence  demanded  in  regard 
to  such  matters  care  and  consideration.      The  Eomans,  on  the 

brought  water  from  Neara,  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  Archelais 
founded  by  him.  But  Neara  is  most  probably  identical  with  the  place 
called  by  Eusebius  {Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  283)  Noopa^,  which  was 
only  5  Roman  miles  distant  from  Jericho.  Therefore  also  Archelias 
would  not  be  too  far  from  it. 

13  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  2-3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeios,  ii.  7.  3 ;  Dio 
Cassius,  Iv.  27.  Without  mentioning  the  name  of  Archelaus,  Strabo,  xvi. 
2.  46,  p.  765,  says  that  a  son  of  Herod  su  tpvyfi  S/srtXs/  -Trccpd  toI;'  A'AT^o/ipi^i 
Tu'hx-ra.i;  x«/3wi/  oUmi".  Vienne,  south  of  Lyons,  was  the  capital  of  the 
Allobrogi.— As  regards  the  chronology,  Dio  Cassius,  Iv.  27,  places  the 
banishment  of  Archelaus  in  the  consulship  of  Aemilius  Lepidus  and 
Lucius  Arruntius,  a.d.  6.  With  this  agree  the  statements  of  Josephus, 
Antiq.  xvii.  13.  2,  that  it  occurred  in  the  tenth  year,  or,  according  to  the 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  7.  3,  in  the  ninth  year  of  Archelaus. — According  to  a 
statement  of  Jerome,  the  grave  of  Archelaus  was  pointed  out  near  Beth- 
lehem {Onoviasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  101  :  "  sed  et  propter  eandem  Beth- 
leem  regis  quondam  Judaeae  Archelai  tumulus  ostenditur  ").  If  this  be 
correct,  he  must  have  died  in  Palestine. 

1*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  5,  xviii.  1.  1  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews.  ii.  8.  1. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEROD.  43 

Other  hand,  had  scarcely  any  appreciation  of  what  was  pecu- 
liar to  the  Jewish  nationality.  As  the  religious  views  of  the 
Pharisees  and  the  accumulation  of  traditions  which  encom- 
passed the  daily  life  of  the  people  like  a  net  were  altogether 
unknown  to  the  Eomans,  they  could  not  at  all  understand 
how  a  whole  people  would  offer  the  most  persistent  resistance 
even  unto  death,  and  would  suffer  annihilation  on  account  of 
merely  ceremonial  rites  and  what  seemed  matters  of  in- 
difference. The  Jews  again  saw  in  the  simplest  rules  of 
administration,  such  as  the  proposal  of  a  census  made  at  the 
very  beginning,  an  encroachment  upon  the  most  sacred  rights 
of  the  people,  and  from  day  to  day  the  feeling  more  and  more 
gained  ground  that  the  immediate  government  of  the  Eomans, 
which  at  the  death  of  Herod  they  had  wished  for,^^  was 
irreconcilable  with  the  principles  of  the  theocracy.  Thus, 
even  had  there  been  the  best  of  intentions  on  both  sides,  the 
relations  inevitably  became  strained  and  ultimately  hostile. 
But  tliis  good-will  was  only  partially  exhibited.  Those  at 
the  head  of  the  government,  with  the  exception  of  the  times 
of  Caligula,  were  indeed  ready  on  their  part  to  make  con- 
cessions and  to  exercise  forbearance  in  a  very  large  measure. 
But  their  good  intentions  were  always  rendered  nugatory  by 
the  perversity  of  the  procurators,  not  infrequently  also  by 
gross  miscarriage  of  justice  on  the  part  of  these  officials. 
Those  subordinate  officers,  like  all  petty  governors,  were 
usually  puffed  up  by  a  consciousness  of  their  absolute  autho- 
rity, and  by  their  insolent  demeanour  at  last  drove  the 
oppressed  and  burdened  people  to  such  a  pitch  of  excitement 
that  they  rushed  headlong  with  wild  fanaticism  into  a  war 
that  plainly  involved  annihilation. 


Seeing  that  the  political  affairs  of  Judea  during  the  period 
15  Jo.^cphus,  Aritiq.  xvii.  11.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  2. 


4  i  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

A.D.  6-41  were  in  all  essential  respects  the  same  as  those  of 
Palestine  generally  during  the  period  a.d.  44—66,  in  the 
following  exposition  we  take  the  two  periods  together,  and 
make  use  of  materials  from  the  one  period  as  well  as  from 
the  other.^® 

Judea,  and  subsequently  all  Palestine,  was  not  in  the  strict 
sense  of  the  term  incorporated  with  the  province  of  Syria, 
but  had  a  governor  of  its  own  of  equestrian  rank,  who  stood 
only  to  a  certain  extent  in  dependence  upon  the  imperial 
legate  of  Syria,^^  It  therefore  belonged  to  the  third  class  of 
imperial  provinces,  according  to  Strabo's  classification.^^  And 
this  third  class  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  exception  to  the  rule ; 
for  most  of  the  imperial  provinces  were,  just  like  the  sena- 
torial provinces,  administered  by  men  of  senatorial  rank  ;  the 
greater  provinces,  like  that  of  Syria,  by  men  who  had  been 
consuls,  the  smaller  ones,  by  those  who  had  been  praetors." 
Only  a  few  particular  provinces  were  in  an  exceptional 
manner  placed  under  governors  of  equestrian  rank,  namely, 
those  in  which,  on  account  of  special  tenacity  in  adhering  to 
peculiar  national  customs,  or  on  account  of  the  rudeness  and 

^^  Compare  Sibranda,  De  statu  Judaeae  provinciae  sub  procuratoribus, 
Franecq.  1698  (also  in  Thesaurus  novus  theol.-phihl.,  edd.  Hase  et  Iken, 
ii.  529  sqq.). — Krenkel,  art.  "Verwaltung"  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon, 
V.  601  f .  ;  Riehra's  Handworterbuch,  art.  "Romer;"  Mommsen,  Rom. 
Geschichte,  v.  509  fF.  ;  and  generally  the  literature  referred  to  on  p.  38  of 
this  volume. 

^'  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jevjs,  ii.  8.  1  :  rij?  os  ^ kp-/,iK(kw  x'-^P'^^  «'V 
iTTix.pX'^v  Tripiypot(^tiayi;  Ivir poTtog  rt?  [1.  rvji]  i7nrix.Yi;  Tctpcc  ' Fu/auioi ; 
T«|s6;j  Ku7:-uuio;  Triftvi-eti. — Antt.  xviii.  1.  1  :    KuTTus/iOi  .   •  .  Tccyfiuro; 

^*  Strabo,  xvii.  3.  25,  p.  840  :  sis  «?  l^^"  'J^if^'T^'-i  rovg  tTfti^iT^nijoi^ivovg 
vTriLTiKov;  oLvhpot.;,  u;  »;  Is  ar potrYiyiKOv;,  si;  a;  Ss  jcxl  i'TT'TrtKOv;. 

^3  For  further  details,  see  vol.  i.  p.  347  of  this  work. — The  designation 
of  the  imperial  governor  of  Syria  as  "  proconsul,"  as  is  done  by  many 
theologians  {e.g.  Gerlach,  Hausrath,  Krenkel),  is  an  offence  against  the 
very  rudiments  of  Roman  antiquities.  Only  during  the  time  of  Pompey, 
down  to  B.C.  48,  was  Syria  governed  by  "proconsuls." 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEROD.  45 

savage  state  of  the  country,  the  government  could  not  be 
carried  on  by  the  usual  methods.  The  best  known  example 
is  that  of  Egypt.  Elsewhere  there  were  also  territories 
inhabited  by  a  still  semi-barbarous  people  which  were  admin- 
istered in  this  manner.^" 

The  usual  title  for  such  an  equestrian  governor  was  pro- 
curator, e'TTiTpoTTO';/'^  It  seems  indeed  that  Augustus,  not 
only  in  Egypt,  but  elsewhere  as  well,  preferred  the  tide 
jpraefadus,  eTrapxo^.^^  Very  soon,  however,  at  farthest  in  the 
time  of  Claudius,  except  in  the  case  of  Egypt,  the  title  2iro- 
curator  had  become  the  prevailing  one.  Josephus,  as  a  rule, 
designates  the  governor  of  Judea  eViT/307ro9,  sometimes 
CTrapxo'i  or  rijefioov^^  In  the  New  Testament,  'ijje/j.Mv  = 
pracses,  is  the  term  usually  employed.'*  That  iTrirpoTro^ 
{procurator)   is    the    correct    title    may    be    also    proved    by 

20  The  most  important,  besides  Egypt,  are  mentioned  by  Tacitus. 
History,  i.  11:  "duae  Mauritaniae,  Raetia,  Noricum,  Tliracia  et  quae 
aliae  procuiatoribus  cohibentur."  A  complete  list  is  given  by  Hirschfeld, 
Sitzxmgsbericlde  der  Berliner  Akadeviie,  1889,  pp.  419-423. — Compare  also, 
Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsvenoaltung,  i,  1881,  p.  554  f.  ;  Liebenam, 
Beitrdge  zur  Venmltungsgeschichte,  i.  1886,  pp.  26-30. 

21  Compare  generally  on  the  Praesidial-Procnrators  :  Mascovius,  De 
procuratore  Caesaris,  Altorf.  1724  (also  in  his  Opuscula  jurid.  et  philol. 
1776,  pp.  1-30);  Eein,  art.  "Procurator  Caesaris"  in  Pauly's  lieal- 
Kncydopaedie,  vi.  1.  88-90  ;  Winer,  Bihlisches  Bealworterbuch,  ii.  276  ff. 
(art.  "  Procuratoren")  ;  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  1, 
1881,  p.  554  fF. — The  most  comprehensive  treatment  of  the  subject  is 
given  by  Hirschfeld,  Die  ritterlichen  Provinzialstatthalter  (Siizungsberichte 
der  Berliner  Akademie,  1889,  pp.  417-442). 

22  See  with  reference  to  this  matter,  Hirschfeld,  Siizungsberichte,  1889, 
pp.  425-427. 

22  'Er/rpoxcj  in  the  following  passages  :  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  8.  1,  9.  2, 
11.6  (in  the  parallel  passage,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  2  :  e-Tupxo;) ;  Antiq.  xx.  6.  2  ; 
Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  12.  8.  i'TrnpoTivuv,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  1.  sttjtoox-^, 
Antiq.  xx.  5.  1  fin.,  11.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jexvs,  ii.  12.  1,  14.  1. — gVao^or, 
Antiq.  xviii.  2.  2,  xix.  9.  2  (in  parallel  passage,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6  : 
e9r<Vj50To?). — ityn(jo,uivoc,  Antiq.  xviii.  1.  1.  iiysfcuv,  Antiq.  xviii.  3.  1. 
vrpoaTriOCfiii/o;,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1. — i-Triu.i'KrirY^;,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  2. — iTrTrxpxn;, 
Antiq.  xviii.  6.  10  fin. 

2^  Matt,  xxvii.  2,  11,  M,  15,  21,  27,  xxviii.   14;  Luke  iii.  1,  xx.  20; 


46  THE  EOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

witnesses  of  another  kind.-'  In  general  this  title  was  used 
for  all  imperial  finance  officers,  while  praefadus  was  more  of 
a  military  title.  Such  finance  procurators  were  found  also  in 
all  other  provinces,  in  the  imperial  as  well  as  the  senatorial 
provinces.-'^  They  were  chosen  not  only  from  the  equestrian 
order,  but  even  from  among  the  freedmen  of  the  emperor.^^ 
Those  procurators,  on  the  other  hand,  who  had  to  administer 
a  province,  on  account  of  the  military  command  that  was 
necessarily  connected  with  such  an  appointment,  were  chosen 
exclusively  from  the  ranks  of  the  equestrians.  It  was  an 
unheard  of  novelty  when  under  Claudius  the  office  of  pro- 
curator of  Judea  was  given  to  a  freedman,  Felix  (see  below 
under  §  19). 

The  procurators  of  Judea  seem  to  have  been  subordinate  to 
the  governor  of  Syria  only  to  this  extent,  that  it  was  the 
right  and  duty  of  the  governor  to  interfere  in  the  exercise  of 

Acts  xxiii.  24,  26,  33,  xxiv.  1,  10,  xxvi.  30. — i>  £,«&>;/  means  generally 
jjraeses,  and  is  therefore  used  of  governors  of  other  orders. 

2^  The  decree  of  the  Emperor  Claudius  in  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  1.  2  : 
Kova-TTiu  (PxZa  r&i  l^uu  'fTrirpoTru. — Tacit.  Annal.  XV.  44  :  "  Christus  Tiberio 
imperitante  per  procuratorem  Pentium  Pilatum  supplicio  adfectus  erat." 
Ibid.  xii.  54  :  "  praedas  ad  procuratores  referre  .  .  .  jus  statuendi  etiam 
de  procuratoribus."  Cumanus  and  Felix  are  intended. — The  material 
brought  together  by  Hirschfeld  in  Sitzungsberichte,  p.  425  f.,  seems  to  me 
insufficient  to  ground  upon  it  the  conclusion  "  that  in  Judea  also  in  the 
earlier  days  of  the  empire  the  title  of  praefadus  was  used,"  although  this 
may  be  admitted  as  possible. 

^^  Marquardt,  i.  555  f. 

-"  Compare  on  these  finance  procurators  (besides  the  literature  given 
in  note  21)  :  Eichhorst,  Quaestionum  e^ngraphicarum  de  procuratorihxLs 
imperatorum  Eomanorum  specimen,  1861  ;  Hirschfeld,  Untersuchungen  auj 
dem  Gebiete  der  romischen  Verwaltungsgcschichte,  Bd.  1,  Die  kaiserlichen 
Verwaltungsbeamten  bis  auf  Diocletian,  1887  (a  well- informing  treatise); 
Liebenam,  Beitrdge  zur  Verwaltungsgeschichte  des  romischen  Kaiserreichs, 
i.,  Vie  Laufbahn  der  Procuratoren  bis  auf  die  Zeit  Diocletians,  1886. — 
Much  material  is  supplied  in  the  Indices  to  the  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  Com- 
jiare  also  Corp.  Inscr.  Grace,  Index,  p.  36  {s.v.  tTrirpoTro;  Ss/SaaTot/). 
Ilaenel,  Corpus  Lcgum,  Index,  s.v.  procurator;  Dirksen,  Manuale  latini- 
tatis  fontium  iuris  civ.  Rom.  (1837),  s.v.  procurator. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD  47 

his  supreme  power  in  cases  of  necessity.^*  Writers  have 
indeed  sometimes  expressed  themselves  as  if  Judea  had  heen 
incorporated  into  the  province  of  Syria.  But  they  do  not 
continue  consistent  to  such  a  view.'^^  The  investing  the 
procurator  with  a  military  command,  and  with  independent 
jurisdiction,  of  itself  conferred  upon  him  a  position,  in  virtue 
of  which  he  was,  in  regard  to  ordinary  transactions  within 
tlie  limits  of  his  province,  as  independent  as  the  governors  of 
other  provinces.  On  the  other  hand,  the  governor  of  Syria 
had  the  right,  according  to  his  own  discretion,  to  interfere  if 
he  had  reason  to  fear  revolutionary  uprisings  or  the  appear- 
ance of  other  serious  difficulties.  He  would  then  take 
command    in    Judea    as    the    superior    of    tlie     procurator.'*^ 

28  Compare  Mommsen,  Eomische  Geschichte,  v.  509,  Anm. ;  Hirschfeld, 
Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner  Akademie,  1889,  pp.  440-442. 

29  Josephus  says,  Antiq.  xvii.  Jin. :  rii;  Si  'AoxsAaoy  X'^'P'^s  vTroTiMv: 
'7rpoavi^r,6ilavig  rij  liipuu.  But  when  he  also,  in  Antiq.  xviii.  1.  1,  calls 
Judea  a  ■TrpcadyiKYi  riis  '2vpix;,  he  evidently  does  not  mean  to  describe  it  as 
a  properly  integral  part,  but  only  as  an  appendix  or  annex  to  the  province 
of  Syria.  According  to  the  Tl'ars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  8.  1,  the  territory  of 
Archelaus  had  been  made  into  a  province,  therefore  with  the  privilege  of 
independence,  t?,;  Bs  '  Abx^'^^ov  x^'P'^S  ''V  iT^xox''^''  '^ipiyooi.itiidr,;.  In 
reference  also  to  the  state  of  matters  after  Agrippa's  death,  Josephus 
affirms  distinctly  that  the  governor  of  Syria  was  not  set  over  the  kingdom 
of  Agrippa  {Antiq.  xix.  9.  2),  while  he  immediately  afterwards  states  that 
this  governor  had  interfered  in  the  affairs  of  that  conwivy  {Antiq.  xx.  1.  1). 
— Tacitus  refers,  in  a.d.  17,  to  Syria  and  Judea  as  two  provinces  alongside 
of  one  another  {Annals,  ii.  42  :  "provinciae  Suria  atque  Judaea),  and  says 
of  the  arrangements  after  the  death  of  King  Agrippa,  Histonj,  v.  9  : 
"Claudius  .  .  .  Judaeam  provinciam  equitilnis  Romanis  aut  libertis  per- 
misit."  "When,  therefore,  he  reports  this  same  fact  in  another  place 
{Ammls,  xii.  23)  in  these  words  :  "  Ituraeique  et  Judaei  defunctis  regibus, 
Sohaemo  atque  Agrippa,  provinciae  Suriae  additi;"  that  word  additi  is  to 
be  understood  in  the  same  way  as  the  ^-poadiiKYi  of  Josephus.  In  no  case 
t^hould  any  one  conclude,  as  Bormann  (see  under  §  18  fin.)  has  done, 
because  Tacitus  introduces  this  statement  first  in  a.d.  49,  when  he  should 
have  previously  brought  it  forward  in  a.d.  44,  that  affairs  had  undergone 
a  change  in  a.d.  49. — Suetonius  also  wrongly  designates  Judea  a  province 
(Suetonius,  Claudius,  28  :  "  Felicem.  quern  cohortibus  et  alls  provinriaeque 
Judaeae  ])racposuit "). 

'"Examples:    Petronius  {Antiq.  xviii.  8.   2-9;    Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii. 


48  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Whether  this  superior  authority  went  so  far  that  he  might 
even  call  the  procurator  to  account  seems  questionable,  since, 
in  the  two  cases  in  which  this  happened,  the  governor 
concerned  had  been  probably  entrusted  with  a  special 
conimission.^^ 

The  residence  of  the  procurator  of  Judea  was  not  at 
Jerusalem,  but  at  Caesarea.^  Since  the  dwelling  of  the 
commander-in-chief  or  governor  was  called  ^J7'ac^oriM/?i,  the 
irpacTcoptov  rov  'HpwZov  in  Caesarea  (Acts  xxiii.  35)  was 
nothing  else  than  a  palace  built  by  Herod,  which  served  as  a 
residence  for  the  procurator. — On  special  occasions,  especially 
during  the  chief  Jewish  feasts,  when,  on  account  of  the 
crowds  of  people  that  streamed  into  Jerusalem,  particularly 
careful  oversight  was  necessary,  the  procurator  went  up  to 
Jerusalem,  and  resided  then  in  what  had  been  the  palace  of 
Herod.^  The  praetorium  at  Jerusalem,  in  which  Pilate  was 
staying  at  the  time  of  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  Jesus 
Christ  (Matt,  xxvii.  27;  Mark  xv.  16;  John  xviii.  28,  33, 
xix,  9),  is  therefore  just  the  well-known  palace  of  Herod,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  city.^*  It  was  not  only  a  princely 
dwelling,  but  at  the  same  time  a  strong  castle,  in  which  at 

10.  1-5),  Cassius  Longinus  (Antiq.  xx.  1.  1),  Cestius  Gallus  (JFars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  14.  3,  16.  1,  18.  9  ff.). 

2^  Of  Vitellius,  who  deposed  Pilate  (Antiq.  xviii.  4.  2),  Tacitus  {Annah, 
vi.  32)  says :  "  Cunctis  quae  apud  orientem  parabantur  L.  Vitelliuin 
praefecit."  Of  Ummidius  Quadratus,  who  sent  Cunianus  to  Rome  {Antiq. 
XX.  6.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  6),  it  is  expressly  said  in  Tacitus 
{Annals, -aii.  54):  "Claudius  ...  jus  statuendi  etiam  de  procuratoribus 
dederat." 

32  Josephus,  Avtiq.  xviii.  3.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  9.  2  (Pilate);  Antiq. 
XX.  5.  4  ;  Wars  of  the  Jens,  ii.  12.  2  (Cumanus) ;  Acts  xxiii.  23-33  (Felix) ; 
Acts  XXV.  1-13  (Festus) ;  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  4  fin.,  15.  6 
Jin.,  n.  1  (Floras).  Tacitus,  History,  ii.  78:  "Caesaream  .  .  .  Judaeae 
caput." 

33  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  8,  15.  5  ;  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum, 
sec.  38  (ed.  Mangey,  ii.  589  sq.). 

3"*  Compare  the  art,  "Richthaus"  in  Winer,  Realworterhuch,  and  Riehm, 
Handworterhuch. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  49 

times  (during  the  rebellion  in  B.C.  4,  and  again  in  a.d.  66) 
large  detachments  of  troops  could  maintain  their  position 
against  the  assaults  of  the  whole  mass  of  the  people.^^ 
Hence,  also,  during  the  residence  there  of  the  procurator,  tlie 
detachment  of  troops  accompanying  him  had  their  quarters 
within  its  walls  (Mark  xv.  16), 

With  reference  to  the  military  arrangements,  it  deserves 
specially  to  be  remembered  that  the  Eoman  army  of  the  days 
of  the  empire  was  divided  into  two  divisions  of  a  thoroughly 
distinct  kind  :  the  legions  and  the  auxiliaries.^^  The  legions 
formed  the  proper  core  of  the  troops,  and  consisted  only  of 
Eoman  citizens,  for  those  provincials  who  served  in  the 
legions  had  obtained  citizen  rights.  Each  legion  formed  a 
compact  whole  of  ten  cohorts,  or  sixty  centuries,  altogether 
embracing  from  5000  to  6000  men.^'  The  auxiliary  troops 
consisted  of  provincials  who,  at  least  in  the  early  days  of  the 
empire,  did  not  as  a  rule  possess  the  right  of  citizenship. 
Their  arms  were  lighter  and  less  harmonious  than  those  of 
the  legions  ;  often  in  this  they  were  allowed  to  follow  their 
own  national  usages.  Tlieir  infantry  was  formed  into  cohorts, 
whose  strength  varied  from  500  to  1000  men;  the  cavaliy 
was  formed  into  cdae,  of  similarly  varying  strength.^' 
Cohorts  and  alae  were  named  after  the  nation  from  which 
they  had  been  recruited.^^ 

In  regard  to  the  provinces  administered  by  procurators,  it 
may,  as   a  rule,  be  assumed   that   in   them,  and   under   the 

S5  Joseplius,  Antiq^.  xvii.  10.  2-3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  3.  1-4,  17.  7-8. 
Compare  the  description,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  4.  3-4. 

36  Compare  on  the  composition  and  nature  of  the  Roman  army 
generally,  Marquardt,  Eomische  Staatsveriualtung,  ii.  307-591. 

S7  Marquardt,  ii.  859,  441.  ^^  Ibid.  453-457. 

83  So,  to  give  only  a  few  examples  from  Palestine  and  Syria,  "  Cohors 
Ascalonitarum,  Canathenorum,  Damasccnorum,  Ituraeorum,  Sebasten- 
orum,  Tyriorum."  Other  cxamjdes  in  rich  abundance  are  given  in  the 
indices  to  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  A  collection  of  materials  is  given  by 
Mommsen,  Ephemeris  epicjr.  v.  164-200. 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  D 


50  THE  ROMAN-HERO DIAN  AGE. 

command  of  the  procurator,  there  would  be  only  auxiliary 
troops.'*"  This  rule  is  also  confirmed  by  the  history  of  Judea. 
There  were  legions  only  in  Syria ;  in  the  time  of  Augustus 
three,  from  the  time  of  Tiberius  four.^^  But  in  Judea,  down 
to  the  time  of  Vespasian,  there  were  only  auxiliary  troops, 
and,  indeed,  mostly  such  as  had  been  raised  in  the  country 
itself.*^  The  honour  and  burden  of  this  levy  lay  only  on 
the  non-Jewish  inhabitants  of  Palestine.  The  Jews  were 
exempted  from  military  service.  Tliis  is  abundantly  proved 
to  have  been  the  state  of  matters,  at  least,  from  the  time  of 
Caesar,"  and,  from  all   that  we   positively  know  about   the 

^0  Hirsclifeld,  Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner  Akademie,  1889,  pp.  431-437  ; 
Marqiiardt,  ii.  518. 

*^  Three  legions  under  Augustus  (Joseplius,  Antiq.  xviii.  10.  9  ;  Wars 
of  the  Jews,  ii.  3.  1,  5.  1) ;  four  under  Tiberius  (Tacitus,  Annals,  iv.  5). 
Seeing  that  in  Egypt  under  Augustus  there  were  three  legions,  and  under 
Tiberius  only  two,  see  Strabo,  xvii.  1.  12,  p.  797  ;  Tacitus,  Annals,  iv.  5, 
there  was  meanwhile  one  of  the  Egyptian  legions  transferred  to  Syria 
(Pfitzner,  -p.  24,  conjectures  that  it  was  the  Legio  XII.  Fulm.). — Of  the 
four  Syrian  legions  only  two  are  known  with  certainty  :  the  Legio  VI. 
Ferrata  (Tacitus,  Annals,  ii.  79,  81,  xiii.  38,  40,  xv.  6,  26)  and  the  Legio 
X.  Fretensis  (Tacitus,  Annals,  ii.  57,  xiii.  40,  xv.  6).  The  other  two  were 
probably  the  Legio  III.  Gallica  (Tacitus,  A7inals,  xiii.  40,  xv.  6,  26  ;  it 
had,  according  to  Tacitus,  Histortj,  iii.  24,  already  fought  under  Mark 
Antony  against  the  Parthians)  and  the  Legio  XII.  Fulminata  (Tacitus, 
Annals,  xv.  6,  7,  10,  26). — See  especially  Momnisen,  lies  gestae  div.  Augusti, 
2  ed.  1883,  p.  68,  note  2.  Generally  :  Grotefend,  art.  "Legio"  in  Pauly's 
Eeal-Encydopaedie,  iv.  868-901  ;  Marquardt,  Bomische  Staatsvericaltung, 
ii.  430  ff.  ;  Stille,  Historia  legionum  mcxilioriimque  inde  ab  excessu  divi 
Augusti  usqite  ad  Vespasiani  tempora,  Kiliae  1877  ;  Pfitzner,  Geschichte  der 
romischen  Kaiserlegioncii  von  Augustus  bis  Hadrianus,  Leipzig  1881. 

*^  Compare  in  reference  to  the  garrisoning  of  Judea  down  to  the  time 
of  Vespasian,  Schiirer,  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  xviii.  1875, 
pp.  413-425  ;  Egli,  Zeitschrift,  xxvii.  1884,  pp.  10-22  ;  Momnisen, 
Hermes,  xix.  1884,  p.  217,  Anm.  ;  Hirschfeld,  Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner 
Alcademie,  1889,  p.  433  f. 

^' Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  10.  6:  xa<  oTria?  fcinoil;  i/.v)Ti  oip^uu  f<,iiTS 
OTpxT/iyo;  }j  TTpeufiivr'/ii;  iv  to.?  opoi;  rav  '  lov^xt'uii  hwrx  [codd.  ccviorei] 
cvfi/axxiav.  Also  Momnisen,  Bomische  Geschichte,  v.  501,  Anm. — The 
Jews  of  Asia  Minor  were  freed  from  the  conscription  for  military  service 
of  llie  Pouipeiaus  in  B.C.  49  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  10.  13,  14,  16,  18,  19), 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  51 

Palestinian  troops  down  to  the  days  of  Vespasian,  may  also 
be  assumed  as  certain  throughout  the  imperial  period, 
Eemarkable  as  this  unequal  treatment  of  the  population  may 
appear  to  us,  it  is  in  thorough  correspondence  with  what  is 
otherwise  known  regarding  the  Eoman  procedure  in  the 
conscription.  Indeed,  in  regard  to  the  use  made  of  the 
inhabitants  and  the  confidence  reposed  in  them,  the  provinces 
were  treated  in  very  diverse  ways  and  varying  measures  in 
the  matter  of  military  service." 

For  the  period  a.d.  6-41  we  are  witliout  any  direct 
information  about  the  troops  stationed  in  Judea.  But  it  is 
highly  probable  that  the  Sehastians,  i.e.  the  soldiers  drafted  in 
the  region  of  Sebaste  or  Samaria,  whom  we  meet  with  subse- 
quently, constituted  even  then  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
garrison.  In  the  struggles  which  followed  the  death  of 
Herod  in  B.C.  4,  the  best  equipped  part  of  the  troops  of 
Herod  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Eomans,  namely,  the  Xe^aa- 
T7]i'ol  rpia'^iXiot,  under  the  command  of  Eufus  and  Gratus, 
the  former  of  whom  commanded  the  cavalry,  the  latter  the 
infantry."  The  troops  thus  proved  would  be  undoubtedly 
retained  by  Archelaus,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that,  after 
his  deposition  in  A.D.  6,  they  would  be  taken  over  by  the 
Eomans,  then,  from  a.d.  41  to  a.d.  44,  by  Agrippa,  and  after 
his  death  again  by  the  Eomans.  The  following  also  speaks 
in  favour  of  this  supposition.  At  the  death  of  Agrippa  in 
a.d.  44,  the  troops  of  the  king  stationed  in  Caesarea,  which 
were  Kaicrap6i<i  koI  Xej3aaTqvoi,  gave  expression  in  a  very 
unseemly  manner  to  their  joy  at  the  death  of  the  ruler  that 

and  this  remission  was  confirniccl  to  them  six  years  later,  in  B.C.  43, 
l)y  Dolabella  (Joseplius,  Antiii.  xiv.  10.  11-12).  Compare  Div.  II.  vol. 
ii.  2G4. 

•**  Compare  Mommsen,  "  Die  Conscriptionsordnung  der  rcimisclien 
Kaiserzeit"  {Hermes,  Bd.  xix.  1884,  pp.  1-79,  210-234). 

•*'^  Joseplius,  JVars  of  the  Jevcs,  ii.  3.  4,  4.  2-3.  Compare  Antiq^.  xvii. 
10.  3  ff. 


52  THE  PtOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

had  shown  himself  friendly  to  the  Jews.  In  order  to  show 
respect  to  the  memory  of  Agrippa,  the  emperor  ordered  these 
troops,  namely,  ttjv  cXrjv  tmv  Kaiaapecov  koI  tmv  ^e/Saa-Trjvwv 
Kol  Ta9  'jrevre  aireipa'^  (therefore  an  ala  of  cavalry  and  five 
cohorts),  to  be  sent  by  way  of  punishment  to  Pontus.  On 
their  presenting  a  petition,  however,  it  was  agreed  that  they 
should  remain  in  Judea,  from  which  they  were  first  removed 
by  Vespasian.*''  From  this  it  appears  that  the  troops  of 
Agrippa  were  certainly  taken  over  by  the  Eomans.*^  From 
this  it  may  be  inferred  that  in  the  same  way  they  were  taken 
over  after  the  deposition  of  Archelaus.  It  is  also  somewhat 
remarkable  that  the  one  ala  of  cavalry  and  five  cohorts  of 
infantry,  if  we  reckon  the  latter  at  500  men,  would  make 
too-ether  a  force  of  3000  men,  which  is  the  same  number  as 
is  ascribed  to  the  Sebastian  troops  of  B.C.  4. — During  the 
period  a.d.  44-66  these  troops  are  often  referred  to.  The 
procurator  Cumanus  led  the  ala  Sebastenorum  and  four  cohorts 
of  infantry  from  Caesarea  against  the  Jews."  During  the 
struo-gles  between  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  inhabitants  of 
Caesarea,  the  latter  boasted  of  the  fact  that  the  Roman  troops 
in  Caesarea  consisted  in  great  part  of  Caesareans  and  Sebas- 
tians.^^ Finally,  in  a.d.  67,  Vespasian  was  able  to  draft  into 
his  army  from  Caesarea  five  cohorts  and  one  ala  of  cavalry ;  ^ 
therefore  the  same  detachments  as  were  there  in  a.d.  44. 
Probably   also    the   Sebasteni    so   often    referred    to   on    the 

•*6  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  1-2. 

^''  Analagous  cases  are  also  known  elsewhere.  See  Mommsen,  Hermes, 
xix.  51,  217  f. 

*®  Josephus,  Antiq.  XX.  6.  1  :  rrv  tuv  "lifixuT-avuv  i'Mv  x.^}  Tn^av  ■zkaactpci. 
riyftetrx  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.   12.   5  :    fAtuv  tf^rfj   l-Treuv   KoXovyAvfiv 

*^  Josephus,  Antiq.  XX.  8.  V  :  fxiyoi,  (ff/OvovuTSi  £t(  t^  zoiir  TrKiiaTOv;  to), 
v-no  ' Faif^oitovg  ix-uai  arpxrivoinivuv  Kctiiocpu;  uuoci  x.otl  'S.sfixoTtjyovg.  In 
tlic  parallel  passage,  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  13.  7,  "  Syrians "  is  the  word 
in  the  received  text. 

*"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  iii.  4.  2. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  53 

inscriptions  are  identical  with  our  Sebastian  troops.'^  Also 
the  aveipa  Xe^acni],  which  at  the  time  of  the  imprisonment 
of  Paul,  about  a.d.  60,  lay  in  Caesarea  (Acts  xxvii.  1),  is 
undoubtedly  one  of  the  five  cohorts  which  we  hear  about 
from  Josephus.  Many  theologians,  however,  have  erroneously 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  expression  anrelpa  Xe^aari) 
is  synonymous  with  airelpa  SejSaarTjvcov.  This  is  not 
possible.  He^aaT)]  is  rather  an  exact  translation  of  Augusta, 
a  title  of  honour  very  frequently  bestowed  upon  auxiliary 
troops.  The  cohort  in  question  was  therefore  probably 
called  cohors  Augusta  Sehastenorum.  In  Caesarea  it  was 
called  simply  airdpa  XejBaa-Ti],  since  this  sufficed  to  distin- 
guish it  from  others.^' — It  is,  on  the  other  hand,  remarkable, 
after  other  results  we  have  reached,  that  in  Caesarea,  about  a.d. 
40,  a  a-jrelpa  'IraXiKr]  should  have  been  stationed  (Acts  x.  1), 
by  which  probably  a  cohort  of  Eoman  citizens  of  Italy  is  to 

*i  We  meet  with  :  ala  I.  Flavia  Sahastenorum  (Ephemeris  epigr.  v.  p. 
390,  n.  699),  ala  gemina  Sehastenorum  (Corp.  Inscr.  Lat,  t.  viii.  n.  9358, 
9359),  ala  Sehastenorum  {Ephemeris  epigr.  v.  p.  469,  n.  1000),  cohors  I. 
Sahastenorum  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  2916,  whether  the  figure  I.  is 
the  correct  reading  is,  according  to  another  copy,  doubtful ;  see  Ephemeris 
epigr.  iv.  p.  113,  n.  370). — Although  the  name  of  Sebaste  was  given  to 
other  cities,  it  is  yet  probable,  on  account  of  the  material  afforded  by 
Joeephus,  that  these  troops  were  drawn  from  the  Palestinian  city.  So 
also  Mommsen,  Hermes,  xix.  217.  The  conjecture  there  ventured  upon 
by  Mommsen,  that  among  the  five  cohorts  in  Caesarea  there  were  a  cohors 
Ascalonitarum  and  a  cohors  Canathenorum  is,  however,  impossibh^,  since 
these  five  cohorts  for  the  most  part  consisted  of  Caesareans  and  Sel>astians. 

^2  Further  details  on  these  matters  will  be  found  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir 
wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  1875,  pp.  416-419.  —  The  title  of  honour, 
Augusta,  which  was  borne  by  three  legions,  is  rendered  by  the  geographer 
Ptolemy  by  the  word  2:,-3«(;r'^  (Ptolemy,  ii.  3.  30,  iv.  3.  30,  ii.  9.  18).  It 
is  therefore  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  this  same  title  should  have  been 
similarly  rendered  in  the  case  of  an  auxiliary  cohort. — When  the  ala 
referred  to  by  Josephus,  although  it  consisted  of  Caesareans  and  Sebas- 
tians {Antiq.  xix.  9.  2),  is  yet  only  called  ala  Sehastenorum  {Wars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  12.  5),  so  likewise  with  the  cohorts  of  similar  composition  the 
same  meaning  may  be  assumed,  therefore  cohortes  Sehastenorum.  The 
inscriptions  also  favour  this  view. 


54  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

be  understood.*^  Such  a  band  would  naturally  not  have 
served  in  Caesarea  during  the  period  a.d.  41—44  under  the 
Jewish  king  Agrippa.  But  even  in  reference  to  a  later 
period,  it  is  after  the  above  made  investigations  not  probable. 
The  story  of  the  centurion  Cornelius  lies,  therefore,  in  this 
respect  under  suspicion,  the  circumstances  of  a  later  period 
having  been  transferred  back  to  an  earlier  period.  That  at 
some  time  or  other  a  cohors  Italica  was  in  Syria  is  made 
perfectly  clear  by  the  evidence  of  an  inscription  (see  note  53). 
We  have  hitherto  become  acquainted  only  with  the  state 
of  the  garrison  of  Caesarea.  In  other  cities  and  towns  of 
Palestine  there  were  also  small  garrisons.  At  the  outbreak 
of  the  Jewish  war  in  a.d.  QQ,  we  find,  for  example,  a  Eoman 
garrison  in  the  fortified  castle  of  Jericho  and  in  Macharus.^* 
Throughout  Samaria  such  detachments  were  stationed.'''*  In 
the  Great  Plain  there  was  a  decurio;^^  in  Ascalon  (which, 
however,  did  not  belong  to  the  domains  of  the  procurator) 
there  were  a  cohort  and  an  ala.^^  Vespasian,  in  the  winter 
of  A.D.  67-68,  placed  garrisons  in  all  conquered  villages  and 
towns ;  those  in  the  former  under  the  command  of  Decurions, 
those  in  the  latter  under  the  command  of  Centurions.*^     This 


"  Compare  Zeitschrift  fur  wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  1875,  pp.  422-425. 
— On  inscriptions  we  meet  with  (see  proofs  in  Mommsen,  Ephemeris 
epigr.  v.  p.  249) :  "  Cohors  I.  Italica  civium  Eomanoriim  voluntariorum  " 
(Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  xiv.  n.  181) ;  "  Cohors  miliaria  Italica  voluntariorum 
quae  est  in  Syria"  (Gruter,  Corp.  Inscr.  p.  434,  n.  1);  "Cohors  II. 
Italica"  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  3528). —In  a  passage  in  Arrian  ("Acies 
contra  Alonas  "  in  Arriani  Scripta  minora,  ed.  Hercher,  1854)  the  expression 
ii  oTTuoot.  5}  '  Irot.'KiKYj  is  interchanf^ed  with  o/  'lTaXo<'(ed.  Blancard,  pp.  102 
and  99).  According  to  this  and  according  to  the  first-named  inscription, 
it  is  probable  that  a  cohors  Italica  consisted  of  Roman  citizens  of  Italy. 

^*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  6. 

"*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  7.  32  :  (fpovpa,!;  i/  Ixy.xpuTi;  o'Kn 
iiti'Kri~ro. 

**  Josephus,  Life,  24 :   A/,3o^t/o;  o  lsx.Bilxp)co^  6  rou  fayd'hov  moiov  Tr,» 

*^  Jose])hus,  JVars  of  the  Jew::-,  iii.  2.  1.  *'  Ibid.  iv.  8.  1. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  55 

was  indeed  an  extraordinary  proceeding,  which  we  are  not  to 
regard  as  the  rule  in  time  of  peace. 

In  Jerusalem  there  was  stationed  only  one  coliort.  For 
the  'xiXlap'x^o'i,  so  often  referred  to  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  (more  exactly.  Acts  xxi.  31  :  ')(^L\lap')(o<i  t?}?  aireiprj'i, 
"  One  having  command  of  the  cohort "),  appears  through- 
out as  the  officer  holding  the  chief  command  in  Jeru- 
salem.'''® With  this  also  Josephus'  statement  agrees,  that 
in  the  fortress  of  Antouia  a  rdjfia  of  the  Romans  regularly 
lay,^"  for  the  rajfjia  there  means,  not  as  it  often  does,  a  legion, 
but,  as  in  the  passage  quoted  in  note  48,  a  cohort.  The  fort 
of  Antonia,  which  Josephus  describes  as  the  regular  quarters 
of  the  detachment,  lay  to  the  north  of  the  temple.  At  two 
points,  stairs  (/caraySJo-et?)  led  down  from  the  fort  Antonia 
to  the  court  of  the  temple.^^  This  is  just  the  position  given 
it  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  For  when  Paul,  during  the 
tumult  in  the  temple,  had  been  taken  by  the  soldiers  for  his 
own  safety  and  was  being  carried  thence  into  the  barracks 
(irapeii^okrj),  he  was  on  account  of  the  pressure  of  the  crowd 
borne  by  the  soldiers  up  the  steps  (rot/?  aua/SaOfiov^),  and 
then,  with  the  permission  of  the  chiliarch,  he  made  from  these 
steps  a  speech  to  the  people  (Acts  xxi.  31—40).^"  Tlie  officer 
in  command  at  fort  Antonia,  who  is  certainly  identical  witli 
the  chiliarch,  is  also  called  by  Josephus  <ppovpap'^o^.^^  The 
direct  connection  between  the  fort  and  the  court  of  the  temple 
was  of  importance,  since  the  latter  required  to  be  under 
constant    supervision.       At    the    chief    feasts,   guards    were 

«9  Acts  xxi.  31-37 ;  chaps,  xxii.  24-29,  xxiii.  10,  15-22,  xxi  v.  7. 
22. 

''"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  5.  8  :  x.ct6y,aTo  yxu  dd  ix  uvt?,;  ra.'/^% 
Vu^ct'tuv. 

^'  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeics,  v.  5.  8. 

62  The  vocpsf^/io'Kyi^  barracks  or  "castle,"  as  in  the  English  version,  is 
referred  to  in  Acts  xxi.  34,  37,  xxii.  24,  xxiii.  10,  16,  32. 

®'  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  11.  4,  xviii.  4.  3. 


56  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

stationed  in  the  corridors  which  surrounded  the  temple.^ 
— From  one  passage  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (chap,  xxiii. 
23)  we  see  that  there  was  a  detachment  of  cavalry  along  with 
the  Jerusalem  cohort,  an  arrangement  that  very  frequently 
existed,^^  The  precise  character  and  position  of  the  Se^toXd^ot 
(from  Xa^Tj,  "  the  grip,"  therefore :  "  those  who  grasped  their 
weapons  by  the  right  hand "),  mentioned  in  that  passage 
(xxiii.  23)  as  accompanying  the  regular  soldiers  and  cavalry, 
are  somewhat  obscure.  Seeing  that  the  expression  occurs 
elsewhere  in  Greek  literature  only  twice,  and  even  then  appears 
without  explanation,  we  are  no  longer  in  a  position  to  explain 
it.  This  much  only  is  certain,  that  it  designated  a  special 
class  of  light-armed  soldiers  (javelin-throwers  or  slingers).^* 

After  the  great  war  of  a.d.  66-73  the  garrison  arrange- 
ments of  Palestine  were  essentially  changed.  The  governor 
was  then  no  longer  a  procurator  of  the  equestrian  order,  but  a 
legate  of  senatorial  rank  (in  the  earlier  period,  one  who  had 
been  praetor ;  in  the  later  period,  one  who  had  been  consul). 
On  the  site  of  the  destroyed  Jerusalem  a  legion,  the  Icgio  X. 
Fretensis,  had  its  headquarters  (see  under  §  20,  toward  the  end). 
The  native  troops,  which  for  decades  had  formed  the  garrison 
of  Caesarea,  were  drafted  by  Vespasian  to  other  provinces.^^ 
In  their  place  were  put  auxiliary  troops  of  foreign  origin, 
drawn  in  part  from  the  farthest  lands  of  the  "VVest.^ 

6^  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  5.  8  ;  Anti(i.  xx.  5.  3  ;  Wars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  12.  1  ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  11. 

*^  Accordingly  cohortcs  peditatae  and  equitatae  ought  to  be  distinguished. 
See  Marquardt,  Staatsverwaltung,  ii.  455. 

^'^  What  is  known  on  these  matters,  or  either  is  not  known,  is  well 
treated  by  Meyer  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  A 
fanciful  explanation  is  attempted  by  Egli,  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissenschaftliche 
Theologie,  1884,  p.  21, 

*^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  2. 

^8  On  a  military  order  of  a.d.  86  (Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  857, 
Dipl.  xiv.)  the  veterans  are  referred  to  who  had  served  in  Judea,  and  that 
"  in  alls  duabus  quae   appellantur   veterana  Gaetulorum  et  I.  Thracum 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  57 

Besides  the  troops  forming  the  standing  army,  the  pro- 
vincial governors  sometimes  organized  a  militia,  i.e.  in  special 
cases  of  need  those  of  the  people  capable  of  bearing  arms  were 
drafted  into  military  service,  without  being  permanently 
organized  as  a  part  of  the  army.  An  instance  of  this  sort 
occurred  in  the  arming  of  the  Samaritans  by  Cumanus  on  the 
occasion  of  the  war  against  the  Jews,"^ 

Like  the  governors  of  senatorial  rank,  the  procurators  also 
had,  besides  the  supreme  military  command,  supreme  judicial 
authority  within  their  province.'^"  This  authority  was 
exercised  by  the  procurators  of  Judea  only  in  extraordinary 
cases ;  for  the  ordinary  administration  of  the  law,  both  in 
criminal  and  in  civil  matters,  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the 
native  and  local  courts  (see  Div,  II.  vol.  i.  184—190)."°^ — 
The  range  of  the  procurator's  judicial  jurisdiction  extended 
also  to  the  right  of  deciding  matters  of  life  and  death,  jvs 
gladii   or  potcstas  glaclii.''^       That   tliis  also    is   true    of    the 

Maiiretana  et  coliortibus  quattuor  I.  Augusta  Lusitanorum  et  I.  et  II. 
Thracum  et  II.  Cantabrorum." — Even  Herod  the  Great  had  called  in  the 
aid  of  Thracian  troops  {Antiq^.  xvii.  8.  3 ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  33.  9). 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  XX.  6.  1  :  d.vx'Kctfiuv  rvju  ruu  '2i(ixaTYi'Juu  Thviu  y,a,\  tts^uv 
riaaxpet  rocyf/.cir»,7Qv;  rs  'Sxfixpiiru;  x-xdo-nT^iaxg.  Other  examples  in 
Marquardt,  Staatsvcrwaltung ,  ii.  520  f. — With  these  temporary  organiza- 
tions the  provincial  militia,  met  with  especially  in  the  later  days  of  tlie 
empire,  which  formed  a  third  class  of  the  standing  army  alongside  of  the 
legionaries  and  the  auxiliaries,  should  not  be  confounded.  See  with 
reference  to  that  militia  :  Mommsen,  Hermes,  xix.  1884,  p.  219  ff.,  xxii. 
188V,  p.  547  ff. 

''"  See  with  reference  to  the  procurators  :  Hirschfeld,  Sitzungsberichte  der 
Berliner  Akademie,  1889,  pp.  437-439. 

''"*  On  the  question  as  to  how  far  what  has  been  said  applies  also  to  the 
administration  of  law  in  the  provinces,  see  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  ii.  1, 
p.  244  :  "The  ordinary  criminal  jurisdiction  was  in  the  provinces  left  in 
the  hands  of  the  particular  communities  ;  whereas  the  courts  of  the 
governor,  like  the  consular  courts  in  Italy,  are  to  be  regarded,  at  least 
formally,  as  extraordinary." 

^1  Digest,  i.  18.  6.  8  (from  Ulpian,  beginning  of  the  third  century  after 
Christ) :  "  Qui  universas  provincias  regunt,  jus  gladii  habent  et  in 
metallum  dandi  potestas  eis  permissa  eat." — The  technical  expression 


58  THE  EOMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

governors  is  proved  by  several  inscriptions.'^  Witli  reference 
to  Judea,  Josephus  says  expressly  that  the  procurator  had 
fJ'G^pi'  Tov  Kreiveiv  e^ovaiavP  This  right  of  the  governor 
over  life  and  death  down  to  the  third  century  after  Christ 
extended  even  to  the  case  of  Eoman  citizens,  with  this 
restriction,  however,  that  such  a  one  had  the  riglit  of  appeal- 
ing against  the  sentence  of   the  governor  to  the  emperor/* 

jus  gladii  is  also  used  in  Lampridius,  Vita  Alexandri  Severi,  c.  49  Qionores 
juris  gladii)  ;  Firmicus  Maternus  Alathesius,  iii.  5.  5  (ed.  Basil.  1533, 
p.  55  :  "  in  magnis  administrationibus  juris  gladii  decernit  potestatem  "), 
and  in  the  passages  quoted  in  the  next  note.  Something  will  also  be 
found  in  Forcellini,  Lexicon,  s.v.  gladius.  Elsewhere  also  potestas  gladii 
occurs  in  Digest,  i.  16.  6  pr.  =  L.  17.  70 ;  ii.  1.  3  (all  from  Ulpian). — The 
technical  use  of  both  expressions  previous  to  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century  after  Christ  does  not  seem  capable  of  proof.  The  Acts  of 
Perpetua  and  Felicitas  belong  to  a.d.  201-209.  See  article  "  Perpetua  " 
in  Herzog,  Real  -  Encyclopaedie.  Also  the  inscriptions  scarcely  reach 
farther  back  than  this. — Literature  on  the  jus  gladii  may  be  found  in 
Pauly's  Heal-Encyclopaedie,  articles,  "  gladius  "  and  "  imperium  merum." 

''2  See  the  collection  of  passages  in  Marquardt,  Staatsverwaltung  i.  1881, 
p.  557,  Anm.  3  ;  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  ii.  1,  1874,  p.  246  ;  Hirschfeld, 
Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner  Akademie,  1889,  p.  438. — Only  two  inscrip- 
tions can  properly  be  referred  to  here  :  Orelli,  Inscr.  Lat.  n.  3888  = 
Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  ix,  n.  5439 :  "  proc.  Alpium  Atractianar(um)  et 
Poeninar(um)  jur(e)  glad(ii);"  and  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  viii.  n.  9367; 
compare  Ephemeris  epigr.  v.  p.  461,  n.  968  :  "praeses  (scil.  Mauretaniae 
Caesariensis)  jure  gla(dii)." — Of  another  kind  are  the  two  following 
instances:  Orelli,  n.  3664  =  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  ii.  n.  484:  "proc.  prov. 
M[oe]siae  inferioris,  ejusdem  provinciac  jus  gladii;"  and  Corp.  Inscr. 
Lat.  iii.  n.  1919  :  "  proc.  centenarius  provinciae  Li[burniae  jure  ?]  gladi." 
Seeing  that  elsewhere  a  governor  of  superior  rank  is  assigned  to  the 
Moerians  and  Liburnians,  the  procurators  here  referred  to  "  must  un- 
doubtedly have  exercised  the  right  of  inflicting  capital  sentence  only  as 
quite  exceptional  authority  "  (Hirschfeld).  This  at  least  is  perfectly  plain 
in  regard  to  the  finance  procurator  of  Africa,  who  at  the  time  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas  exercised  the  jus  gladii  as  interim 
occupant  of  the  office  of  the  deceased  proconsul.  See  Acts  of  Perpetuae 
and  Felicitas,  c.  6  (in  Ruinart,  Acta  Martyr um,  ed.  2,  1713,  p.  95  ;  also  in 
Miinter,  Primordia  ecclesiae  Africanae,  1829,  p.  234):  "Hilarianus 
procurator,  qui  tunc  loco  proconsulis  Minuci  Timiniani  defuncti  jus 
gladii  accepeiat." 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  8.  1. 

'*  Compare  Div.  II.  vol.  ii.  p.  278,  and  the  literature  quoted  in  note 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEROD.  59 

In  the  earlier  days  of  the  empire,  it  would  seem  that  a 
Eomau  citizen  accused  of  an  offence  constituting  a  capital 
charge  had  the  important  privilege  of  appealing  to  the 
emperor,  even  at  the  beginning  of  the  proceedings  and  any 
subsequent  stage  of  the  trial,  claiming  that  the  investigation 
be  carried  on  at  Eome  and  the  judgment  pronounced  by  the 
emperor  himself/^     The  governor's  absolute  penal  jurisdiction 

196,  to  Avhich  may  be  also  added,  Momnisen,  Staatsrecht,  1  Aufl.  ii.  2, 
pp.  908-910  ;  Merkel,  Abhandlungen  aus  dem  Gebiete  des  romischen  Beclds, 
2  Heft:  Ueber  die  Geschichte  dcr  klassischen  Appellation,  1883  (pp.  7G-81 
treats  of  the  proceedings  against  Paul). 

"  Acts  XXV.  10  fF.,  21,  xxvi.  32.  Pliny,  Epist.  x.  96  (al.  97) :  "  Fueriint 
alii  similis  amentiae,  quos  quia  cives  Eoniani  erant  adnotavi  in  urbem 
remittendos."  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  ii.  1.  244-246. — Notwithstanding 
the  small  number  of  examples,  the  above  statement  (which,  in  Div.  II. 
vol.  ii.  pp.  278,  279,  I  characterized  as  not  quite  certain)  ouglit  to  admit 
of  no  doubt.  The  most  important  case  is  that  of  the  Apostle  Paul. 
From  it  we  may  conclude  that  the  governor  was  not  obliged  in  all 
circumstances  to  send  accused  Roman  citizens  to  Rome  for  judgment ; 
for  the  procurator  by  his  own  authority  takes  up  the  case  of  Paul  thougli 
he  was  aware  of  his  Roman  citizenship  (according  to  Acts  xxii.  25  i\\, 
xxiii.  27)  ;  and  Paul  allows  matters  to  proceed  without  protesting  against 
this.  Only  after  two  years  Paul  speaks  the  word  that  determines  his 
future  course  :  Kenwxpx  i7rix,oi7^oi>/neci  (Acts  xxv.  11).  We  must  therefore 
suppose  that  the  procurator  could  judge  even  a  Roman  citizen,  unless 
his  prisoner  lodged  a  protest.  Only  if  the  accused  himself  made  the 
claim  to  be  judged  in  Rome,  was  the  governor  obliged  to  give  effect  to  his 
claim.  But  tliat  the  governor  could  himself  do  that  is  perfectly  conceiv- 
able. For  he  was  in  every  respect  the  representative  of  the  emperor  ;  even 
his  tribunal  was  called  "Caesar's  judgment-seat"  (Acts  xxv.  10:  larai: 
iTTi  Tw  fi-/i^ctro;  Koeiaotpc;  fifii).  It  is  therefore  quite  conceivable  that 
an  accused  Roman  citizen  might  voluntarily  submit  himself  to  such  a 
tribunal  as  Paul  at  first  did  ;  for  the  imperial  tribunal  of  the  governor 
afforded  in  ordinary  circumstances  the  same  protection  as  the  imperial 
tribunal  at  Rome,  and  there  could  be  no  pleasure  in  merely  lengthening 
out  the  proceedings  by  a  jouruey  to  Rome.  Only  if  the  accused  did  not 
trust  the  impartiality  of  the  governor,  had  he  any  interest  in  claiming 
the  transference  of  the  trial  to  Rome.  Paul  makes  use  of  this  privik'ge, 
when  he  sees  that  the  procurator  is  going  to  judge  him  in  accordance  with 
Jewish  ideas. — That  this  privilege  extended  only  to  Roman  citizens  an<l 
not  to  all  provincials  may  be  held  as  certain,  altliough  Paul  in  his  appeal 
does  not  make  mention  of  his  citizenship  (Acts  xxv.  10  fT.).  Provincials 
were  judged  by  the  procurator  without  any  right  of  appeal  (Josephus, 


60  THE  ROMAN-IIERODIA.N  AGE. 

therefore  applied  only  to  provincials.  It  was  a  gross  violation 
of  the  law  when  Florus  in  Jerusalem,  in  a.d.  66,  had  the  Jews 
crucified  who  were  in  possession  of  equestrian  rank.'®  But 
even  provincials  might  be  sent  by  the  governor  for  trial  to 
Rome,  if  he  wished  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  the  case 
to  have  the  decision  of  the  emperor.''^ — The  fact  known  from 
the  Gospels,  that  the  procurator  of  Judea  at  the  feast  of  the 
Passover  set  free  a  prisoner,  was  grounded  indeed  on  a  special 
authorization  of  the  emperor ;  for  the  right  of  remitting  a 
sentence  was  not  otherwise  given  to  the  governors.'* 

Although  the  governor,  as  sole  judge,  had  to  give  the 
decision,  he  frequently  availed  himself  of  the  advice  of  his 
coviites.  These  were  partly  the  higher  officials  of  his  court, 
partly  the  younger  people,  who,  for  the  sake  of  their 
own  training,  accompanied  the  governor.  They  supported 
him,  not  only  in  administrative  matters,  but  also  assisted 
him  in  the  execution  of  the  law  as  consilium,  avfi^ovXtov 
(Acts  XXV.  12).'' 

Antiq.  xx.  1.  1,  5.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  2).  This  appears  also  in 
the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ  by  Pilate. 

'•^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  9. 

''''  Examples  :  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  6.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  6 
(Umrnidius  Quadratus  sent  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Jews  and  the 
Samaritans  to  Rome) ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  5  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  2 
(Felix  sent  Eleasar  and  other  Zealots) ;  Josephus,  Life,  3  (Felix  sent  some 
of  the  Jewish  priests). 

'^  See  Hirschfeld,  Sitzungsherichte  der  Berliner  Akademie,  1889,  p.  439. 
On  the  right  of  granting  pardon  generally  :  Merkel,  Ahhandlungen  aus 
dem  Gehiete  des  romischen  liechts,  1  Heft,  1881. 

''^  Caesar's  decree  nominating  Hyrcanus  begins  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv. 
10.  2):  'lQv7\.iog  Kaldccp  .  .  .  fisrci  oVjufiovXiov  yvuiHYi;  iTrsKpivx. — Sueton. 
Tiber.  33 :  "  magistratibus  pro  tribunali  cognoscentibus  plerumque  se 
ofFerebat  consiliarium."~The  details  of  a  consultation  which  Petronius, 
as  governor  of  Syria,  held  with  his  assessores  are  described  by  Philo, 
Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  33,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  582  sq.  (sec.  33  =  ii.  582  :  i-Tre^x- 
vccijrct;  OS  fisrsi  tuv  avi/idpcou  I/Soi/Xsveto  tx  Trpocx-Ttx  .  .  .  rive;  ovv  riactv  ett 
'/vlty.a.t  .  .  .  sec.  34  init.  =  ii.  583_/l7l. ;  oiTZ(i(ii%a.iA,iv(ay  Ss  t^v  iT^ivoictu  tuu 
avjihpwi)  x.i'Kivst  '■/pa,(Piadcct  tcc;  ivioTo'Kxi).  —  Lamprid.  Vita  Alexandri 
Severi,  c.  46  :  "  Ads^ssoribus  salaria  instituit." — Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  ii.  n. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKQD.,  61 

The  execution  of  the  death  sentence  was,  as  a  rule,  carried 
out  by  soldiers.  Le  Blant  has,  indeed,  in  a  learned  disserta- 
tion, sought  to  prove  that  those  appointed  to  this  duty  were 
not  soldiers,  but  belonging  to  the  class  of  apparitores,  i.e. 
the  non-military  servants  of  the  governor.^"  But  the  opposite 
opinion,  at  least  with  regard  to  capital  sentences  pronounced 
by  the  imperial  governors,  must  be  considered  as  absolutely 
certain.^^  The  imperial  governors  were  military  administrators; 
their  judicial  power  therefore  the  outcome  of  their  military 
authority.^^  It  is,  however,  unquestionable,  and  is  not  disputed 
even  by  Le  Blant,  tliat  tlie  death  sentences  on  soldiers  were 

2129  :  "  comes  et  adsessor  legati  ad  [census  accip.  ?],  comes  et  adsessor 
procos.  provinciae  Galliae  [NarLon.]." — The  most  distinct  account  of  the 
meeting  of  such  a  council  is  given  us  in  a  judgment  decree  ;  the  pro- 
consul of  Sardinia  of  a.d.  68  (contained  in  a  bronze  tablet  inscription, 
communicated  by  Momnisen,  Hermes  ii.  1867,  pp.  102-127).  It  also 
contains  the  following  statement  in  the  form  of  a  j^rotocol  :  "  In  consilio 
fuerunt  M.  Julius  Romulus  leg.  pro  pr.,  T.  Atilius  Sabinus  q.  pro  pr., 
M.  Steitinius  Rufus  f.,  Sex.  Aelius  Modestus,  P.  Lucretius  Clemens, 
M.  Domitius  Vitalis,  M.  Lusius  Fidus,  M.  Stertinius  Rufus."  Therefore, 
besides  the  legate  and  quaestor,  there  were  other  six  advisers.  Compare 
generally  :  Geib,  Gcschichtc  des  romischen  Crimiiialprocesses  {I8i2),  p.  243  ff. ; 
Jfommsen,  Hermes,  iv.  1870,  p.  123  ;  Marquardt,  Bdmische  Staatsvenval- 
tung,  i.  1881,  p.  531  ff.  ;  the  commentators  on  Acts  xxv.  12  ;  and  the 
Lexicons  to  the  New  Testament  on  the  word  avfifiovXioi/. 

*"  Le  Blant,  "  Recherches  sur  les  bourreaux  du  Christ  et  sur  les  agents 
charges  des  executions  capitales  chez  lesRomains"  {Memoires  des  FAcademie 
des  inscr.  et  belles-lettres,  xxvi.  2,  1870,  pp.  137-150). — On  the  apiMritorcs 
generally,  see  Mommsen,  "  De  apparitoribus  magistratuum  Ronuinorun) " 
{Rhein.  Museum,  vi.  1848,  pp.  1-57)  ;  Pauley's  Real-Encyclopacdie,  article 
"  apparitores  ; "  Naudet,  "  Memoire  sur  la  cohorte  du  preteur  et  le  personnel 
administratif  dans  les  provinces  romaines"  {Memoires  de  I' Acad,  des  inscr. 
xxvi.  2,  pp.  499-555) ;  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  1  Aufl.  i.  250-293  ;  Mar- 
quardt, Staatsverwaltung,  i.  533. — To  the  class  of  these  apparitores  belong 
tlie  scrihae,  lictores,  accensi,  nomenclatores,  viatores,  praecones. 

^1  Against  Le  Blant,  see  Naudet,  "  Memoire  sur  cette  double  question  : 

1.  these  particuliere,   Sont-ce  des  soldats  qui  ont  crucifie  Jesus-Christ? 

2.  these  generale,  Les  soldats  romains  prenaient-ils  une  part  active  dans 
lb?.  sni^-pVicesV  Memoires  de  I' Acad,  des  i7iscr.  xxvi.  2,  1870,  pp.  151-187). 
— Also  Geib,  Geschichte  des  romischen  Criminalprocesses,  p.  671  f.  ;  Rein 
in  Pauly's  Real- Encyclopaedic,  vi.  1.  1046,  article  "scntentia." 

*2  Dio  Cassius,  liii.  13 ;  Mommsen,  StaatsrecM,  ii.  1.  245. 


62  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

executed  by  soldiers.^  According  to  Le  Blant's  view,  this 
inference  should  be  drawn  from  that  fact,  namely,  that  the 
governor  carried  out  the  death  sentences  on  soldiers  by 
different  parties  than  those  employed  upon  civilians.  This, 
in  view  of  the  military  character  of  his  judicial  authority,  is 
extremely  improbable,  and  it  even  forms  a  positive  proof  for 
the  opposite  theory.  The  many  executions  of  distinguished 
men  and  women  in  the  times  of  Claudius  and  Nero  were 
carried  out  by  military  men,  some  of  them  officers  of  high 
rank.^  Numerous  examples  of  a  similar  kind  might  be 
cited  from  the  history  of  the  following  emperors.^  Although 
these  cases  might  not  apply  to  ordinary  courts,  yet  this  much 
is  clear,  that  the  carrying  out  of  executions  by  soldiers 
was  not  opposed  to  Eoman  sentiment.  But  further,  not 
infrequently  speculatores  are  spoken  of  as  executing  the  con- 
demned.^^    These  were  certainly  soldiers;  for  (1)  the  specn- 

**  See,  e.g.,  Suetonius,  Caligula,  32  :  "  Saepe  in  conspectu  prandentis 
vel  coniissantis  .  .  .  miles  decollandi  avtifex  quibuscumque  e  custodia 
capita  aniputabat."  —  TertuUian  asks  in  his  treatise,  De  corona  militis, 
c.  11,  in  order  to  show  the  incompatibility  of  military  service  with  the 
faith  of  a  Christian  :  "  et  vincula  et  carcerem  et  tormenta  et  supplicia 
administrabit,  nee  suarum  ultor  injuriarum?"  The  passage  proves  at 
least  that  soldiers  were  employed  at  the  carrying  out  of  death  sentences, 
even  if  we  should  here  with  Le  Blant  refuse  to  believe  that  this  implies 
more  than  their  employment  at  soldiers'  executions. 

8*  Tacitus,  Annals,  xi.  37  f.,  xii.  22,  xiv.  8,  59,  xv.  59  ff.,  64,  G7,  69. 

85  Naudet,  I.e.  p.  171. 

^•^  Mark  vi.  27  :  ai'ro-irii'Kx.r  6  (ictat'Kiv;  (T'TfiKov'Koiropx  i'Trira^iv  luiyKOtt 
TYiu  x.iipu'hr.v  «i/ToS.— Seneca,  De  Ira,  i.  18.  4 :  "  Tunc  centurio  supplicio 
])raepositus  condere  gladium  speculatorem  jubet." — Idem,  De  beneficiis, 
iii.  25  :  "  speculatoribus  occurrit  nihilque  se  deprecari,  quominus 
imperata  peragerent,  dixit  et  deinde  cervicem  porrexit." — Firmicus 
Maternus  Mathes.  viii.  26  (ed.  Basil.  1533,  p.  234) :  "  spiculatores  faciet, 
qui  nudato  gladio  hominum  amputent  cervices." — Digest,  xlviii.  20.  6 
(aus  Ulpian) :  "neque  speculatores  ultro  sibi  vindicent  neque  optiones 
[optio  in  military  language  =  the  servant  of  a  Centurio  oder  Decurio] 
ea  desiderent,  quibus  spoliatur,  quo  momento  quis  punitus  est."  The 
soldiers  engaged  at  the  executions  were  therefore  in  later  times  no 
longer  allowed,  as  in  the  times  of  Christ,  to  part  the  garments  of  the 
executed  person  among  them. — Jerome,  Epist.  1  ad  Innocentium,  c.   8  : 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  63 

latores  are  frequently  described  as  holding  a  military  office  ;  ^' 
and  (2)  in   several  of  the   passages   quoted   the    speculatores 

"jam  spiculator  exterritus  et  non  credens  ferro,  mucromen  aptabat  in 
jugulum,"  etc. — Acta  Cypriani,  c.  6  (see  Ruinart,  Acta  martyr um,  ed.  2, 
1713,  p.  218:  "cum  venisset  autem  spiculator,"  etc.  —  Acta  Glaudii, 
Asterii  et  alior.  c.  4  (Ruinart,  p.  268)  :  "Euthalius  commentariensis  dixit 
.  .  .  Archelaus  spiculator  dixit."  See  also  c.  5  s.  fin.  (Ruinart,  p.  269). — 
Acta  Eogatiani  et  Donatiani,  c.  6  (Ruinart,  p.  282):  "adliuc  ministris 
imperans,  ut  post  expensa  supplicia  a  spiculatore  capite  truncarentur. 
Tunc  lictoris  insania  .  .  .  lancea  militari  perfossas  cervices  Lentissimorum 
gladio  vibrante  praecidit." — Linus,  De  passione  Petri  et  Pauli,  lib.  ii.  s.  fin. 
(Bibliotheca  maxima  patrum  Lugd.  t.  ii.  p.  73):  "Spiculator  vero  in 
altum  brachia  elevans  eum  tota  vi  percussit  et  caput  ejus  abscidit  .  .  . 
statinique  de  corpore  ejus  unda  lactis  in  vestimenta  militis  exiluit." — 
Vita  Bacchi  jimioris  martyris,  ed.  Combefis.  p.  114  (I  give  the  quotation 
according  to  Du  Cange,  Glossar.) :  Avar/ipoTspo!)  re  rov  oTrsKovT^xTopoi. 
:/x6/3XtA^«,M£i/o;  i<p^.  Ts^us  rpiKxrxpxrs. — In  rabbinical  literature  also  we 
often  meet  with  "i1t2?p3D  in  the  sense  of  "executioner."  See  especially  the 
passages  quoted  in  extenso  in  Levy,  Neuhebraisches  TVorterbuch,  iii.  573  ; 
Schoettgen,  Horae  hehr.  ad  Marc.  vi.  27 ;  Levy,  Chald.  JForterbuch,  s.v. ; 
also  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Chaldicuvi,  s.v. — In  some  glossaries  cjziy.w'hccTup  is 
interpreted  by  u,T:ox.i<p»'Kil^uv,  dTrox.s(f:u'Kiarti;  (Wetstein,  Novuvi  Testa- 
mentum  on  Mark  vi.  27  ;  Schleusner,  Lexicon  in  N.T.  s.v.). — The  form 
spiculator  is  a  corruption  from  sj^ec^Zaior,  which  is  proved  by  many  inscrip- 
tions having  the  correct  form.  It  cannot  be  derived  from  spiculum,  for 
then  we  should  have  expected  spiculatus,  according  to  the  analogy  of 
pilatus,  lornicatus,  hastatus  (Fritzsche,  Evangel.  Marc.  p.  232  sq.). 

^'Speculator  means  indeed  generally  "  spy,  watcher"  (e.g.  Tertullian, 
Adv.  Marcion.  ii.  25  :  "  speculatorem  vineae  vel  horti  tui  ;  also  in  Jerome's 
translation  of  Isa.  Ivi.  10;  Jcr.  vi.  17;  Ezck.  xxxiii.  7;  Hos.  ix.  8). 
But  most  frequently  we  meet  with  speculatores  in  connection  with  military 
matters,  as  spies  (Livy,  xxii.  33  ;  Caesar,  Bell.  Gall.  ii.  11  ;  Suetonius, 
Augustus,  27)  and  swift  messengers  (Suetonius,  Caligula,  44  ;  Tacitus, 
History,  ii.  73).  The  coalescing  of  the  two  meanings  is  best  illustrated 
from  Livy,  xxxi.  24:  "ni  speculator  —  hemerodromos  vocant  Graeci, 
ingens  die  uno  cursu  emetientes  spatium  —  contemplatus  regiuni  agmen 
ex  specula  quadam  praegressus  nocte  media  Athenas  pervenisset."  It  also 
means  the  bodyguard  of  the  emperor  (Suetonius,  Claudius,  35  ;  Tacitus, 
History,  ii.  11.  33,  and  is  hence  rendered  by  Suidas,  oopv^ooo;.  In  the 
latter  capacity  they  formed,  down  to  Vespasian's  time,  a  distinct  corps 
alongside  of  the  other  praetorian  cohorts  (Tacitus,  History,  ii.  11.  33  ;  Corp. 
Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  853,  Dipl.  x.).  In  later  times  each  jDraetorian  cohort 
seems  to  have  had  a  number  of  speculatores  (Cauer,  Ephemeris  epigr.  iv. 
464),  as  then  eacli  legion  had  ten  speculatores.  On  inscriptions  we 
frequently  meet  with  speculatores,  who  served  either  in  legions  or  in  the 


64  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

referred  to  are  distinctly  characterized  as  soldiers ;  ^  and  so 
those  elsewhere  spoken  of  under  the  same  title,  and  as 
discharging  the  same  functions,  will  have  been  also  soldiers. 
"When  Le  Blant  expressly  refers  to  the  fact  that  in  many 
passages  the  term  speculator  is  interchanged  with  the  expression 
lidor,  and  with  other  words  which  designate  non- military 
offices,®^  this  may  be  said  in  the  first  place  to  result  from  a 
certain  laxity  in  the  use  of  language.  On  the  contrary,  one 
would  be  equally  justified  in  saying  that  those  expressions  are 
now  also  used  for  designating  military  persons.^  In  the  ISTew 
Testament    the  agents  entrusted  with   the  carrying  out  the 

praetorian  cohorts  (collected  by  Cauer,  Ephemeris  Ejngr.  iv.  459-466). 
Their  employment  as  executioners  (see  the  previous  note)  seems  to  have 
resulted  from  their  being  bodyguards  or  generally  custodiers  of  the  peace. 
Compare  generally  :  Laur.  Lundii  Diss,  de  speculatore,  Hafn.  1703  ;  Joh. 
Wilh.  Gollingii  Diss  de  speculatoribus  veterum  Romanorum  joraeside  Chr. 
Gottl.  Schwartzio,  Altorfii  1726  (also  in  Thesaurus  novus  theol.-philol.  edd. 
Hase  et  Iken,  ii.  485-412).  Du  Cange,  Glossarium  med.  et  infin.  Lat.,  and 
Forcellini,  Lex.  Lat.  s.v. ;  ScheifFele  in  Pauly's  Real-Encylopaedie,  vi.  1. 
1364  f.  ;  Schleusner,  Lexicon  in  Nov.  Test.  s.v.  The  commentators  on  the 
Gospel  of  Mark  vi.  27  (especially  Wetstein,  Nov.  Test. ;  Wolf,  Curae philol. 
in  N.  T. ;  Kuinoel,  Fritzsche)  ;  Marquardt,  Roniische  Staatsverivaltung, 
i.  560,  ii.  530. 

^^  So  not  only  Seneca,  De  ira,  i.  18.  4  (where  reference  is  made  to  the 
execution  of  a  soldier),  but  also  Acta  Rogatiani  et  Donatiani,  c.  6  {lancea 
militari),  and  Linus,  De  passione  Petri  et  Pauli,  s.  fin.  {vestimenta  militis). 
The  optiones  and  commentarienses,  referred  to  alongside  of  the  speculatores 
as  the  agents  employed  in  carrying  out  executions,  were  also  not  exclusively 
but  yet  most  frequently  military  appointments  {op)tiones,  Digest,  xlviii. 
20.  6  ;  commentariensis,  Acta  Claudii,  Asterii  et  aliori,  c.  4-5).  See  Mar- 
quardt,  ii.  527,  529  f.  ;  Cauer,  Ephemeris  epigr.  iv.  441-452,  424  sq. — 
Theophylact  in  his  commentary  on  Mark  vi.  27  explains  speculator  by 

^^  Speculator  and  lictor  are  synonymous  in  Jerome,  Epist  1  ad  innocen- 
tium,  c.  7-8  ;  also  in  Acta  Rogatiani  et  Donatiani,  c.  6  (Ruinart,  p.  282). 

'■"'  The  lictor  was  in  no  case  a  soldier,  but  belonged  to  the  class  of 
apparitores  (see  the  literature  referred  to  in  note  80).  But  he  had  in  the 
earliest  times  to  carry  out  death-sentences  only  upon  Roman  citizens  ; 
and  in  the  days  of  the  empire  his  duties  in  this  direction  did  not  probably 
extend  farther.  See  Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  s.v. ;  Mommsen,  Staats- 
recht,  1  Aufl.  i.  301  f. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  65 

sentence,  both  at  the  crucifixion  of  Christ  and  at  the  imprison- 
ment of  Paul,  are  named  arpaTiairai,  and  are  also  plainly 
described  as  such.^^ 

The  third  chief  function  of  the  procurator  -  governor,  in 
addition  to  the  command  of  the  troops  and  judicial  authority, 
was  the  administration  of  the  finance  department.  From 
this,  indeed,  those  equestrian  governors  got  their  title ;  for 
the  imperial  finance  ofiBcials  generally  were  called  "  pro- 
curators." Since  everything  that  is  of  consequence  about  the 
different  sorts  of  revenue  and  methods  of  taxation  will  be 
considered  in  the  Excursus  on  the  Census  of  Quirinius  (§  17, 
Excursus  1),  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  say  more  than  this, 
that  the  revenue  of  Judea  as  imperial  province  went,  not 
into  the  treasury  of  the  Senate,  the  aerarium,  but  into  the 
imperial  treasury,  the  Jiscus.^'^  Judea  therefore,  in  the  strict 
sense  of  the  word,  paid  its  taxes  "  to  Caesar "  (Matt.  xxii. 
17  ff.;  Mark  xii.  14  ff.;  Luke  xx.  22  ff),  which  could  only 
in  a  certain  degree  be  said  of  the  senatorial  provinces. — It 
was  probably  for  the  purposes  of  tax  collection  that  Judea 
was  divided  into  eleven  toparchies  (see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp. 
157—161).  In  the  gathering  of  the  revenue  the  Eomans 
seem  to  have  made  use  of  the  Jewish  courts,  as  was  their 
custom  in  other  places  (see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  162). — That  the 

^^  arpxriZroii :  Matt,  xxvii.  27  ;  Mark  xv.  16  ;  Luke  xxiii.  36  ;  John 
xix.  2,  23  sq.,  32,  34  ;  Acts  xxi.  35,  xxiii.  23,  xxvii.  31,  42,  xxviii.  16.— 
.Jesus  was  pierced  with  a  spear  (John  xix.  34). — A  centurion  was  present 
at  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  (Mark  xv.  39,  44  f.;  Matt,  xxvii.  54;  Luke 
xxiii.  47) ;  also  at  the  scourging  of  Paul  (Acts  xx.  25).  Everything  con- 
nected with  the  imprisonment  of  Paul  was  of  a  military  character. 
Hence  centurions  had  immediate  charge  of  him  (Acts  xxiii.  17,  xxi  v.  23, 
xxvii.  1  f.). 

*2  On  the  dilTerence  between  the  two,  see  Marquardt,  Eomische  Staats- 
vervnltung,  ii.  292  if.— The  distinction  from  the  beginning  undoubtedly 
did  exist,  even  although,  as  Hirschfeld  conjectures,  the  centralizing  of  the 
imperial  treasuries,  therefore  the  establishment  of  one  central  fiscus,  may 
first  have  been  carried  out  by  Claudius  (Hirschfeld,  Untersuchungen,  etc., 
Bd.  1,  Die  kaiserlichen  Verwaltungsbeamten,  1877,  p.  1  ff.). 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  E 


66  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

taxes  were  oppressive,  is  seen   from  the  complaints  made  by 
the  provinces  of  Syria  and  Judea  in  a.d.  1 7.^^ 

From  the  taxes  in  the  proper  sense  are  to  be  distinguished 
the  customs,  i.e.  duties  upon  articles  on  their  being  exported 
from  the  country.^  These  were  imposed  in  all  the  provinces 
of  the  Eoman  empire.  The  great  trade  emporium  which 
yielded  the  largest  returns  in  this  direction  was  Egypt.  From 
the  days  of  the  Ptolemies  it  had  taken  advantage  of  its 
geographical  position  in  order  to  secure  the  flourishing  traffic 
between  India  and  Europe.  But  even  in  Palestine  they 
were  acquainted  with  the  "  custom  "  as  early  as  the  Persian 
era  (Ezra  iv.  13,  20,  vii.  24). — The  range  to  which  the 
"  custom  "  applied,  varied  certainly  according  to  circumstances. 
In  general  it  may  be  assumed  that  every  province  of  the 
Eoman  empire  formed  a  customs  district  by  itself®^  But 
also  the  States  and  Communes  recognised  by  the  Romans  as 
autonomous,  and  the  number  of  these  was  very  large,  had  the 
right    of    independently    levying    duties    within    their   own 

'^  Tacitus,  Annals,  ii.  42  :  "  provinciae  Syria  atq^^e  Judaea,  fessae 
oneribus,  deminutionem  tributi  orabant." 

^*  Compare  in  regard  to  this  :  Wetstein,  Nov.  Test.  i.  314-316  (on  Matt. 
V.  46). — Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  art.  "Portorium,  publicani,  vectigal;" 
Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  ii.  261  ff.,  289  ff. ;  Winer,  Heal- 
win-terbuch,  art.  "Zoll;"  Leyrer  in  Herzog's  Real  -  Encxjclopaedie,  art. 
"Zoll"  (1  Aufl.  xviii.  652  f.  ;  2  Aufl.  xvii.  551  f.) ;  Herzfeld,  Handels- 
(jeschichte  der  Juden  des  Altertliums  (1879),  pp.  159-162 ;  Hamburger, 
Real-Encyclopaedie  ficr  Bibel  und  Talmud,  2  Abtb.  art.  "Zoll;"  Levy, 
JVeuhehraisches  Worterbuch,  iii.  113-115  (art.  D3D,  N02D,  etc.)  ;  Naquet, 
Des  impots  indirects  chez  les  Romains  sous  la  re'puUique  et  sous  V empire. 
Paris  1875  (Bursian's  Jahresberichte,  Bd.  19,  p.  466  ff.)  ;  Cagnat,  Etude 
historique  sur  les  imputs  indirects  chez  les  Romains  jnsqu'  aux  invasions  des 
harbares,  Paris  1882  (Bursian's  Jahrcsberichte,  Bd.  36,  p.  245  ff.)  ;  Vigie, 
Etudes  sur  les  impots  indirects  romains;  des  douanes  duns  I'emjnre  romaiii, 
1884  ;  Thibaut,  Les  douanes  chez  les  Romains,  Paris  1888  {Revue  critique, 
1889,  Nr.  7). — Inscription  material  with  reference  to  the  vectigalia  is  given 
in  the  Indices  to  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  Other  materials  in  Haeuel,  Corpus 
Legum,  Index,  p.  271. 

^*  At  least  in  regard  to  many  of  these  this  can  be  proved.  See 
Marquardt,  ii.  263  ff. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKOD.  67 

boundaries.^  To  the  proofs  in  regard  to  these  matters 
already  in  earlier  times  acknowledged,  there  has  now  to  be 
added :  a  long  inscription  in  Greek  and  Aramaic,  which  con- 
tains the  customs-tariff  of  the  city  of  Palmyra  in  the  time 
of  Hadrian.^  From  this  inscription  it  appears  that  Palmyra, 
although  it  was  at  that  time  a  Eomau  city  in  the  same  sense 
as  many  other  autonomous  communes  within  the  Pioman 
empire,  administered  independently  its  own  customs,  and 
enjoyed  the  revenues  thereof.  It  is  therefore  perfectly 
evident  that  the  kings  and  tetrarchs  "  confederate "  with 
Eome  within  their  own  territories  could  levy  their  customs 
for  their  own  behoof,  only  with  this  restriction,  tliat  the  Koman 
citizens  {Romani  ac  socii  nominis  Latini,  as  it  is  phrased 
by  Livj)  should  be  exempted  from  them.^^  The  customs 
raised  at   Capernaum,  within   the   borders  of  Galilee,  in  the 

®®  Marquardt,  i.  (1881)  p.  79  ;  Mommsen,  liomisches  Staatsrecht,  iii.  1. 
691. — See  especially  Livy,  xxxviii.  41  :  "  senatus  consultem  factum  est,  ut 
Ainbraciensibus  suae  res  omnes  redderentur ;  in  libertate  essent  ac  legibus 
suis  uterentur  ;  portoria  quae  vellent  terra  marique  caperent,  dum  eoruiii 
inmunes  Eomani  acs  ocii  nominis  Latini  assent." — Plebiscite  for  Termessu.s 
in  Pisidia  of  B.C.  71  {Corp.  Inset.  Lat.  i.  1,  n.  104,  col.  ii.  lin.  31  sqq.) : 
"  Quam  legem  portorieis  terrestribus  maritumeisque  Termenses  majores 
Phisidae  capiundeis  intra  suos  fineis  deixserint,  ea  lex  ieis  portorieis 
capiundeis  esto,  dum  neiquid  portori  ab  ieis  capiatur,  quei  publica 
populi  Romani  vectigalia  redempta  liabebunt. 

^''  The  inscription  was  discovered  in  1881  by  Prince  Lazarew. — The 
best  edition  of  the  Aramaic  text  is  that  of  Schroeder  {Sitzimgsherichte  dcr 
Berliner  Akademie,  1884,  pp.  417-436).  The  best  edition  of  the  Greek 
text  is  that  of  Dessau,  with  a  comprehensive  and  informing  commentary 
{Hermes,  xix.  1884,  pp.  486-533).  Both  are  copied  from  castings  made 
by  Euting. — Both  texts,  with  German  translation  and  explanation  of  the 
Aramaic  text,  have  also  been  edited  by  Reckendorf  {Zeitschrift  der 
deutschen  morgenldnd.  Gesellschaft,  1888,  pp.  370-415). — Less  correct  are  the 
earlier  publications  of  De  VogUe  {Journal  asiaiique,  Vlll^e  serie,  t.  i. 
1883,  pp.  231-245  ;  t.  ii.  1883,  pp.  149-183)  ;  and  Sacliau  {Zeitschrift  der 
deutschen  morgenldnd  Gesellschaft,  1883,  pp.  562-571). 

^*  See  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht,  iii.  1.  691,  and  the  passages  quoted  in  note 
96. — The  Romans  sometimes  made  also  arbitrary  exceptions  in  favour  of 
others.  Thus  in  the  decree  of  Senate  given  in  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xiv. 
10.  22  (ap})lying  jnobably  to  Hyrcanus  L,  see  vol.  i.  p.  278),  the  Jews  were 


68  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

times  of  Christ  (Matt.  ix.  9  ;  Mark  ii.  14  ;  Luke  v.  27)  went 
therefore,  undoubtedly,  not  into  the  imperial  fiscus,  but  into 
the  treasury  of  Herod  Antipas.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Judea 
at  that  time,  the  customs  were  raised  in  the  interests  of  the 
imperial  j^scws.  We  know  from  the  Gospels  that  in  Jericho, 
on  the  eastern  borders  of  Judea,  there  was  an  ap'x^cTeXcovrjf; 
(Luke  xix.  1,  2).  In  the  seaport  town  of  Caesarea  in  a.d. 
66,  among  the  influential  men  of  the  Jewish  community, 
there  John,  a  reXcovr]^,  is  mentioned.^^  It  is  stated  by 
Pliny  that  the  merchants  who  exported  incense  from  Central 
Arabia  through  Gaza  had  to  pay  a  high  duty,  not  only  to  the 
Arabians  on  passing  through  their  territory,  but  also  to  the 
Eoman  customs  officers,  who,  it  may  be  supposed,  were 
stationed  at  Gaza.^"'' — Besides  the  import  and  export  duties, 
it  would  seem  as  if  in  Judea,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  indirect 
duties  of  another  sort  had  also  to  be  paid,  e.g.  a  market  toll 
in  Jerusalem,  introduced  by  Herod,  but  abolished  in  a.d.  36 
by  Vitellius-i""^ 

The  collecting  of  the  customs  was  not  done  by  officers  of 
the  State,  but  by  lessees,  the  so-called  puUicani,  who  leased 
the  customs  of  a  particular  district  for  a  fixed  annual  sum ;  so 

allowed  to  raise  customs  within  tlieir  own  borders,  but  on  condition  that 
they  should  hold  the  king  of  Egypt  exempt. 

^^  Joseph  us,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  4. 

100  Pliny,  Historia  Naturalis,  xii.  63-65  :  "  Evehi  non  potest  nisi  per 
Gebanitas,  itaque  et  horum  regi  penditur  vectigal.  .  .  .  lam  quacumque 
iter  est  aliubi  pro  aqua  aliubi  pro  pabulo  aut  pro  mansionibus  variisque 
portoriis  pendant,  ut  sumptus  in  singulos  camelos  X.  DCLXXXVIII.  ad 
nostrum  litus  (i.e.  as  far  as  Gaza)  colligat,  iterumque  imperi  nostri 
publicanis  penditur. — We  also  elsewhere  heard  of  duties  being  levied  by 
uncivilised  tribes.  Thus  the  merchants  who  carried  on  trade  between 
Syria  and  Babylon  were  obliged  to  pay  customs  to  the  tribes  through 
whose  country  they  passed,  and  indeed  the  oKYivirxi,  i.e.  the  dwellers  in 
tents  in  the  desert,  were  more  reasonable  in  their  demands  than  were  the 
(pvT^ecpxoi  on  both  sides  of  the  Euphrates  (Stiabo,  p.  748). 

i""a  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  8.  4  fin.,  xviii.  4.  3  :  Ovm'h'Kioi  Toi  ri'An  tmv 
uvovy-iyuv  x.»p7rav  xvirtaiu  sig  to  vxu  to^s  zxvti^  KxroiKoiai. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  69 

that  whatever  in  excess  of  that  sum  the  revunue  yielded  was 
their  gain ;  whereas,  if  the  revenue  fell  below  it,  they  had  to 
bear  the  loss.^"^  This  system  was  widely  prevalent  througli- 
ont  ancient  times,  and  came  often  to  be  applied,  not  only  to 
the  customs,  but  also  to  the  taxes  properly  so  called.  Thus, 
e.g.  during  the  Ptolemaic  government  of  Palestine  the  taxes 
of  each  city  were  annually  leased  out  to  the  highest  bidder.^"'^ 
In  the  days  of  the  Roman  empire  the  system  of  leasing  was 
no  longer  applied  to  the  taxes,  i.e.  the  land-tax  and  poll-tax. 
These  were  now  collected  by  officers  of  State :  in  senatorial 
provinces,  by  the  quaestor ;  in  imperial  provinces,  by  an  im- 
perial procurator,  assistants  to  the  governor ;  ^^^  in  provinces 
like  Judea,  administered  by  an  equestrian,  the  governor  was 
himself  at  the  same  time  procurator.  The  customs,  on  the 
other  hand,  were,  even  in  the  days  of  the  empire,  still  com- 
monly leased  out  to  jpiiblicani}^^  So,  undoubtedly,  it  was  in 
Judea.  The  contrary  opinion  of  Wieseler  rests  manifestly  on 
a  misunderstanding.^^"     In  the  passage  cited  from  Pliny,  in 

^"^  Compare  Rein,  art.  "  Publicani,"  in  Ta.\\\y^s  Real  -  Ejicyclopaedie ; 
Marquardt,  Eomische  Staatsvcnvaltung,  ii.  289  if.  ;  Conr.  Gottfr.  Dietrich, 
Beitrdge  zur  Kenntniss  des  romischen  Staatspachtersystems,  1877  ;  Pi'ax, 
Kssai  sur  les  socieV/s  vedigaliennes  precede  d'un  expose'  sommaire  du  systlme 
fiscal  des  Eomams,  Montauban  1884 ;  Remondiere,  De  la  lev^e  des  impots 
en  droit  romain,  Paris  1886. 

^°2  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xii.  4.  3  :  irvxt  Sg  x.ctr  Ushou  rov  Kctipov  vxvTcci 
duxfiotiviiu  rtjii;  tx.  tuu  Tro'Kiuv  rtju  riig  '^vpiccg  x.ot.1  '^oivix.n;  Ttrourovg  xxt 
u.px,ovrci;  tTri  tyjv  tuv  nT^uv  uv/iu'  kolt  sto;  Ss  rxuTX  rot;  Ovyocrois  f^v  £" 
ix.u.aT'T!  'Tvohii  lirlivpccaytiv  6  jioe.fsi'Ksvg. — Ibid.  xii.  4.  4  :  iymxan;  Oi  rii;  {jfiipcc; 
Kdd  ijv  'iui'K'hi  rx  ri'hn  -7rnrpdtax,iadxt  tuv  Tcohiuv.  —  Conijjare  also  xii.  4.  5. 
Fiom  the  latter  passage  it  seems  plain  that  we  have  here  to  do,  not  Avith 
customs,  but  with  taxes  {(Popoi).  The  most  important  of  these  was  the 
])oll-tax  [Antiq.  xii.  4.  1  :  tx;  l^i'x;  iKxaroi  tuv  'i7Ti(;vifx,(av  uuoZvto  TrxTpiOct; 
(Popr/Aoystv,  kxI  aui/xdpot'i^ovTS;  to  Trpoamuyfih/ov  Ki(p x'Axiov  toi;  fixcthivaiv 
eri'Aovv).  But  there  was  also  yet  another  class  of  taxes  ;  for  the  Jerusalem 
priesthood  had  been  freed  by  Antiochus  the  Great  (Joseplius,  Antiq.  xii. 

3.  3):  UV  il'TTip  Tjjf  Ki(Px>.ij;  TihOVai  Kxi  tow  aTiCpXVlTOV  (pOpOU  X,x\  TOU 
i/TTiO  TUV    oiXhUV. 

^"'  Marquardt,  Staatsverwaltung,  ii.  303.  '"*  Ibid.  ii.  302. 

105   Wiest'ler,  Beitrdge  z^cr  richtigen    Wiirdigung  der  Evangelien,  18C9, 


70  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

note  100,  it  is  expressly  said,  that  for  the  incense  exported 
from  Arabia  by  way  of  Gaza  a  duty  had  also  to  be  paid  to 
the  Eoman  puUicani.  From  the  universality  of  the  system, 
it  may  be  assumed  that  territorial  princes  like  Herod  Antipas 
would  also  make  use  of  it.  Even  city  communes  like  Palmyra 
did  not  have  their  customs  collected  by  municipal  officials,  but 
vented  them  out  to  lessees.^"^  —  The  lessees  again,  as  may  be 
readily  supposed,  had  their  subordinate  officials,  who  would 
usually  be  chosen  from  the  native  population.  But  even  the 
principal  lessees  were  by  no  means  necessarily  Eomans.  The 
tax-gatherers  of  Jericho  (Luke  xix.  1,  2)  and  of  Caesarea — 
Zaccheus  and  John — were  therefore  Jews.  Since  they  are 
described  as  well-to-do  and  respectable  people,  they  certainly 
cannot  have  belonged  to  the  lowest  class  of  publicans. ^^^ — 
The  extent  to  which  custom  might  be  charged  was  indeed 
prescribed  by  the   court ;    but  since  these  tariffs,  as  we  see 

p.  78  f.,  seeks  support  for  his  theory  from  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  10.  5 :  /*^r= 
ioyo'hoi.^uai  rivsi.  But  here  the  matters  referred  to  are  not  the  customs, 
but  the  revenue  derived  from  the  land-tax.  Besides,  these  enactments 
of  Caesar  had  long  been  antiquated  in  the  days  of  the  empire  by  the  con- 
vulsions that  had  meanwhile  occurred. 

^""  In  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Palmyra  with  reference  to  the 
customs-tariff  in  the  time  of  Hadrian  {Hermes,  xix.  490,  compare  note  97), 
it  is  said  :  In  the  older  customs-tariff  very  many  subjects  were  not  intro- 
duced ;  and  so,  in  making  the  bargain  with  the  lessee  (rJi  ftiffduan),  the 
amount  of  custom  wliich  the  tax-gatherer  {t6u  n'KuuovvTu)  ought  to  levy 
has  to  be  determined  by  tariff  and  use  and  wont.  But  over  these  ques- 
tions disputes  constantly  arose  between  the  merchants  and  the  lessees  of 
the  customs.  Therefore  did  the  council  then  conclude  that  the  courts  of 
the  city  should  make  a  list  of  articles  omitted,  and  in  the  next  lease- 
contract  (tk  hyiaroe.  ^laduast)  should  have  them  inserted,  in  addition  to 
the  consuetudinary  tax  (so  that  it  would  thus  become  a  fixed  sum).  If 
this  tariff  be  accepted  by  the  lessee  (tw  fnaOovj^iuu),  then  should  it,  as  well 
as  the  older  tariff,  be  made  generally  kno^\Tl  by  being  engraved  on  stone 
tablets.  But  the  autliorities  should  take  care  that  the  lessee  (roj/  f^iadov- 
y.ivov)  should  exact  nothing  Vjeyond  the  requirements  of  the  law. 

1"'  The  assertion  of  Tertullian,  that  all  tax-gatherers  were  heathens  {de 
piidicitia,  c.  9),  was  rightly  contested  as  early  as  by  Jerome  {Ejnst.  21  ad 
Daviasum,  c.  3,  Opera,  ed.  Valarsi,  i.  72). 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  71 

from  the  case  of  Palmyra,  were  in  early  times  often  very 
indefinite,  abundant  room  was  left  for  the  arbitrariness  and 
rapacity  of  the  tax-gatherer.  The  advantage  taken  of  such 
opportunities,  and  the  not  infrequent  overcharges  that  were 
made  by  these  officials,  made  them  as  a  class  hated  by  the 
people.  Not  only  in  the  New  Testament  are  the  terms 
"  publican  and  sinner "  almost  synonymous,  but  also  in 
rabbinical  literature  tax-gatherers  (Pppio)  appear  in  an  even 
less  favourable  light.^^^  —  On  the  other  hand,  the  people 
generally  then,  just  as  in  the  present  day,  were  inventive 
of     contrivances    of    ways    and    means    for    defrauding    the 


^0*  According  to  Baba  hinima  x.  1,  one  should  not  take  paymeut  in 
money  from  the  cash-box  of  the  tax-gatlierers — should  not  even  receive 
alms  from  them  (because  their  money  has  been  gained  by  robbery).  If, 
however,  tax-gatherers  have  taken  away  one  ass  and  given  another  in 
exchange  for  it,  or  robbers  have  robbed  him  of  his  garment  and  given 
hira  another  for  it,  he  ought  to  keep  what  is  given,  because  it  has  already 
ceased  to  be  his  property  (Baba  kamma,  x.  2).  —  According  to  Nedarim 
iii.  4,  should  one  promise,  in  consequence  of  a  vow,  to  robbers  and  tax- 
gatherers,  he  may  dechire  the  thing  the  property  of  the  priests  or  of  the 
king,  though  it  be  not  so!  —  Throughout,  therefore,  tax-gatherers  (poDID) 
are  placed  in  the  same  category  as  robbers.  Compare  also  Wiinsche,  Neue 
Beitriige  zur  Erlduterung  der  Evv.  1878,  p.  71  t;  Herzfeld,  Handelsgeschichte 
der  Jiulen,  p.  161  ft'.;  HRrnhnrgeT,  Beal-JEncydopaedie,  art.  "Zoll;"  Levy, 
Neuhebruisches  Worterbuch,  iii.  114.  —  That  by  pDDIO  tax-gatherers  in  the 
proper  sense  are  to  be  understood,  is  seen  from  the  usage  of  that  word 
({<DD^,  X''DDO)  in  the  customs-tariff  of  Palmyra. 

1°^  Kelim  xvii.  16,  speaks  of  "  a  walking-stick  with  a  secret  place  for 
pearls,"  i.e.  for  the  purpose  of  defrauding  the  revenue.  —  In  treating  of 
the  prohibition  again.st  wearing  garments  made  of  a  mixture  of  linen  and 
wool  (Lev.  xix.  19  ;  Deut.  xxii.  11),  Kilajim  ix.  2,  remarks,  that  this  is 
allowed  under  no  circumstances,  "  not  even  in  order  to  defraud  the 
revenue"  (DDQil  2i3J^).  —  In  this  connection,  also,  may  be  quoted  the 
passage  Shabbath  viii.  2,  where,  as  an  example  of  a  small  piece  of  paper 
which,  on  the  Sabbath,  ought  not  to  be  carried  from  one  place  to  another, 
a  "iti'p  of  the  tax-gatherer's  is  mentioned.  The  expositors  understand  by 
the  word,  a  receipt  which  has  been  given  at  one  customs  office  so  that  the 
I>arty  might  pass  free  at  the  next,  say  on  the  otlier  side  of  the  river.  The 
])hilological  explanation  is  certainly  beset  with  difficulty,  since  -\^'p  else- 
where means  "binding"  (e.g.  a  knot  on  a  string,  or  a  joint  in  a  human 


72  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Within  the  limits,  wliich  were  stated  in  the  very  regula- 
tions themselves,  the  Jewish  people  enjoyed  even  yet  a  very 
considerable  measure  of  freedom  in  home  affairs  and  self- 
administration.^^" —  The  oath  of  allegiance  which  the  people 
had  to  take  to  the  emperor,  presumably  on  every  change  of 
government,  was,  if  we  may  judge  from  analogous  cases,  more 
an  oath  of  confederates  than  one  of  subjects,  such  as  had  been 
given  even  so  early  as  the  times  of  Herod.^^^ — The  constitution 
as  regards  home  affairs,  during  the  age  of  the  procurators,  is 
characterized  by  Josephus,  in  opposition  to  the  monarchial 
rule  of  Herod  and  Archelaus,  in  the  words  :  ^^^  apiaTOKparia 
jxev  rjv  rj  iroXtTeia,  Trjv  Be  irpoaraaiav  tov  e6vov<i  ol  ap^cepel^ 
eireTrlaTevvTo.  He  sees,  therefore,  in  the  change  which  took 
place  after  the  deposition  of  Archelaus,  a  transition  from 
monarchy  to  aristocracy,  because  he,  and  that  not  incorrectly, 
considers  the  Eoman  procurator  only  as  an  overseer,  but  the 
aristocratic  Sanhedrim  as  the  real  governing  body.  He  who 
held  the  office  of  high  priest  for  the  time,  who  also  held  the 
presidency  of  the  Sanhedrim,  is  called  by  Josephus  irpoaTdrrj'; 
TOV  eOvovi.  Yet  certainly  these  very  high  priests  were  set  up 
and  removed  at  the  arbitrary  pleasure  of  the  overseer.  But 
even  in  this  matter  the  Eomans  restrained  themselves  within 
certain  limits.  Whereas  during  the  period  a.d.  6—41  the 
appointments  had  been  made  by  the  Eoman  governors,  either 
the  legate  of  Syria  or  the  procurator  of  Judea,  during  the 
the  period  a.d.  44-66  the  right  of  appointment  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  Jewish  princes,  Herod  of  Chalcis  and  Agrippa  II., 
although  these  did  not  reign  in  Judea.     And  in  both  periods 

body).  May  it  not  mean  a  piece  of  paper,  by  which  a  "  connection " 
between  two  customs  offices  is  established  ? 

^^^  Compare  on  what  follows,  Mommsen,  Eomische  Geschichte,  v.  511  ff. 

^^^  Compare  generally,  vol.  i.  p.  445.  —  We  have  clear  evidence  of  the 
taking  of  an  oath  on  the  accession  of  Caligula ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii. 
5.  3. 

^''  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx,  10  Jin. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKOD.  73 

the  appointments  were  not  made  in  a  purely  arbitrary- 
manner,  but  respect  was  paid  to  the  claims  of  certain  families 
(Phabi,  Boethos,  Ananus,  Kamith).^^^ 

Of  greater  importance  is  the  fact  that  the  Sanhedrim 
exercised  to  a  very  large  extent  the  right  of  legislating  and  of 
executing  the  law,  to  a  larger  extent  indeed  than  on  the 
average  was  the  case  among  non-autonomous  communities  in 
the  Koman  empire.^^^  The  state  of  the  law  was  in  general 
this,  that  the  communities  recognised  by  Eome  as  "  free  "  or 
"  autonomous  "  had  expressly  guaranteed  to  them  the  right  of 
passing  and  executing  their  own  laws,  in  fact,  even  over 
Eoman  citizens  dwelling  within  their  bounds.  In  the  subject, 
non-autonomous  communities,  to  which  Judea  belonged,  the 
practical  state  of  matters  was  very  nearly  the  same  ;  ^^^  but. 

^'3  For  the  proofs,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  197-206,  and  my  treatise  on 
the  dpx'^pii;  in  the  New  Testament  (Studieti  und  Kritiken,  1872,  pp. 
593-657).  —  On  the  presidency  of  the  high  priest  in  tlie  Sanhedrim, 
Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  180-184. 

^^*  On  the  position  of  non-autonomous  subjects,  see  Mommsen,  i?cwirsc/ies 
Staatsrecht,  iii.  1.  716-764,  especially  744  ff. — The  singular  position  of 
Judea  has  prominence  given  to  it  in  a  rather  one-sided  manner  by  Geib, 
Geschichte  des  romischen  Criminalprocesses,  p.  485  f.  :  "Only  one  province 
.  .  .  namely,  Judea,  at  least  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  empire,  formed  an 
exception  to  all  the  arrangements  hitherto  described.  Whereas  in  the 
other  provinces  the  whole  criminal  jurisdiction  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
governor,  and  only  in  the  most  important  cases  had  the  supreme  imperial 
courts  to  decide,  just  as  in  the  least  important  matters  the  municipal 
courts  did  ;  the  principle  that  applied  in  Judea  was  that  at  least  in  regard 
to  questions  of  religious  offence  the  high  priest  with  the  Sanhedrim 
could  pronounce  even  death  sentences,  for  the  carrying  out  of  which, 
however,  the  confirmation  of  the  procurator  was  required." — This  repre- 
sentation of  Geib  is  therefore  incorrect,  inasmuch  as  it  confounds  the 
position  of  Judea  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  empire  with  its  general  condi- 
tion in  the  later  imperial  age.    Compare,  on  the  other  hand,  Mommsen,  I.e. 

^'^  Mommsen,  Eomisches  Staatsrecht,  iii.  1,  p.  748:  "In  regard  to  the 
extent  of  application,  the  jurisdiction  of  the  native  courts  and  judicatories 
among  subject  communities  can  scarcely  have  been  much  more  restricted 
than  among  the  federated  communities  ;  while  in  administration  and  in 
civil  jurisdiction  we  find  the  same  principles  operative  as  in  legal  pro- 
cedure and  criminal  law." 


74  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

with  this  twofold  restriction  :  (1)  That  this  practical  state  of 
matters  was  not  guaranteed  them ;  and  (2)  that  the  Eoman 
citizens  residing  within  their  bounds  had  their  own  law  and 
their  own  judicatories.  The  first  point  was  of  most  import- 
ance. The  Eoman  authorities  could,  in  consequence  of  it, 
interfere  at  pleasure  in  the  legislation  and  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  law  in  non-autonomous  communities.  In  Judea 
this  right  seems  to  have  been  taken  advantage  only  to  a  very 
limited  extent.  It  may  be  assumed  that  the  administration 
of  the  civil  law  was  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  Sanhedrim 
and  native  or  local  magistrates  :  Jewish  courts  decided  accord- 
ing to  Jewish  law.  But  even  in  the  criminal  law  this  was 
almost  invariably  the  case,  only  with  this  exception,  that 
death  sentences  required  to  be  confirmed  by  the  lioman 
procurator.  In  such  case  the  procurator  decided  if  he  pleased 
according  to  the  standard  of  the  Jewish  law,  as  is  shown  in 
the  trial  of  Jesus  Christ.-^^  Even  Roman  citizens  were  not 
wholly  exempt  from  the  requirements  of  the  Jewish  law. 
When,  indeed,  the  procurator  Festus  proposed  to  judge  the 
Apostle  Paul  according  to  Jewish  law,  this  was  frustrated  by 
the  objection  of  the  apostle  (see  above,  p.  59).  But  the 
Jewish  law,  that  no  Gentile  should  be  allowed  to  enter  the 
inner  court  of  the  temple,  was  recognised  by  the  Eoman 
authorities,  and  any  one  who  transgressed  it  was  punished 
with  death,  even  if  he  were  a  Roman  citizen.^^^     There  was 

"'^  More  details  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  186-190. 

'1"  JosepliiLS,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  2.  4  ;  also  confirmed  by  the  inscription 
discovered  by  Clerrnont-Ganneau.  Compare  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  188,  265. 
This  point  is  also  of  importance  in  forming  an  estimate  of  the  trial  of  the 
Apostle  Paul  ;  for  a  principal  charge  brought  against  him  by  the  Jews 
was  that  he  had  taken  with  him  into  the  temple  a  "  Greek,"  Trophimus 
(Acts  xxi.  28,  29).  The  endeavour  was  therefore  made  to  impress  the 
procurator  with  the  idea  that  Paul  was  deserving  of  punishment  even 
according  to  the  Roman  law,  since  he  had  committed  an  offence  against  a 
specific  enactment.  Compare  especially,  Acts  xxiv.  6  :  o;  y.cti  to  ispov 
iTTitpccusu  (isii-ft'hiiaoi.i.     The  charge  was  not  indeed  valid,  since  that  enact. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  To 

only  one  limitation  to  the  far  -  reaching  application  of  this 
right,  and  that  certainly  a  very  important  one ;  the  procurator 
and  his  agents  could  at  any  time  interfere  according  to  their 
own  discretion. 

The  Jewish  worship  was  not  only  tolerated,  but,  as  the  enact- 
ment just  referred  to  with  regard  to  the  temple  shows,  stood 
under  State  protection.^^^  The  cosmopolitan  tendency,  which 
characterized  the  pagan  piety  of  the  time,  made  it  quite 
possible  for  distinguished  Eomans  to  present  gifts  to  the 
Jewish  temple,  and  even  to  offer  sacrifices  there.^^^  The 
oversight  of  the  temple  by  the  State,  especially  of  the 
administration  of  its  large  finances,  seems  to  have  been  carried 
out  during  the  period  a.d.  6-41  by  means  of  the  Eoman 
authorities.  During  the  period  A.D.  44-66  it  was  transferred 
to  the  same  Jewish  princes  who  had  also  received  the  right  of 
appointing  the  high  priests,  namely,  Herod  of  Chalcis,  and 
then  Agrippa  II.^"°  A  restriction  in  the  freedom  of  worship, 
which  was  in  itself  quite  harmless,  but  was   regarded  by  the 

nient  of  the  law  would  have  afTected  only  Trophimus,  and  not  Paul. 
Besides,  it  seems  that  Paul  had  not  really  taken  Trophimus  with  him 
into  the  temple.     Compare,  iurjy,i^6i/,  Acts  xxi.  29. 

''^  This  protection  extended  also  to  the  synagogue  services  and  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  Wlien  the  pagan  inhabitants  of  Dora  had  placed  a  statue  of 
the  emperor  in  the  Jewish  synagogue  there,  the  council  of  the  city  was 
ordered  by  the  legate  Petronius  to  deliver  up  the  guilty  parties,  and  to 
take  care  that  such  outrages  should  not  occur  in  future  (Joseph us,  Antig. 
xix.  6.  3).  A  soldier,  who  had  wantonly  torn  up  a  Tliorah  roll,  was  put 
to  death  by  the  procurator  Cumanus  (Josephus,  Antig.  xx.  5.  4  ;  Wars  of 
the  Jews,  ii.  12.  2). 

^^'•*  Even  the  Emperor  Augustus  and  his  wife  sent  brazen  wine  vessels  to 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  dKfixTo(p6ooi  {IFars  of  the  Jews,  v.  13.  6)  and  other 
costly  presents  (Philo,  Lerjat.  ad  Cajuvi,  sec.  23  and  see.  40,  ed.  Mangey,  ii. 
.5(59  init.,  592  fin.).  Marcus  Agrippa,  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to 
Jerusalem,  gave  presents  (Philo,  Le'jat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  37,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.589), 
and  ofl'ered  as  a  sacrifice  a  hundred  oxen  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xvi.  2.  1). 
Also  Vitellius  sacrificed  there  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  3).  Compare 
generally,  Div.  II.  voh  i.  pp.  299-30.5. 

^-"  Herod  of  Chalcis,  Josephus.  Antiq.  xx.  1.  3  :  t»ji/  i^ovaiuv  tov  mot 
nxi  Tuv  hpuv  '^oyity.oi,TUv. — Agri[)pa  II.  :  A)itiq.  xx.  9.  7  :  Tsjy  iTrii^O.nccv  tov 


76  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Jews  as  oppressive,  was  set  aside  in  a.d.  36.  During  the 
period  a.d.  6-36  the  beautiful  robe  of  the  high  priest  was  in 
the  keeping  of  the  Eoman  commandant  in  the  fort  of  Antonia, 
and  was  only  four  times  in  the  year,  at  the  three  chief  feasts 
and  on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  brought  forth  for  use.  At  the 
request  of  the  Jews,  in  A.D.  36,  Vitellius  ordered  that  the  robe 
should  be  given  up.  And  when  the  procurator  Cuspius 
Fadius,  in  a.d.  44,  wished  again  to  have  the  robe  put  under 
Roman  control,  a  Jewish  embassy  went  to  Rome  and  procured 
a  rescript  from  the  Emperor  Claudius  by  which  the  order  of 
Vitellius  was  confirmed.^"^ 

Great  deference  was  shown  to  the  religious  opinions  of  the 
Jews.  Whereas  in  all  other  provinces  the  worship  of  the 
emperor  was  zealously  insisted  upon,  and  was  claimed  as  a 
matter  of  course  by  the  emperor  as  a  proof  of  respect,  no 
demand  of  this  sort,  except  in  the  time  of  Caligula,  was  ever 
made  of  the  Jews.  The  authorities  were  satisfied  with 
requiring  that  twice  a  day  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  a 
sacrifice  was  made  "  for  Caesar  and  the  Roman  people."  The 
sacrifice  for  the  whole  day  consisted  in  two  lambs  and  an  ox, 
and,  according  to  Philo,  was  provided  by  Augustus  himself, 
e/c  TO)v  18l(i)v  irpoaoBcov,  whereas  the  opinion  of  Josephus  is 
that  it  was  made  at  the  cost  of  the  Jewish  people.^^^  Also 
on  extraordinary  occasions  the  Jewish  people  evidenced  their 
loyal  sentiments  by  a  great  sacrifice  in  honour  of  the 
emperor.^^^     In  the  Diaspora  the  emperor  was   remembered 

/sooy.— On  the  administration  of  tlie  finances  of  the  temple,  see  Div.  II. 
vol.  i.  pp.  260-264. 

121  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  3,  xx.  1.  1-2,  xv.  11.  4.  Compare,  on  tliis 
beautiful  robe  of  the  high  priest,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  256.  On  the  con- 
quest of  Jerusalem  by  Titus  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans 
(Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  8.  3). 

1-2  Philo,  Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  23  and  sec.  40,  Mangey,  ii.  569,  592) ; 
Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  4,  17.  2-4;  Against  Apian,  ii.  6  fin. 
Further  details  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  303. 

122  This  was  done  thrice  over  in  the  time  of  Caligula,  Philo,  Legal,  ad 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEIIOD.  77 

in  the  prayers  of  the  synagogue,  which,  however,  cannot  be 
proved  to  have  been  the  case  in  Palestine.^^^'*  Next  to  the 
worship  of  the  emperor,  the  emperor's  images  on  the  coins 
and  the  standards  of  the  soldiers  were  specially  offensive  to 
tlie  Jews.  But  in  these  matters  also  they  were  treated  with 
tolerance.  It  could  not,  indeed,  be  avoided  that  Eoman 
denaria  with  the  figure  of  the  emperor  should  circulate  in 
Judea  (Matt.  xxii.  20;  Mark  xii.  16;  Luke  xx.  24),  for 
silver  and  gold  coins  were  not  minted  in  Judea.  But  the 
copper  coinage  restored  to  the  country  bore,  even  in  the  time 
of  the  direct  Roman  rule,  as  well  as  in  the  times  of  the 
Herodians,  no  human  likeness,  but  only  the  name  of  the 
emperor  and  inoffensive  emblems.^^'*     The  troops  were  required 

Cajum,  sec.  45  (Mangey,  ii.  598) ;  compare  also  sec.  32  (Mangey,  ii.  580  : 
the  offering  presented  on  the  occasion  of  his  accession). 

123a  piiiioj  In  Flaccum,  sec.  7  (ed.  Mangey,  ii.  524) :  "  If  one  robbed  the 
Jews  of  the  Proseuche  or  synagogue,  he  thus  made  it  impossible  to  them 
T/lu  si;  lov;  iinpyircti  ivaifietctv  .  .  ,  ovk  i-^auni  hpovg  •Tripifio'Aovg  ot;  iuZicc- 
dr,aovTBt.i  TO  iv-/,d.pwToy  .  .  .  Thereby  he  gives  not,  but  robs  roig  xvpioi; 
Tif/.v!v.  For  the  Proseucliae  are  for  all  Jews  6p,uYtr'iipioc  ri};  el;  roi/  miSocaTou 
OIKOU  otrtOTYiTO;   .    .    .   uv  ijfiiu  eivxtpiSiiauu  ri;  izspo;  oLT^oKitTriTXt  roTiog  sj  rpoTro; 

riu.ii;;" — That  this  standpoint  was  not  an  unusual  one  even  among 
rabbinical  Jews  is  shown  by  Aboth  iii.  2  ;  see  the  words  quoted  in 
Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  304.  Yet,  so  far  as  I  know,  there  is  no  proof  that  prayer 
was  offered  up  for  tlie  emperor  in  the  synagogues  of  Palestine.  Indeed, 
considering  the  opinions  prevailing  there,  it  is  extremely  improbable  that 
Buch  prayers  should  have  been  offered. 

^-*  Compare,  on  the  coins  minted  in  Judea  in  the  time  of  the  procurators, 
Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  497  sq.  ;  Mionnet,  Bescript.  de  me'dailles,  v. 
552-555,  Suppl.  viii.  377  ;  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatik,  i.  64-73, 
159-162  ;  De  Saulcy,  Revne  Numismatique,  1853,  pp.  186-201  ;  De  Saulcy, 
liecherches,  etc.,  1854,  pp.  138-146, 149  sq.,  pi.  viii.,  ix.  ;  Cavedoni,  BibliscJie 
Numismatih,  ii.  39-53  ;  Mommsen,  Geschichte  des  romischen  Miinzwesens, 
1860,  p.  719  ;  Levy,  Geschichte  der  jUdischen  Miinzen,  pp.  74-79  ;  Madden, 
History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  134-153  ;  Cavedoni  in  Grote's  Miinzstudiai, 
v.  27-29  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  1874,  pp.  69-78, 
pi.  iii.-iv.  ;  Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  169-195  ;  Madden, 
Coins  of  the  Jews,  pp.  170-187  ;  Stickel,  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Palastina- 
Vereins,  vii.  1884,  pp.  212,  213  ;  Pick,  Zeitschrift  fiir  Numismatik,  Bd. 
xiv.  1887,  pp.  306-308." — On  the  coins  of  Augustus  with  the  superscription 
Kxiaxpoi,  we  meet  with  the  year  numbers  33,  36,  39,  40,  41.     If  the 


78  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

in  Jerusalem  to  dispense  with  standards  having  on  them  the 
likeness  of  the  emperor.  The  wanton  attempt  of  Pilate  to 
break  through  this  custom  was  frustrated  by  the  violent 
opposition  of  the  people.  Pilate  found  himself  compelled  to 
withdraw   again   the   imperial    likenesses    from   Jerusalem.^"^ 

number  33  is  tlie  correct  reading,  then  we  must,  as  Mommsen  first  con- 
jectured, assume  as  the  starting-point  of  the  Augustan  era  the  1st  of 
January  727  a.u.c,  or  B.C.  27.  According  to  this  reckoning,  the  coins 
belong  to  the  period  759-767  A.u.c,  or  a.d.  6-14,  which  harmonizes 
perfectly  with  historical  circumstances.  As  this  era  is  otherwise  unknown. 
Pick,  in  Zeitschrift  fitr  Numismatik,  xiv.  306-308,  doubts  as  to  the  exist- 
ence of  the  coins  with  the  number  33,  and  assumes  the  Actian  era  with 
autumn  a.u.c.  723  as  its  starting-point.  Thus  the  year  36  would  be 
A.u.c.  758-759.  The  existence  of  the  coins  with  the  number  33  seems, 
however,  to  be  well  established.  See  especially  Madden  and  Stiekel  in 
works  quoted  above.  The  coins  of  Tiberius,  with,  for  the  most  part,  the 
name  written  in  the  abbreviated  form  TiSspiov  Ka.iaa.po;,  are  dated  by  the 
years  of  Tiberius'  reign  ;  we  have  examples  of  the  numbers  2,  3,  4  up  to 
18.  On  many  the  name  of  Julia  occurs  along  with  that  of  Tiberius,  and, 
indeed,  this  is  so  up  to  the  year  of  Tiberius  16,  i.e.  a.d.  29,  the  year  in 
which  Julia  (Livia)  died.  Many  coins  bore  only  the  name  of  Julia. 
There  are  coins  of  Claudius  of  the  13th  and  14th  year  of  his  reign  ;  and 
coins  of  Nero  of  the  5th  year.  On  the  latter  stands  only  the  name  of  tlie 
empeix)r ;  on  those  of  Claudius  there  is  also  the  name  of  his  wife,  Julia 
Agrippina. 

1**  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  3.  1  ;  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  2-3.  In  refer- 
ence to  the  military  flags  and  standards,  as  Doniaszewski  has  shown 
(Domaszewski,  Die  Fahnen  im  romischen  Heere,  Ahhandlungen  des  archaolog.- 
epigraph.  Seviinares  der  Universitat  TFien,  5  Heft  1885),  two  different 
classes  are  to  be  distinguished  :  (1)  Those  which  were  used  for  tactical 
purposes,  and  (2)  those  which  had  only  a  symbolical  significance.  The 
former  were  by  far  the  most  numerous  :  to  the  latter  belonged  the  eagles 
of  the  legions  and  the  signa  which  bore  the  figure  of  the  emperor. 
Mommsen  indeed  believes,  however,  that  even  to  them  should  be  assigned 
a  certain  tactical  significance  ;  see  Arc}idoloyisch-epigrap>hisch€  Mittheilungen 
aus  Oesterreich- Ungarn  Jahrgang,  x.  1886,  p.  1  fF.  The  figures  of  the 
emperor  were  in  the  form  of  a  medallion,  and  were  usually  attached  to 
the  signa.  Among  the  legionaries,  as  well  as  among  the  auxiliary  cohorts 
we  hear  of  imaginiferi  (see  list  in  Cauer,  Ephemeris  epigr.  iv.  pp.  372-374). 
— The  earlier  procurators,  therefore,  had  taken  with  them  to  Jerusalem 
only  the  signa  which  did  not  bear  the  figure  of  the  emperor,  that  is,  the 
common  ones  used  for  tactical  purposes  ;  but  Pilato  took  also  those  bearing 
the  figure  of  the  emperor. 


g  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  "79 

"When  Vitellius,  the  legate  of  Syria,  took  the  field  against  the 
Arabian  king  Aretas,  at  the  urgent  entreaty  of  the  Jews,  he 
so  directed  the  course  of  his  march  that  the  troops  carrying 
the  likeness  of  the  emperor  on  their  standards  should  not 
enter  Jewish  territory. ^^^ 

So  far,  then,  as  the  civil  enactments  and  the  orders  of  the 
supreme  authorities  were  concerned,  the  Jews  could  not  com- 
plain of  any  want  of  consideration  being  paid  them.  It  was 
otherwise,  however,  with  respect  to  the  practical  carrying  out 
of  details.  The  average  Roman  official  was  always  disposed 
to  disregard  all  such  nice,  delicate  consideration.  And  the 
unfortunate  thing  was,  that  Judea,  especially  in  the  last 
decades  before  the  war,  had  had  more  than  one  governor  who 
had  lost  all  sense  of  right  and  wrong.  Besides  this,  notwith- 
standing the  most  painstaking  efforts  to  show  indulgence  to 
Jewish  views  and  feelings,  the  existing  relations  were  in 
themselves,  according  to  Jewish  ideas,  an  insult  to  all  the 
lofty,  divine  privileges  of  the  chosen  people,  who,  instead  of 
paying  tribute  to  Caesar,  were  called  rather  to  rule  over  all 
nations  of  the  world.'*®* 


Their  first  administrative  measures  which  they  introduced 
there  show  how  hard  a  task  the  incorporation  of  Judea  into 
the  empire  proved  to  the  Romans.  Contemporaneously  witii 
the  appointment  of  Cojjonius,  the  first  procurator  of  Judea, 

^^^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  3. 

i2(ia  This  was,  at  least,  the  popular  senLinient.  From  these  religious 
premisses  in  themselves  one  might,  indeed,  arrive  at  the  very  opposite 
result,  namely,  that  even  the  pagan  government  was  of  God,  and  that  it 
must  be  submitted  to  so  long  as  God  wills.  But  this  way  of  consideiing 
the  subject  was  not  in  favour  during  the  period  a.d.  6-66,  and,  as  the 
years  went  on,  those  who  held  it  were  in  an  ever-decreasing  minority. 
Compare  generally  on  the  political  attitude  of  Pharisaism,  I)iv.  II.  vol.  ii. 
pp.  17-19. 


80  THE  liOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

the  emperor  had  sent  a  new  legate,  Quirinius,  into  Syria.  It 
was  now  the  duty  of  the  legate  to  take  a  census  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  newly-acquired  territory,  in  order  that  the  taxes 
might  be  appointed  according  to  the  Eoman  method.  But 
no  sooner  had  Quirinius,  in  a.d.  6  or  a.d.  7,  begun  to  carry 
out  his  commission,  than  he  was  met  with  opposition  on 
every  hand.  Only  the  quieting  representations  of  the  high 
priest  Joazar,  who  clearly  perceived  that  open  rebellion  would 
be  of  no  avail,  led  to  the  gradual  abandonment  of  the  opposi- 
tion that  had  already  begun,  and  then  the  people  with  mute 
resignation  submitted  to  the  inevitable,  so  that,  at  last,  the 
census  was  made  up.^"^^  It  was,  however,  no  enduring  peace, 
but  only  a  truce  of  uncertain  duration.  Judas  of  Gamala  in 
Gaulanitis,  called  the  Galilean,  who  is  certainly  identical  with 
that  Judas,  son  of  Hezekiah,  of  whom  we  have  already  learnt 
on  p.  4,  in  company  with  a  Pharisee  of  the  name  of  Sadduc, 
made  it  his  task  to  rouse  the  people  into  opposition,  and  in 
the  name  of  religion  to  preach  rebellion  and  revolutionary 
war.  This  movement  had  not,  indeed,  any  immediate  marked 
success.  But  the  revolutionists  got  so  far  as  to  found  now 
among  the  Pharisees  a  more  strict  fanatical  party,  that  of  the 
patriotic  resolutes,  or,  as  they  called  themselves,  the  Zealots, 
who  wished  not  to  remain  in  quiet  submission  till  by  God's 
decree  the  Messianic  hope  of  Israel  should  be  fulfilled,  but 
would  rather  employ  the  sword  in  hastening  its  realization, 
and  would  rush  into  conflict  with  the  godless  enemy. ^^^      It  is 

'^^  According  to  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xviii.  2.  1,  in  the  37th  year  of  the 
aera  Actiaca,  i.e.  autumn,  759-760  A.U.C.,  or  a.d.  6-7.  The  Actian  era 
begins  on  2nd  Sept.  723  A.u.c.  or  B.C.  31. 

'2s  ZriKuTcti^  compare  Luke  vi.  15  ;  Acts  i.  13  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  3.  9, 
5. 1,6.  3,  vii.  8.  1. — For  the  Biblico-Hebrai^  S3p  we  find  in  later  Hebrew 
also  ''X3P  and  jxjj?  (see  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Ghaldaicum ;  Levy,  Chaldaisches 
Worterhuch;  hevy,  Neuhebraisches  PFarterhuch).  The  Greek  Kocumuoitos  is 
constructed  out  of  the  later  form  of  the  word  through  the  modification  of 
the  plural,  N':s3p,  as  ought  to  be  used  in  Matt.  x.  4,  Mark  iii.  18,  instead 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  81 

to  their  machinations  that  we  are  to  ascribe  the  nursing  of 
the  fires  of  revohition  among  the  smouldering  ashes  which 
sixty  years  later  burst  forth  in  vehement  flames.'^^ 

Of  Coponius  and  some  of  his  successors  little  more  is  known 
to  us  than  their  names.  Altogether  there  were  seven  procu- 
rators who  administered  Judea  during  the  period  a.d.  6—41  : 
(1)  Coponius,  probably  A.D.  6-9  ;  (2)  Marcus  Ambivius, 
probably  a.d.  9-12  ;  (3)  Annius  Eufus,  probably  a.d.  12-15  ; 
(4)  Valerius  Gratus,  a.d.  15—26;  (5)  Pontius  Pilatus,  a.d. 
26-36  ;  (6)  Marcellus,  a.d.  36-37  ;  (7)  Marullus,  a.d. 
37-41,^^°       The  long   period  during  which  Valerius  Gratus 

of  the  received  KavKviTn;- — In  the  Mishna,  Sanhedrin  ix.  6,  and  Aboth 
derabbi  Nathan  c.  6,  we  have  ps<3p  or  D''N3p-  In  the  former  passage, 
however,  are  meant,  not  political,  but  religious  zealots. — Compare  gener- 
ally :  Oppenheim,  "Die  Kannaim  oder  Zeloten"  in  Fiirst's  LiteraturUatt 
des  Orients,  1849,  col.  289-292  ;  Pressel,  art.  "Zeloten"  in  Herzog's  Beal- 
Encyclopaedie,  1  And.  xviii.  485-489  ;  Derenljourg,  Histoire  de  la  Falestine, 
p.  238  ;  Holtzmann  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  v,  707-709  ;  Keuss,  Ges- 
chichte  der  heiligen  Schriften  der  Alten  Testaments,  §  560  ;  Hamburger,  Eeal- 
Encyclopaedie  far  Bibel  und  Talmud,  2  Abth.  i)p.  1286-1296  ;  Sieffert  in 
Herzog's  Real- Encyclopaedie,  2  Aufl.  xvii.  488-491  ;  Wolf,  Curae  philol.; 
Kuinoel,  Fritzsche,  Meyer,  Bleek,  and  other  commentators,  on  Matt.  x.  4. 

129  Compare  generally  :  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  1.  1  and  6  ;  Wars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  8.  1;  Acts  v.  37.  Art.  "Judas"  in  the  Biblical  Dictionaries. 
Chr.  Alfr.  Korner,  "Judas  von  G&mnla."  {Jahreshericht  der  Lausitzer  Pre- 
diger-Gesellschaft  zu  Leipzig,  1883-1884,  pp.  5-12). — Also  the  descendants 
of  Judas  distinguished  themselves  as  Zealots.  His  sons  James  and  Simon 
were  executed  by  Tiberius  Alexander  (^niig.  xx.  5.  2) ;  his  son  Menachem 
(Manaim)  was  one  of  the  principal  leaders  at  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion 
in  A.D.  66  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  8-9).  A  descendant  of  Judas  and 
relative  of  Menahem  of  the  name  of  Eleasar  conducted  the  defence  of 
Masada  in  a.d.  73  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  9,  \A.  8.  1  ff.). — A  literary 
memorial  of  the  views  and  hopes  of  the  Zealots  is  the  Assumptio  Mosis, 
which  had  its  origin  about  that  time  (see  Div.  II.  vol.  iii.  pp.  73-80), 
which  goes  so  far  in  the  way  of  prophecy  as  to  say  that  Israel  will  tread 
on  "the  neck  of  the  eagle,"  i.e.  of  the  Eonians  (10.  8).  Compare  Div.  II. 
vol.  ii.  pp.  144,  183. 

130  Compare  Josephus,  ^n%.  xviii.  2.  2,  4.  2,  6.  10 /re. — The  period 
during  which  the  first  three  held  office  cannot  be  quite  exactly  determined. 
That  of  the  two  following  is  fixed  by  the  facts  that  Valerius  Gratus  was 
in  office  for  eleven  years  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  2.  2)  and  Pontius  Pilate 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  F 


82  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

and  Pontius  Pilate  held  office  was  owing  to  the  general 
principles  on  which  Tiberius  proceeded  in  his  appointment  of 
governors.  In  the  interest  of  the  provinces  he  left  them  as 
long  as  possible  at  their  posts,  because  he  thought  that  gover- 
nors acted  like  flies  upon  the  body  of  a  wounded  animal ; 
if  once  they  were  gorged,  they  would  become  more  moderate 
in  their  exactions,  whereas  new  men  began  their  rapacious 
proceedings  afresh.^^^ 

Among  those  named,  Pontius  Pilate  is  of  special  interest 
to  us,  not  only  as  the  judge  of  Jesus  Christ,  but  also  because 
he  is  the  only  one  of  whom  we  have  any  detailed  account  in 
Josephus  and  Philo.^^^  Philo,  or  rather  Agrippa  I.,  in  the 
letter  which  Philo  communicates  as  written  by  him,  describes 

for  ten  years  (xviii.  4.  2).  But  Pilate  was  deprived  of  Ids  office  before 
Vitellius  was  in.  Jerusalem  for  the  first  time,  i.e.  shortly  before  Easter 
A.D.  36,  as  results  from  a  comparison  of  Antiq^.  xviii.  4.  3  with  xviii.  5.  3. 
The  period  during  which  the  last  two  held  oflQce  is  determinedly  this, 
that  MaruUus  was  installed  immediately  after  the  accession  of  Caligula 
in  March  a.d.  37  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  10  fin.). — Eusebius  afiirms 
(Hist.  Eccl.  i.  9)  that  Josephus  sets  the  date  of  Pilate's  entrance  upon  office 
in  the  twelfth  year  of  Tiberius,  a.d.  25  and  26,  which  is  only  so  far 
correct,  that  this  conclusion  may  be  deduced  from  Josephus. 

^^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  5. — Tiberius'  care  for  the  provinces  is  also 
witnessed  to  by  Suetonius  {Tiberius,  23  :  "praesidibus  onerandas  tributo 
provincias  suadentibus  rescripsit :  boni  pastoris  esse  tondere  pecus,  non 
deglubere").  Tacitus  also,  in  Annals,  i.  80,  iv.  6,  speaks  of  the  long 
periods  granted  to  governors.  For  an  estimate  of  Tiberius,  compare 
L'specially  Keim's  article  in  Schenkel's  Bihellcxihon,  v.  528-  535. 

^32  Compare  in  regard  to  him,  besides  the  literature  referred  to  on 
p.  38  :  Mounier,  De  Pontii  Pilati  in  causa  servatoris  agendi  ratione,  Lugd. 
Bat.  1825  ;  Leyrer,  art.  "  Pilatus"  in  Herzog's  Beal-Encyclopaedie,  2  Aufl. 
xi.  pp.  685-687  ;  Klo])per  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  iv.  581-585  ;  Penan, 
Life  of  Jesus,  chap,  xxvii.  :  "Fate  of  the  Enemies  of  Jesus  ;"  Warneck, 
Pontius  Pilatus  der  Richter  Jesu  Christi.  Ein  O'emalde  aus  der  Leidens- 
c/eschichte,  Gotha  1867 ;  Rosieres,  Ponce  Pilate,  Paris  1883 ;  Woltjer, 
Pontius  Pilatus,  scne  studie,  Amsterdam  1888  ;  Arnold,  Die  neronisclie 
Christenverfolgung,  1888,  pp.  116-120  (on  the  mention  of  Pilate  in  Tacitus, 
Annals,  xv.  44) ;  Gustav  Adolf  Muller,  Pontius  Pilatus  der  fUnfte  Pro- 
curator von  Judaea  und  Pichier  Jesu  von  Nazareth,  Stuttgart  1888  (gives  at 
pp.  v-viii  a  list  of  the  special  literature  on  Pilate  from  the  beginning  of  the 
art  of  printing  down  to  the  present  time,  more  than  a  hundred  names) 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IISROD.  83 

him  as  of  an  "  unbending  and  recklessly  hard  character " 
{rr]v  (fivcriv  uKa/XTrr)^  Kol  fiera  tov  av6dSov<i  dfJbelXtKTO'i),  and 
gives  a  very  bad  account  of  his  official  administration. 
"  Corruptibility,  violence,  robberies,  ill  -  treatment  of  the 
people,  grievances,  continuous  executions  without  even  the 
form  of  a  trial,  endless  and  intolerable  cruelties,"  are  charged 
against  him.^^^  The  very  first  act  by  which  Pilate  introduced 
himself  into  office  was  characteristic  of  him  who  treated  with 
contempt  the  Jewish  customs  and  privileges.  Care  had 
constantly  been  taken  by  the  earlier  procurators  that  the 
troops  entering  Jerusalem  should  not  carry  flags  having  the 
figure  of  the  emperor,  in  order  that  the  religious  feelings  of 
the  Jews  should  not  be  offended  by  the  sight  of  them  (see  in 
regard  to  these,  above,  p.  78).  Pilate,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
whom  such  tolerance  appeared  unworthy  weakness,  caused 
the  garrison  soldiers  of  Jerusalem  to  enter  the  city  by  night 
with  the  figure  of  the  emperor  on  their  flags.  When  the 
news  spread  among  the  people,  they  flocked  out  in  crowds 
to  Caesarea,  and  besieged  the  procurator  with  entreaties  for 
five  days  and  nights  that  the  offensive  articles  might  be 
removed.  At  Inst,  on  the  sixth  day,  Pilate  admitted  tlie 
people  into  the  race-course,  into  which  at  the  same  time  he 
had  ordered  a  detachment  of  soldiers.  When  the  Jews  also 
here  again  repeated  their  complaints,  he  gave  a  signal,  upon 
which  the  soldiers  surrounded  the  people  on  all  sides  with 
drawn  swords.  But  the  Jews  remained  stedfast,  bared  their 
necks,  and  declared  that  tiiey  would  rather  die  than  submit 
to  a  breach  of  the  law.  As  further  opposition  seemed  to 
Pilate  hazardous,  he  gave  orders  to  remove  the  offensive 
images  from  Jerusalem.'^* 

133  'Philo,  De  Legatione  ad  Cajum,  sec.  38,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  590  :  tx;  lapooo- 
Kix;.,  rxg  vfipii;,  rcci  ocpTrxyci;,  rd;  ccix-ictg,  t«;  STrYipiiug,  tov;  ctKphov;  x.cc.1 
ivx'k'KTiT^ov;  (J)6vov;,  rviv  ccvyivvzov  kocI  cip'/ct'hiuroir-/]v  u/noTJnru. 

13*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  3.  1  ;  War-f  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  2-3  ;  Eusebius, 
Hist  Eccles.  ii.  6.  4. — According  to  Eusebius,  Demonstratio  evanydica,  viii 


84  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

A  new  storm  burst  forth  when  on  one  occasion  he  applied 
the  rich  treasures  of  the  temple  to  the  certainly  very  useful 
purpose  of  building  an  aqueduct  to  Jerusalem.  Such  an 
appropriation  of  the  sacred  treasures  was  no  less  offensive 
than  the  introduction  of  the  figures  of  the  emperor.  When, 
therefore,  he  once  went  to  Jerusalem  while  the  building  was 
being  proceeded  with,  he  was  again  surrounded  by  a  com- 
plaining and  shrieking  crowd.  But  he  had  previously 
obtained  information  of  the  projected  outburst,  and  had  given 
orders  to  the  soldiers  to  mix  among  the  people  dressed  in 
citizen  garb  armed  with  clubs.  When  the  multitude  there- 
fore began  to  make  complaints  and  to  present  petitions,  he 
gave  the  preconcerted  signal,  whereupon  the  soldiers  drew 
forth  their  clubs  which  they  had  concealed  under  their  upper 
garments,  and  mercilessly  beat  down  the  helpless  crowds. 
Many  lost  their  lives  in  this  melee.  The  opposition  to  the 
useful  undertaking  was  thus  indeed  crushed  ;  but  also  the 
popular  hatred  against  Pilate  was  stirred  up  afresh.^^^ 

p.  403,  this  story  has  also  heen  reported  by  Pliilo  in  portions  of  his  work 
on  the  persecutions  of  the  Jews  under  Tiberius  and  Caligula,  which  are 
no  longer  extant  {otvTii  Bij  roiirx  xocl  6  ^i>.uv  avf^fictpTvpet,  zci;  anfMx.'ieis 
(peiaxuv  T«f  (iotai'Kix.oL;  tou  Ui'Kccrov  vvKzap  h  rZ  hpo)  dvccduvxi).  Compare 
in  regard  to  this  question,  Div.  II.  vol.  iii.  p.  349. 

^^*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  3.  2  ;  TVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  4  ;  Eusebius, 
Hist.  Ecdes.  ii.  6.  6-7. — The  length  of  the  aqueduct  is  given  by  Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  3.  2,  at  two  hundred  stadia  ;  in  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  9.  4,  at 
four  hundred  ;  so  at  least  is  it  in  our  text  of  Josephus,  whereas  in  his 
rendering  of  the  latter  passage  Eusebius  {Hist.  Ecdes.  ii.  6.  6)  makes  it 
three  hundred  stadia.  In  any  case,  according  to  these  measurements,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  reference  is  to  the  aqueduct  from  the  so-called 
pool  of  Solomon  south-west  of  Bethlehem.  From  thence  to  Jerusalem 
two  aqueducts  were  built  in  ancient  times,  of  which  the  ruins  of  the  one 
are  discernible  ;  the  other  is  still  preserved  in  comparative  completeness. 

1.  The  former  is  the  shorter,  and  runs  upon  a  higher  level ;  it  begins 
south  of  the  pool  of  Solomon  in  the  Wady  Bijar,  then  goes  through  the 
pool,  and  thence  without  any  further  deviations  straight  to  Jerusalem. 

2.  The  one  that  is  still  completed  is  longer  and  lies  lower  ;  it  begins  still 
farther  south  in  the  Wady  Arrub,  passes  then  also  through  the  pool,  and 
thence  with  great  windings  to  Jerusalem.     The  latter  conduit  is  certainly 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  85 

The  New  Testament  also  contains  hints  about  the  popular 
uprisings  in  the  time  of  Pilate.  "  There  were  present  at  that 
season,"  so  runs  the  narrative  in  Luke  xiii.  1,  "some  that 
told  Jesus  of  the  Galileans,  whose  blood  Pilate  had  mingled 
with  their  sacrifices."  This  statement  is  to  be  understood  as 
indicating  that  Pilate  had  put  to  the  sword  a  number  of 
Galileans  while  they  were  engaged  in  the  act  of  presenting 
their  offerings  at  Jerusalem.  But  nothing  more  definite  as 
to  this  incident  is  known.  And  just  as  little  do  we  know 
about  "  those  who  had  made  insurrection,  and  had  committed 
murder    in    the    insurrection "   (Mark    xv.    7 ;     comp.    Luke 

the  more  modern  ;  for,  on  account  of  the  more  remote  derivation  of  the 
water,  the  aqueduct  running  on  the  higher  level  could  no  longer  be  used, 
and  so  a  new  one  had  to  he  built.  Its  length,  owing  to  the  long  windings, 
reaches  to  about  400  stadia,  altliough  the  direct  line  would  measure  much 
less  than  half  that  distance.  When  it  had  become  dilajiidated,  during 
the  Middle  Ages,  earthenware  pipes  were  placed  in  it.  In  its  original 
form  it  was  probably  identical  with  the  building  of  PiUte.  Many,  how- 
ever, owing  to  the  absence  of  any  trace  of  the  characteristics  of  Roman 
building,  hold  it  to  have  been  still  older  than  the  time  of  Pilate,  and 
suppose  that  Pilate  only  restored  it.  But  this  theory  is  directly  in 
opposition  to  the  words  of  Josephus.  That  the  aqueduct  of  Pilate  ran 
along  the  course  taken  by  this  water  conduit,  may  be  regarded  as  highly 
probable. — In  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  we  find  the  statement  that  an 
aqueduct  led  from  Etam  to  the  teniple  {Jer.  Yoma,  iii.  fol.  41,  in  Light- 
foot,  Descri^otio  tevipli,  c.  23,  Opera,  i.  612).  In  fact,  Etam  (DD^y),  according 
to  2  Chron.  xi.  6,  lay  between  Bethlehem  and  Tekoa,  unquestionably  at 
the  spring  which  is  now  called  Ain  Atan,  in  the  immediate  neighbour- 
hood of  Solomon's  pool  (compare  Miihlau  in  Riehm's  Handworterbuch, 
art.  "  Etam ; "  Schick,  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Palastina  -  Vereins,  i. 
152  f.). — The  most  exact  description  of  the  present  condition  of  the  two 
conduits  is  given  by  Schick,  "  Die  Wasserversorgung  der  Stadt  Jerusalem  " 
{Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Palastina- Vereins,  i.  1887,  pp.  132-176,  with 
map  and  plans). — Compare  also  :  Ritter,  Erclkxmde,  xvi.  272  ff.  ;  Tobler, 
Topograjyhie  von  Jerusalem,  ii.  84-95  (very  full  in  its  historical  material) ; 
an  anonymous  article,  "Water  Supply  of  Jerusalem,  ancient  and  modern" 
(Journal  of  Sacred  Literature  and  Biblical  Record,  new  series,  vol.  v.  1864, 
pp.  133-157  ;  Zschokke,  "Die  versiegelt  Quelle  Salomos"  {Theolog.  Quartal- 
schrift,  1867,  pp.  426-442)  ;  The  Recovery  of  Jerusalem,  1871,  pp.  233-267  ; 
and  generally  the  geographical  literature  mentioned  in  vol.  i.  pp. 
16-20. 


86  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

xxiii.   19),  to   whom  among  others  that  Barabbas  belonged, 
whose  liberation  the  Jews  demanded  of  Pilate. 

Probably  to  the  later  days  of  Pilate  belongs  an  occurrence 
about  which  we  are  informed  in  the  letter  of  Agrippa  I. 
to  Caligula,  which  is  communicated  by  Philo.  Pilate  had 
learnt  from  the  outburst  at  Caesarea  that  the  setting  up  of 
the  figures  of  the  emperor  in  Jerusalem  could  not  be  carried 
out  against  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  Jews.  He  thought 
he  now,  at  least,  might  attempt  the  introduction  of  votive 
shields  without  figures,  on  which  the  name  of  the  emperor 
was  written.  Such  shields,  richly  gilt,  did  he  set  up  in 
what  had  been  the  palace  of  Herod,  which  Pilate  himself  was 
now  wont  to  occupy,  "  less  for  the  honour  of  Tiberius  than 
for  the  annoyance  of  the  Jewish  people."  But  the  people 
would  not  tolerate  even  this.  First  of  all,  in  company  with 
the  nobles  and  with  the  four  sons  of  Herod,  who  were  then 
present  in  Jerusalem  attending  a  feast,  they  applied  to  Pilate 
in  order  to  induce  him  to  remove  the  shields.  When  their 
prayer  proved  unsuccessful,  the  most  distinguished  men, 
among  whom  certainly  were  those  four  sons  of  Herod, 
addressed  a  petition  to  the  emperor,  asking  that  he  should 
order  the  removal  of  the  offensive  shields.  Tiberius,  who 
plainly  perceived  that  it  was  a  piece  of  purely  wanton 
bravado  on  the  part  of  Pilate,  ordered  the  governor  on  pain 
of  his  severe  displeasure  to  remove  at  once  the  shields  from 
Jerusalem,  and  to  have  them  set  up  in  the  temple  of 
Augustus  at  Caesarea.  This  accordingly  was  done.  "  And 
thus  were  preserved  both  the  honour  of  the  emperor  and  the 
ancient  customs  of  the  city."  ^'^ 

136  piiiioj  Be  Legations  ad  Cajum,  sec.  38,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  589  sq. — That 
the  incident  occurred  in  the  later  years  of  Pilate  is  probable  from  the 
decisiveness  of  the  tone  of  Tiberius  ;  for,  according  to  Philo,  Leg.  ad 
Cajum,  sec.  34,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  5G9,  Tiberias  assumed  a  friendly  attitude 
toward  the  Jews  only  after  the  death  of  Sejanus  in  A.D.  31.  Sejanus  was, 
according  to  Philo,  an   arch-enemy  of  the   Jews.     To  his  influence  is 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  87 

At  last  by  his  utter  recklessness  Pilate  brought  about  his 
own  overthrow.  It  was  an  old  belief  among  tlie  Samaritans 
that  on  the  mountain  of  Gerizim  the  sacred  utensils  of  the 
temple  had  been  buried  since  Moses'  times.^"  A  Samaritan 
pseudo  -  prophet  once  promised  in  a.d.  35  to  show  these 
sacred  things  if  the  people  would  assemble  on  Mount 
Gerizim.  The  light-minded  multitude  gave  him  a  hearing, 
and  in  great  crowds  the  Samaritans  gathered  together  armed  in 
the  village  of  Tirathana  at  the  fort  of  Mount  Gerizim,  so  that 
from  thence  they  might  ascend  the  mountain  and  behold  the 
sacred  spectacle.  But  before  they  could  carry  out  their 
project,  they  were  arrested  by  Pilate  in  the  village  by  a 
strong  force,  a  portion  of  them  was  slain,  a  portion  hunted 
in  flight,  and  again  another  portion  cast  into  prison.  Of 
those  imprisoned  also  Pilate  had  the  most  powerful  and  the 
most  distinguished  put  to  death.^^^  But  the  Samaritans 
were  convinced  that  no  revolutionary  intentions  lay  to  the 
basis  of  their  pilgrimage  to  Gerizim,  and  so  they  complained 
of  Pilate  to  Vitellius,  the  legate  in  Syria  at  that  time.  Their 
complaints  had  actually  this  result,  that  Vitellius  sent  Pilate 
to  Eome  to  answer  for  his  conduct,  while  he  made  over  the 
administration  of  Judea  to  Marcellus.^^^ 

ascribed  both  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  Rome  in  A.r>.  19,  and  the 
harsh  treatment  of  Pilate  in  Judea. 

^*'' Compare  also:  Petermann  in  Herzog,  Real  -  Encyclopaedie,  1  Aufl. 
xiii.  373 ;  Kautzsch,  Herzog,  Real-Encylop.  2  Aufl.  xiii.  346,  348. 

1^8  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  1. 

^^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  2.  Pilate  must  have  taken  about  a  year 
on  his  jouiney  from  Judea  to  Rome,  for  he  did  not  arrive  in  Rome  until 
after  the  death  of  Tiberius  {Antiq.  I.e.).  His  subsequent  fortunes  are 
not  told  by  Josephus. — The  Christian  legend  makes  Pilate  either  end  his 
own  life  by  suicide,  or  suffer  death  at  the  hands  of  the  emperor  as 
punishment  for  his  proceedings  against  Christ.  1.  In  regard  to  the  story 
about  his  suicide,  Eusebius  refers  in  his  Church  History  to  the  Greek 
chroniclers,  who  "have  made  a  list  of  the  Olympiads  together  with  the 
occurrences  that  took  place  in  each  "  (Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  7  :  iampovaiv  'E'h7.r,'juv 
oi  T»s  'OXv^wTTixocc;  ci/iix   roii  x-xto,   ^pivov;  Tmrpxyfiinois  utxypx-^xnTi;). 


88  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Soon  thereafter,  at  the  Passover  festival  of  a.d.  36/'*'' 
Vitellius  himself  went  to  Jerusalem,  and  won  for  himself  on 

In  tlie  Chronicle  he  mentions  as  his  source  "the  Roman  historians 
(Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  150  sq.  :  (a)  According  to  the 
Armenian :  "  Pontius  Pilatus  in  varias  calamitates  implicitus  sibi  ipsi  manus 
inferebat.  Narrant  autem  qui  Romanorum  res  scriptis  mandaverunt." 
(b)  According  to  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  624  :  Ilourio;  n<x«Toj  tTrl  Teitov 
Kxiaxpo;  ttoix.i'Kxi;  -Tuptinauv  avf4,(^opxig,  uq  (pccatv  0/  zoi  Vufxaiiuv  avyyoccipei- 
usi/oi,  ui/To^oviVTvi;  ictvTQv  iyiuiro.  (c)  According  to  Jerome,  "  Pontius 
Pilatus  in  multas  incidens  calamitates  propria  se  manu  interficit.  Scribunt 
Romanorum  historici ").  The  verbal  agreement  of  the  Chronicle  with  the 
Church  History  (comp.  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  6  :  roauvron;  -TripiTnauv  .  .  .  av^<po- 
paui  .  .  .  oivTofovivrTiv)  shows  that  on  both  occasions  Eusebius  used  the 
same  source.  Cedrenus,  ed.  Bekker,  i.  343,  and  Orosius,  vii.  5.  8,  are 
derived  directly  or  indirectly  from  Eusebius.  The  legend  of  Pilate's 
suicide  is  further  expanded  and  adorned  in  the  apocryphal  literature,  e.q, 
in  the  Mors  Pilati  in  Tischendorfs  Evangelia  apocrypha,  1876,  pp.  456- 
458  (the  demons  crowding  around  his  corpse  utter  forth  dreadful 
shrieks,  so  that  the  body  is  transported  from  Rome  to  Vienne  on  the 
Rhine,  and  thence  to  Lausanne,  until  at  last  the  people  of  Lausanne  "  a 
se  removerunt  et  in  quodam  puteo  montibus  circumsepto  immersernnt, 
ubi  adhuc  .  .  .  diabolicae  machinationes  ebullire  dicuntur  "). — 2.  Accord- 
ing to  another  form  of  the  Christian  legend,  Pilate  was  executed  by  Nero. 
So  Malalas,  ed.  Dindorf,  pp.  250-257  ;  Johannes  Antiochenus  in  Midler, 
Fragmenta  historicorum  Graecorum,  iv.  574  (also  in  Fabricius,  Cod.  apocryph. 
N.  T.  iii.  504  sq.) ;  Suidas,  Lexicon,  s.v.  Nspuv  ;  Chronicon  paschale,  ed. 
Dindorf,  i.  459.  According  to  the  apocryphal  Ilccpxiodii  IliKocrov  it  was 
Tiberius  who  caused  Pilate  to  be  executed.  See  text  in  Thilo,  Codex 
apocryph.  N.  T.  pp.  813-816  ;  Tischendorf,  Evang.  apocryph.  pp.  449-455. 
According  to  this  account  Pilate  dies  as  a  penitent  Christian.  Compare 
generally  on  the  Pilate  legend,  besides  the  literature  referred  to  above  on 
p.  82,  Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vi.  185. 

i"*"  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  3,  says  that  it  was  at  the  time  of  a  Pass- 
over feast.  That  it  was  the  Passover  of  A.D.  36  may  be  deduced  partly 
from  the  fact  that  Vitellius  did  not  arrive  in  Syria  before  the  summer  or 
autumn  of  a.d.  35  (Tacitus,  Annals,  vi.  32),  partly  from  the  fact  that  on 
the  second  visit  of  Vitellius  to  Jerusalem  he  received  the  tidings  of  the 
death  of  Tiberius  on  16th  March  a.d.  37  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  3). 
Between  the  first  and  the  second  visit  of  Vitellius  to  Jerusalem,  however, 
we  must  suppose  that  a  considerable  time  had  passed.  Compare  especially, 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vi.  226-230  ;  Sevin,  Chronologic  des  Lebens  Jesu 
(2  Aufl.  1874),  pp.  75-80  ;  also  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  p.  Ixvii.,  p.  247, 
n.  1493  ;  Rhoden,  De  Palaestina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Romanis,  1885, 
p.  33  sq. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  89 

that  occasion  tha  goodwill  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital, 
for  he  remitted  the  taxes  on  the  fruits  sold  in  the  city,  and 
gave  up  for  free  use  the  high  priest's  robe,  which  since  a.d.  6 
had  lain  in  the  possession  of  the  Eomans.^^^ 

After  he  had  meanwhile  been  occupied  with  the  Parthian 
expedition  (see  above,  p.  34),  the  campaign  against  Aretas, 
which  he  had  been  ordered  by  Tiberius  in  the  spring  of 
A.D.  37  to  undertake,  led  him  again  to  Jerusalem  (see  above, 
p.  33).  On  this  occasion  also  he  again  established  a  good 
understanding  by  showing  consideration  for  Jewish  sentiments. 
The  way  from  Antioch  to  Petra  had  led  him,  together  with  his 
army,  through  Judea  proper.  But  the  Eoman  standards,  as  is 
well  known,  were  offensive  to  the  Jews.  They  therefore  sent 
to  Vitellius  at  Ptolemais  an  embassy,  which  entreated  him 
with  tears  that  he  should  not  lead  his  army  through  the  Holy 
Land.  Vitellius  was  so  reasonable  as  to  perceive  the  grounds 
of  their  request,  caused  the  army  to  march  through  the  Great 
Plain,  and  went  himself  alone  to  Jerusalem.  On  the  fourth 
day  of  his  stay  there  he  received  tidings  of  Tiberius'  death, 
whereupon  he  led  his  whole  army  back  to  Antioch.^'^^ 

**i  Joseph  us,  Antiq.  xviii.  4.  3,  xv.  11.  4. 

i''^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  3. — The  designation  the  "Great  Plain" 
was  plainly  used  for  two  plains  in  Palestine,  as  has  been  shown  in  a  con- 
vincing manner  by  Reland,  Falaestina,  pp.  359-370.  (1)  Most  frequently 
this  designation  is  used  for  the  plain  which  begins  at  Ptolemais  and 
stretches  thence  to  the  northern  slope  of  Carmel  in  a  south-easterly  direc- 
tion. At  its  south-eastern  end  lies  the  famous  battlefield  of  Jezreel 
(t'SyiTN  also  Esdraelon),  after  which  the  plain  is  also  named.  Compare 
Judith  i.  5,  also  i.  8  :  to  uiya,  vtliov  'EoS/ojAw^  ;  1  Mace.  xii.  49  ; 
Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  2  ;  Ptolemais,  jcxroi  to  i^'iyoc  'zihiov 
iKTia,uivYi  ;  Antiq.  v.  1.  22,  viii.  2.  3,  xv.  8.  5,  xx.  6.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews, 
iii.  3.  1,  4.  1  ;  Life,  24,  26,  62  ;  Winer,  Realworterbuch,  i.  580  f.  (art. 
"  Jisreel ") ;  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine,  iii.  337  ;  Stanley, 
Sinai  and  Palestine,  pp.  335-357  ;  Ritter,  Erdhunde,  xvi.  689  ff.— (2)  But 
this  same  designation  was  also  used  for  the  Jordan  Valley  between  the 
lake  of  Gennezaret  and  the  Dead  Sea,  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv. 
8.  2  :  TO  iA.iy»  vidiou  x.oc'Kelzcx.i,  cctto  Koiy.ri;  Ytuvoi.(iplu  hifiKOv f^ixpf"^s  'AjCpecX- 
TiTilo;   "hif^vYii.      Ginnabrin   is   without   doubt    the    same    place,    which 


90  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

The  reign  of  Caligula,  A.D.  37—41,  was,  after  the  rule  of 
Tiberius,  the  enemy  of  the  human  race,  joyfully  greeted 
throughout  the  whole  empire,  and  especially  among  the  Jews. 
Since  Vitellius  was  residing  in  Jerusalem  when  the  news  of 
the  change  of  government  reached  him,  the  Jews  were  the 
first  of  the  nationalities  of  Syria  who  professed  to  the  new 
emperor  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  presented  sacrifices  for 
him.-^*^  Also  during  the  first  eighteen  months  of  his  reign 
the  Jews  enjoyed  peace  and  quiet. ■^**  But  in  the  autumn  of 
A.D.  38  a  bloody  persecution  of  the  Jews  broke  out  in 
Alexandria,  which,  though  apparently  at  the  instance  of  the 
Alexandrian    mob,    was     yet    indirectly    the    work     of    the 

Josephus,  TVars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  9.  7,  calls  Sennabris,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Tiberias.  See  Tuch,  Quaestio  de  Flavii  Josephi  loco  B.  J.  iv.  8.  2,  Lips. 
1860,  and  Gust.  Boettger,  Topogr.-hist.  Lexicon  zu  den  Schriften  des  Flaviis 
Josephus,  1879,  pp.  136,  228.  Josephus,  Antiq.  iv.  6.  1  :  ittI  tov  'loplavr^v 
>iot.rix,  TO  iA.iyoe,  'TTihlov  '  liptxovvroi  duTix-pv.  The  Jordan  Valley  is  also 
intended  in  1  Mace.  v.  52  (  =  Josephus,  Antiq.  xii.  8.  5):  ii;  to  ttsS/ov  to 
l^k-yct  Kotrx.  vpoau-Kov  Bxidaocv  (where  Keil,  against  Grimm,  gives  the 
correct  explanation).  The  Plain  of  Jezreel  was  not  reckoned  down  to 
Beth-sean  or  Scythopolis,  but  rather  Mount  Tabor  lay,  according  to  Jose- 
phus, Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  8,  "  between  Scythopolis  and  the  Great 
Plain." — A  third  plain,  namely,  that  of  Asochis,  north  of  Sepphoris  (see 
vol.  i.  p.  296),  appears  in  Josephus,  Life,  41  ^in..,  to  be  designated  too  as  the 
"  Great  Plain."  But  this  was  really  attached  to  the  Plain  of  Jezreel,  and 
ought  to  be  reckoned  along  with  it ;  for  only  upon  this  hypothesis  is  the 
very  passage  referred  to,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  8,  intelligible.— In  the 
case  referred  to  in  our  text  the  plain  beginning  at  Ptolemais  is  the  one 
intended.  Vitellius  caused  his  army  to  march  through  it  in  a  south- 
easterly direction,  then  presumably  across  the  Jordan,  continuing  the 
march  on  the  other  side  farther  to  the  south. 

1^3  Pliilo,  De  Legatione  ad  Cajum,  sec.  32  (Opera,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  580) : 
Tcci'u  ■^a.pxXccfiovTi  rriv  iiye/aoviofj  'Trponoi  tuv  kxtm,  Ivpi'xv  xTrxvrau  iif^u; 
(jwyjadnusu,  Ovm'h'hiov  rore  .  .  h  rri  itohiL  lictrptiiovro;,  &>  rx  Trspl  tovtuv 
ix.oi/,iaSr>  ypv-^^arx.  .  .  .  YlpuTOV  to  vifiiTtpou  Upov  eli^xro  tx;  v'Trip  TJj; 
cipxiig  Vxiov  dujixg.  Compare  on  the  sacrifices  also  sec.  45,  Mangey,  ii. 
598.  On  the  oath  :  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  3.  See  further  on  this 
point,  vol.  i.  p.  445. 

^**  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  7.  2  fin. :  Tciio;  le  rou  ^Av  vpZrov  htxvr6i> 
KXi  Tov  f^vi;  TTXPV  /ii£yxM<pp6uus  ixpytro  ro7;  vpxy/nxai  x.x\  (/.hpicv  Txpi-^cuv 
XV10V  it;  ivvoixv  "Trpovx^pit  vxpx  n    Tufcxioig  xvrols  kxi  rot;  UTrviKOOii. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  91 

emperor.-^^^  In  his  overweaning  self-conceit,  joined  with  a 
beclouded  intellect,  he  took  up  the  idea  of  his  divine  rank 
with  terrible  earnestness.  With  him  the  worship  of  the 
emperor  was  no  mere  form  of  homage  which  the  emperors  had 
taken  over  as  a  heritage  of  the  Greek  kings  ;  but  he  actually 
believed  in  his  divinity,  and  regarded  the  refusal  to  worship 
him  as  a  proof  of  hostility  to  his  person.^"*^  During  the 
second  year  of  his  reign  this  idea  seems  to  have  obtained  a 
complete  mastery  over  him,  and  to  have  become  known  in  the 
provinces.  The  provincials  developed  a  corresponding  zeal. 
The  Jews,  who  could  not  follow  this  course,  fell  under 
suspicion  of  hostility  to  Caesar.  This  was  to  the  Jew 
hating  populace  of  Alexandria  a  welcome  excuse  for  giving 
free  expression  to  their  hatred  of  the  Jews  ;  for  they  might 
well  suppose  that  by  persecuting  the  Jews  they  would  earn 
the  favour  of  the  emperor.  The  governor  of  Egypt  at  that 
time,  A.  Avillius  Flaccus,  was  weak  enough  for  the  sake  of 
his  own  interests  to  agree  to  the  plans  of  the  enemies  of  the 
Jews.  He  had  been  governor  of  Egypt  under  Tiberius  for 
five  years,  a.d.  32—37,  and,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Philo,   had   during   that   time   administered   his    office   in   a 


^■♦*  Compare  on  the  persecutions  of  the  Jews  under  Caligula  :  Tillemont, 
Jlistoire  des  empereurs,  t.  i.  Venise  1732,  pp.  434-462,  629-632  ;  Lewin, 
Fasti  sacri,  London  1865,  ad  ami.  38-41  ;  Delaunay,  Pinion  d'Alexandrie, 
Merits  historiques,  influence,  luttes  et  persecutions  des  jnifs  dans  le  monde 
romain,  2  ed.  Paris  1870  ;  Huidekoper,  Judaism  at  Rome,  New  York 
1876,  pp.  199-222  ;  Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  Bd.  ii. 
2  Aufl.  pp.  225-251  ;  Gratz,  "  Pracisirung  der  Zeit  fiir  die,  die  Judaer 
Letreffenden  Vorgange  unter  dem  Kaiser  Caligula"  {Monatsschrift  fur  Ges- 
chichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1877,  pp.  97  ff.,  145  ff.,  rej^rinted 
in  Geschichte  der  Juden,  Bd.  iii,  4  Aufl.  pp.  759-769)  ;  Mommsen,  Romische 
Geschichte,  v.  515-519. — For  other  literature,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  iii.  pp. 
349-354. 

^^^  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sees.  11-15  (ed.  Mangey,  ii.  556-561); 
Josephus,  Aniiq.  xviii.  7.  2  fin.,  8.  1,  xix.  1.  1  ff".  ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  26,28; 
Suetonius,  Caligula,  22  ;  Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  ii. 
225  ff". 


92  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

faultless  manner.^*^  Under  Caligula  lie  more  and  more  lost 
that  reputation.  As  an  intimate  friend  of  Tiberius,  he  stood, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  in  disfavour  with  Caligula.  With  the 
death  of  young  Tiberius,  grandson  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius, 
and  of  the  praetorian  prefect  Macro,  both  of  whom  were 
compelled  by  Caligula  to  commit  suicide,  he  completely  lost 
every  support  at  the  court.  Thenceforth  he  set  no  other 
end  before  him  than  this,  namely,  to  endeavour  by  all  means 
to  secure  the  favour  of  the  young  emperor.  This  was  the 
one  principle  that  determined  his  proceedings  toward  the 
Jews.i^^ 

The  presence  of  the  Jewish  king  Agrippa  in  Alexandria 
gave  the  ostensible  occasion  for  the  outbreak  of  the  persecu- 
tion of  the  Jews.  He  arrived  in  Alexandria,  on  his  home- 
ward journey  from  Kome   to   Palestine,  in  August  a.d.   38. 

!■*''  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  3  init.,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  518:  'E|m£t/«»  yap 
TSjv  i'Xtx.pa.Tiiot.v  "hotiioiv  'TirivTi  fisv  styi  rot,  Trporrct,  ^co-jto;  Tijlipiov  Kxiaupoi, 
TVjv  TS  ilpvjVYiv  0;i(pt/X«|s  Kxl  OVTU;  iVTOvug  Kccl  ippcofiivoj;  oc^Yiy/iaccro,  u;  roi/f 
Trpo  cii/Toii  TravTo,;  vT^io^xXuv.  Compare  secs.  1-2,  Mangey,  ii.  517,  518. — 
The  name  of  Flaccus  is  given  in  Philo,  In  Flaccum^  sec.  1,  as  $A«x;xo? 
'AoviAAto;.  So,  too,  by  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  150  sq. 
According  to  Jerome,  Flaccus  Avilius ;  according  to  Syncelliis,  ed.  Dindorf, 
i.  626  :  ^^'ha.x.x.og  '  Aiilxioc,  corrupted  in  i.  615  into  ^Axxno;  ' Aav'Koiio:. 
An  inscription  of  the  time  of  Tiberius  at  Tentyra  in  Egyjat  gives  the  full 
name  (Letronne,  Recueil  des  inscriptions  gr.  et  lat.  de  VEgypte,  i.  87  sqq.  = 
Corp.  Inscr.  Grace,  n.  4716  =  Lepsius,  Denkmiiler  aus  Aegypten  und 
Aethiopicn,  Bd.  xii.  Bh  76,  Inscr.  Gr.  n.  27)  :  IttI  KIJ'Kov  '  Aovi'K'hiov  <S>Ka,Kx.ov 
iiyif^covog.  The  reading  is  indeed  doubtful  in  several  places.  The  prae- 
nomen  Aii'hnv,  however,  seems  from  a  fac.^mile  by  Lepsius  to  be  quite 
certain.  It  was  so  given  also  by  Letronne  ;  but  the  Corp.  inscr.  Grace. 
reads  Av\_x.iov]. — Flaccus  is  also  mentioned,  in  Corp.  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  4957, 
lin.  27. 

^^*  Philo,  In  Flaecum,  secs.  3-4,  Opera,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  518-520. — On 
the  death  of  young  Tiberius,  see  also  Philo,  Legal,  ai  Cajum,  secs.  4-5, 
Mangey,  ii.  549  sq.  ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  8  ;  Suetonius,  Caligula,  23.  On 
the  death  of  Niivius  Sertorius  Macro  (after  the  overthrow  of  Sejanus, 
A.D.  31,  praefactus  piraetorio,  see  Pauly's  Real-Encyelopaedie,  v.  402)  ;  Philo, 
Legat.  ad  Cajum,  secs.  6-8,  Mangey,  ii.  550-554  ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  10  ; 
Suetonins,  Caligula,  26. — The  death  of  Tiberius,  according  to  Dio  Cassius, 
I.e.,  occurred  in  a.d.  37  ;  that  of  Macro  in  a.d.  38. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  93 

Although,  as  Philo  has  assured  us,  he  avoided  everything 
calcuL^ted  to  produce  a  commotion,  the  mere  appearance  of  a 
Jewish  king  was  an  offence  to  the  mob  of  Alexandria.  Agrippa 
was  first  of  all  treated  with  indignity  and  insult  in  the  gym- 
nasium, and  then  exposed  to  ridicule  in  the  performances  of  a 
pantomime.  A  man  called  Karabas,  suffering  from  mental 
derangement,  was  decked  in  uniform  similar  to  the  king's 
dress,  and  was  mockingly  greeted  as  king,  the  people  address- 
ing him  in  the  Syrian  as  Mdpiv,  Lorcl.^^^  The  mob,  however, 
once  roused  to  riot,  was  not  disposed  to  be  pacified.  They 
now  insisted  upon  placing  statues  of  the  emperor  in  the 
Jewish  synagogues,  called  by  Philo  simply  irpoaevxaL 
riaccus  did  not  venture  to  oppose  them,  but  rather  agreed  to 
all  the  demands  of  the  enemies  of  the  Jews.  These  again, 
the  more  the  governor  seemed  disposed  to  yield  to  them, 
became  the  more  extravagant  in  their  demands.  Flaccus 
gave  permission  successively  to  the  setting  up  of  images  in 
the  synagogues,  to  the  pronouncing  of  the  Jews,  by  an  edict, 
no  longer  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  citizens,  and, 
finally,  he  gave  his  sanction  to  a  general  persecution  of  the 
Jews.^^"  Dreadful  sufferings  were  now  endured  by  the  Jewish 
population  of  Alexandria.  Their  houses  and  warehouses  were 
plundered ;  the  Jews  were  themselves  maltreated,  murdered, 
the  bodies  mutilated ;  others  publicly  burned ;  others,  again, 
dragged  alive  through  the  streets.  The  synagogues  were,  some 
of  them  destroyed,  others  profaned  by  the  setting  up  of  the 
image  of  Caligula  as  a  god  ;  in  the  largest  synagogue  the 
image  of  Caligula  was  set  up  on  a  high  damaged  Qitadruja, 

'*9  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sees.  5-6,  etl.  Mangey,  ii.  521  sq. 

1°"  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sees.  6-8,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  523-525. — Philo  distin- 
guishes in  the  career  of  Flaccus  three  stages:  (1)  Sec.  Q  fin.:  sTrnpi'Trst 
TTotyjoaadcei  rr,v  oLucidmiu.  (2)  Sec.  8  init.:  o'hlyodi  vsTioov  ii/iiepxt;  ri^Yiii 
'Kp6-/pxf^l^oc.,  a  (jv  ^i'jov;  x.ul  i'^fi'/'vict;  ijcicc;  cc'TTsxx'hsi ;  (3)  ilnd.  urxova] 
To7g  'Trporipoig  x.xi  Tpnou  7rpoi:6ri>cii/,  i(pii;  u;  iv  a.'huaii  to7;  tdc'hovai  -zopSiiv 
'lofJiot/c/t/j. 


94  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

which  they  had  dragged  thither  from  the  gymnasium.*'^  The 
governor  Flaccus  not  only  let  all  this  go  on  without  inter- 
fering, but  also  himself  proceeded  with  severe  measures  against 
the  Jews,  for  which,  according  to  Philo,  he  had  no  other 
reason  than  the  refusal  of  the  Jews  to  take  part  in  the 
worship  of  the  emperor.  He  caused  thirty-eight  members  of 
the  Jewish  Gerousia  to  be  carried  bound  into  the  theatre,  and 
there  to  be  scourged  before  the  eyes  of  their  enemies,  so  that 
some  of  them  died  under  the  infliction  of  the  lash,  and  others 
were  thrown  into  long  and  severe  illnesses.^^^  A  centurion 
was  commanded  to  search  with  a  select  band  through  the 
houses  of  the  Jews  for  arms.  Jewish  women  were  compelled 
before  spectators  in  the  theatre  to  partake  of  swine's  flesh.^*^ 
riaccus  had  even  before  this  shown  his  hostility  to  the  Jews 
by  failing  to  send  to  the  emperor,  as  he  had  promised  to  do, 
but   retaining   in   his   own    possession,   a    petition   from    the 

1^^  Phmdering  of  houses  :  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  8,  eel.  Mangey,  ii.  525  ; 
Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  18,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  563.  —  Massacre  of  the  Jews: 
Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  9,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  526  sq. ;  Legal,  at  Cajum,  sec.  19, 
ed.  Mangey,  ii.  564. — Destruction  and  profanation  of  the  synagogues  or 
proseuchae  :  Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  20,  ed.  Mangey.  ii.  565. — The  plunder- 
ing, according  to  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  11,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  531  init, 
extended  to  four  hundred  houses.  — In  Div.  II.  vol.  iii.  p.  349,  following 
Mangey's  note,  ii.  564,  and  Kostlin  in  Theologische  Jahrbb.  1854,  p.  398,  I 
expressed  myself  to  the  effect  that  the  persecution  described  in  the  Legal. 
ad  Cajum  is  another  than  that  described  in  the  treatise  In  Flaccum. 
Subsequent  examination  of  the  facts,  however,  has  convinced  me  that  the 
two  are  identical,  as  I  had  previously,  with  many  others,  maintained  in 
the  first  edition  of  this  work.  The  details  are  so  precisely  the  same  that 
tlieir  identity  cannot  be  doubted.  Compare  especially,  In  Flaccum,,  sec.  9 ; 
Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  19.  Sometimes  there  is  even  a  verbal  agreement,  as, 
Li  Flaccum,  sec.  9,  ed.  Mangey,  527  :  (ppvyctu/x,  av'h.'hiyovTig  kk'ttvu  to  ■^t^sov 
ij  TTvpl  lts(phipov  ;  and  Legal,  ad  Cajtim^  sec.  19,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  564  :  o/  B« 
ilu,iJ:>.sicroi  kuttvu  to  ■z'hiou  »j  irvpi  oisl^dsipQUTO  rij;  (ppv/oc.vii'^ovg  v'Kri;.  It 
does  not,  however,  give  one  the  impression  of  literary  dependence.  The 
relationship  is,  from  a  literary  point  of  view,  very  free,  as  it  would 
naturally  be  if  the  same  writer  described  at  different  times  the  same 
incidents. 

1*2  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  10,  ed.  Mangey,  ii,  527-529. 

1*3  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  11,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  529-531. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  95 

Jewish  community,  in  which  an  explanation  was  given  of  the 
attitude  of  the  Jews  in  reference  to  the  honours  demanded 
by  the  emperor.  This  writing  was  first  sent  up  by  Agrippa, 
with  a  statement  of  the  reason  of  the  delay .^^^ 

We  are  not  in  possession  of  any  detailed  information  as  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  Alexandrian  community  after  the 
severe  persecution  of  the  autumn  of  a.d.  38  down  to  the 
death  of  Caligula  in  January  a.d.  41.  In  autumn  of  a.d.  38 
Flaccus  was  suddenly,  at  the  command  of  the  emperor,  carried 
as  a  prisoner  to  Eome,  and  banished  to  the  island  of  Andros 
in  the  Aegean  Sea,  where  subsequently  he  was,  together  with 
other  distinguished  exiles,  put  to  death  by  the  orders  of 
Caligula.^^*  Who  his  successor  was  is  imknown.-*^®  It  may 
be  accepted  as  highly  probable  that  the  Jews  did  not  get 
back  their  synagogues  during  Caligula's  lifetime,  and  that  the 
worship  of  the  emperor  continued  a  burning  question,  and  one 

'•'■'*  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  12,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  531,  532. 

i^s  Philo,  hi  Flaccum,  sees.  12-21,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  532-544. — The  chrono- 
logical data  for  the  incidents  above  recorded  converge  upon  the  autumn 
of  A.D.  38.  Compare  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  n.  1534-1538.  Agrippa  arrived 
at  Alexandria  favoured  by  the  trade-winds  {hvjjiot,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  5,  ed. 
Mangey,  ii.  521),  which  blow  from  the  20th  of  July  for  the  .space  of  thirty 
days  (Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  ii.  47.  124,  xviii.  28.  270).  The  scourging  of  the 
thirty-eight  members  of  the  Jewish  Gerousia  took  place  on  Caligula's 
birthday  {In  Flaccum,  sec.  10,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  529),  i.e.  on  the  31st  August 
(Suetonius,  Caligula,  8).  The  departure  of  Flaccus,  which  occurred  soon 
after  this,  took  place  during  the  Jewish  Feast  of  Tabernacles  {In  Flaccum, 
sec.  14  init.  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  534) ;  therefore  in  September  or  October. — 
The  year  38  is  obtained  from  the  two  following  facts  :  (1)  Agrippa 
returned  from  Rome  to  Palestine  in  the  second  year  of  Caligula  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  6.  11).  (2)  The  Jewish  warehouses  were  plundered  when 
they  had  been  closed  on  account  of  the  mourning  for  Drusilla,  the  sister 
of  Caligula  (FhUo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  8,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  525).  But  she  died 
in  A.D.  38  (Dio  Cassius,  lix.  10-11). 

^*6  According  to  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  10,  Caligula  had  appointed  Macro 
governor  of  Egypt.  But  he,  while  still  Flaccus  was  governor  of  Egypt, 
was  compelled  to  commit  suicide  (Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sees.  3-4,  ed.  Mangey, 
ii.  519).  He  therefore  never  actually  entered  upon  his  governorship. 
Compare  generally  on  the  governors  of  Egypt,  Corpus  Inscr.  Grace,  t.  iii. 
p.  310  sq. 


96  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE 

involving  the  Jews  in  danger.  In  a.d.  40,  probably  in  spring, 
in  consequence  of  the  still  continuing  conflicts  between  the 
heathen  and  Jewish  population  of  Alexandria,  an  embassy 
from  both  parties  went  to  the  emperor  to  complain  against  one 
another,  and  seek  to  win  over  the  emperor  to  their  side.  The 
leader  of  the  Jewish  embassy  was  Philo ;  the  leader  of  his 
opponents  was  the  scholar  Apion.  The  result  was  unfavour-. 
able  to  the  Jews.  They  were  ungraciously  received  by  the 
emperor,  and  were  obliged  to  return  without  having  effected 
their  object.  So  Josephus  briefly  tells  the  story .-^^  A  few 
incidents  connected  with  this  embassy  are  also  told  by  Philo 
in  his  work  about  Caligula.  But  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  any 
definite  information  from  these  fragmentary  notices.  With- 
out having  referred  to  the  sending  of  one  of  the  two  embassies, 
Philo  first  of  all  states  that  the  ambassadors  of  the  Alex- 
andrians won  over  completely  to  their  interests  the  slave 
Helicon,  a  favourite  of  Caligula.  When  the  Jews  perceived 
this,  they  made  similar  endeavours  on  their  part,  but  in 
vain.-^^*  They  then  concluded  to  pass  on  to  the  emperor  a 
written  statement,  which  contained  the  main  points  embraced 
in  the  petition  shortly  before  sent  in  by  King  Agrippa. 
Caligula  received  the  Jewish  ambassadors  first  of  all  in  the 
Campus  Martius  at  Eome,  and  promised  to  hear  them  at  a 
convenient  time.^^^  The  ambassadors  then  followed  the  em- 
peror to  Puteoli,  where,  however,  they  were  not  received.^^'* 
Only  at  a  later  period — we  know  not  how  much  later — the 

^^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  1. — According  to  Josephus  the  two  em- 
Ijassies  consisted  each  of  three  men  ;  according  to  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum, 
sec.  46,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  600,  the  Jewish  embassy  consisted  of  five  men. 

158  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sees.  25-26,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  570  (Helicon) ; 
ibid.  sec.  27,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  571  (the  ambassadors  of  the  Alexandrians) ; 
ibid.  sees.  27-28,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  571  sq.  (how  the  Jewish  ambassadors 
vainly  entreated  Helicon  to  secure  them  an  audience). 

^^^  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  28,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  572  (the  narrator 
here  speaks  evidently,  in  the  first  person,  of  himself). 

luo  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  29,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  573. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEBOD.  97 

promised  audience  took  place  at  Eome,  in  the  gardens  of 
^laecenas  and  Lamia,  at  which  the  emperor  —  while  he 
inspected  the  works  that  were  going  on,  and  gave  orders 
regarding  them — caused  the  Jews  to  keep  moving  on  always 
behind  him,  throwing  out  to  them  now  and  again  a  contempt- 
uous remark,  amid  the  applause  of  the  ambassadors  of  the 
other  party,  until  at  last  he  dismissed  them,  declaring  that 
they  were  to  be  regarded  rather  as  foolish  than  as  wicked 
men,  since  they  would  not  believe  in  his  divinity.^^^ 

^'^^  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sees.  44-46,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  597-600. — In  the 
narrative  of  Pliilo,  it  is  remarkable  that  he  speaks  about  the  complaints  of 
the  Alexandrian  and  Jewish  ambassadors  in  Rome  without  having  made 
any  mention  of  the  sending  of  the  embassies.  Possibly  there  is  some  gap 
in  the  text  that  has  come  down  to  us.  So  Massebieau,  Le  classement  des 
oeuvres  de  Philon  [Biblioth^que  de  VEcole  des  Hautes  Etudes,  Section  des 
Sciences  religieuses,  vol.  i.  Paris  1889],  p.  65  sqq.  But  this  hypothesis 
seems  to  me  quite  unnecessary  ;  for  Philo  does  not  by  any  means  propose 
to  tell  the  history  of  this  embassy,  as  one  might  suppose  from  the  false 
title,  which  was  not  given  by  Philo  himself.  His  theme  is  rather  the 
same  as  that  of  Lactantius  in  his  treatise,  De  Mortibus  Persecutorum  :  that 
the  persecutors  of  the  pious  are  punished  by  God.  So  correctly  Masse- 
bieau. As  with  Flaccus,  so  also  with  Caligula — first  of  all  his  evil  deeds 
are  enumerated,  and  then  the  divine  retribution  ;  only  this  second  half  of 
the  treatise  about  Caligula  is  no  longer  extant.  The  Jews  are  here,  there- 
fore, not  the  principal  figures,  but  Caligula  ;  and  so  the  Jewish  embassy 
from  Alexandria  to  Rome  is  quite  a  subordinate  matter.  From  this  point 
of  view,  also,  other  difliculties  are  probably  to  be  explained.  Caligula 
was  absent  from  Rome  on  an  expedition  to  Gaul  from  the  autumn  of 
A.D.  39  till  the  31st  August  A.D.  40  (see  above,  p.  36).  Did  the  twice- 
repeated  reception  of  the  embassy  take  place  before  or  after  the  expedi- 
tion 1  According  to  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  29,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  573 
fin.,  the  ambassadors  made  the  sea  journey  during  the  winter  {xnf^uvoi 
f/Aaov).  Since  the  business  on  which  they  were  engaged  had  become  a 
matter  of  burning  interest  in  consequence  of  the  great  persecution  of 
autumn  a.d.  38,  we  would  naturally  at  first  fix  the  date  of  the  journey  in 
the  winter  of  a.d.  38-39.  This  view  is  favoured  by  the  circumstance  that 
the  written  apology  which  the  ambassadors  laid  before  the  emperor  is  said 
to  have  been  of  similar  contents  with  that  "shortly  before"  (xpo  o'hiyov) 
sent  by  Agrippa,  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  Alexandria  {Legat.  ad 
Cajum,  sec.  28,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  572),  which  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  same 
aftair  as  has  been  nanated  above  on  p.  95.  For  these  reasons  Lewin, 
Fasti  sacri,  n.  1539-1540,  places  the  setting  out  of  the  embassy  in  the  end 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  G 


98  THE  R0MA2<r-HER0DIAN  AGE. 

Affairs  at  Alexandria  remained  in  suspense   down  to  the 
death  of  Caligula,      One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  emperor, 

of  A.D.  38,  its  first  reception  in  the  Campus  Martins  and  going  down  to 
Puteoli  in  the  beginning  of  a.d.  39,  before  the  expedition  to  Gaul  {ibid. 
n.  1551,  1557) ;  but  the  second  audience,  in  the  gardens  of  Maecenas  and 
Lamia,  after  the  Gallic  campaign,  in  the  autumn  of  a.d.  40  (ibid.  n.  1600). 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  i.  281,  reaches,  as  it  seems,  the  same  result.  But 
this  arrangement  is  really  impossible,  because  the  ambassadors  first 
received  at  Puteoli  the  news  that  Caligula  had  ordered  his  statue  to  be 
erected  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  (Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  29,  ed. 
Mangey,  ii.  573).  Tliis,  as  the  following  exposition  will  show,  cannot 
have  happened  before  the  spring  of  a.d.  40.  We  are  therefore  obliged  to 
set  even  the  first  reception,  and  the  immediately  following  movement 
down  to  Puteoli,  in  the  autumn  of  a.d.  40,  after  the  Gallic  campaign. 
That  during  this  period,  also,  Caligula  was  once  at  Puteoli  may  be  con- 
cluded from  Pliny,  Hist.  N^at.  xxxii.  1,  4,  where  mention  is  made  of 
Caligula's  return  "  from  Astura  to  Antium "  not  long  before  his  death. 
The  second  audience,  in  the  gardens  of  Maecenas  and  Lamia,  at  any  rate 
took  place  after  the  expedition  to  Gaul ;  for  the  ambassadors  there  refer 
to  the  fact  that  the  Jews  had  offered  sacrifices  for  the  emperor  kutx  r^v 
i'KTrilx  rii;  Tip^aviKYn  vUn;  {Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  45,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  598). 
If,  therefore,  the  audiences  of  the  Jews  with  Caligula  are  not  to  be  assigned 
to  an  earlier  date  than  autumn  of  A.r>.  40,  the  question  may  be  raised 
whether  their  winter  journey  should  not  be  referred  to  the  late  autumn 
of  A.D.  40  ?  This  is  the  opinion  of  Gratz,  expressed  in  his  treatise  referred 
to  above  on  p.  91.  This  date,  however,  would  be  too  late,  since  it  could 
not  then  be  explained  how  the  ambassadors  first  heard  in  Puteoli  of 
events  which  had  occurred  in  Palestine  as  early  as  the  beginning  of 
summer.  It  is  therefore  to  be  assumed  that  the  ambassadors  made  their 
journey  in  the  end  of  the  winter  of  a.d.  39-40,  waited  in  Rome  for 
Caligula's  return,  and  in  autumn  were  received  by  him.  So  Tillemont, 
Histoire  des  Empereurs,  t.  i.  p.  457  ;  Delaunay,  Fhilon  d^ Alexandrie,  p.  180; 
also  Noris,  Opera,  ii.  659  sq. ;  and  Sanclemente,  De  vulgaris  aerae  emenda- 
tione,  p.  313.  Sanclemente  opposes  Noris'  opinion,  that  the  audience 
described  by  Philo,  sees.  44-45,  occurred  before  the  going  down  to  Puteoli 
referred  to  in  sec.  29.  But  whether  we  accept  this  combination  or  that, 
in  any  case  we  fail  to  discover  in  Philo's  exposition  not  only  an  account 
of  the  sending  out  of  the  Jewish-Alexandrian  embassy,  but  also  a  full  and 
comprehensive  account  of  what  befell  it  in  Rome.  Still  more  singular  is 
it  that  Philo  should  have  communicated  nothing  about  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Alexandria  itself  from  autumn  a.d.  38  till  Caligula's  death,  so  that  it 
is  not  explained  why  the  embassy  did  not  start  till  eighteen  months  after 
the  great  persecution.  But  all  this  may  be  satisfactorily  explained  if  we 
accept  what  we  said  above  as  to  the  purpose  of  the  writing. 


§  17.    TIJE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  99 

Claudius,  was  to  issue  an  edict  by  which  all  their  eailier 
privileges  were  confirmed  to  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  and  the 
unrestricted  liberty  to  practise  their  own  religion  was  anew 
granted  them.^'''' 

AVhile  the  Alexandrian  embassy  to  Eome  waited  for  the 
imperial  decision,  a  serious  storm  burst  upon  the  mother 
country  of  Palestine.  It  had  its  origin  in  Jamnia,  a  town 
on  the  Philistine  coast  which  was  mainly  inhabited  by  Jews. 
When  the  heathen  inhabitants  of  that  place,  in  order  to  show 
their  zeal  for  Caesar  and  at  the  same  time  to  aggravate  the 
Jews,  erected  a  rude  altar  to  the  emperor,  this  was  imme- 
diately again  destroyed  by  the  Jews.  The  incident  was 
reported  by  the  imperial  procurator  of  the  city,  Herennius 
Capito,^^ '  to  the  emperor,  who,  in  order  to  avenge  himself  upon 
the  refractory  Jews,  gave  orders  that  his  statue  should  be  set 
up  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.'^*  As  it  was  foreseen  tliat 
such  an  attempt  would  call  forth  violent  ojDposition,  the 
governor  of  Syria,  P.  Petronius,  received  a  command  to  have 
the  one  half  of  the  army  ^^*  stationed  "  on  the  Euplirates,"  i.e. 
in  Syria,  in  readiness  to  proceed  to  Palestine,  in  order  by  their 
assistance  to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  emperor.  This  moderate 
and  reasonable  man  obeyed  the  childish  demand  M'ith  a  heavy 
heart  during  the  winter  of  a.d.  39—40.  While  he  was 
getting  the  statue  prepared  in   Sidon,  he  gathered  about  him 

^^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  5.  2. 

^•^2  He  was  not  as  Philo  names  him:  (p6puv  iKTioyev;  rZv  r^s  'lov- 
outx;,  but  only  o  t^;  'lotfivetxg  sx/Vpo^oj  (Josephus,  Jriiig.  xviii.  6.  3). 
Jamnia  was  merely  a  private  estate  of  the  emperor  (Antiq.  xviii.  2.  2). 
— Should  not  ako  in  the  text  of  Philo  'lctfcyii»s  be  read  instead  of 
'  lovditicig  ? 

1**  Philo,  Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  30,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  575  sq. 

^*''  According  to  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  2,  two  legions  ;  according  to 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  1,  three.  The  former  statement  is  the  correct 
one  ;  for  in  Syria  there  were  four  legions  (see  above,  p.  50).  When 
therefore  Pliilo,  sec.  31,  says  "  the  half,"  this  agrees  with  Jo?ej)hu.s,  Antiq. 
xviii.  8.  2. 


100  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

the  heads  of  the  Jewish  people,  and  sought  to  persuade  them 
to  yield  with  a  good  grace ;  but  all  in  vain.^^ 

Soon  the  news  of  what  was  proposed  spread  over  all 
Palestine,  and  now  the  people  assembled  in  great  crowds  at 
Ptolemais,  where  Petronius  had  his  headquarters.  "  Like  a 
cloud  the  multitude  of  the  Jews  covered  all  Phoenicia." 
Well  arranged,  divided  into  six  groups — old  men,  able-bodied 
men,  boys,  old  women,  wives  and  maidens,  the  mass  deputation 
appeared  before  Petronius.  Their  mournful  complaints  and 
groans  made  such  an  impression  upon  Petronius  that  he 
resolved  at  all  hazards  to  make  the  attempt  to  put  off  the 
decision  for  a  time  at  least.^^  The  full  truth,  that  he  really 
wished  to  have  a  stop  put  to  the  whole  business,  he  dared  not 
indeed  write  to  the  emperor.  He  wrote  him  rather  that  he 
entreated  for  delay,  partly  because  time  was  required  for  the 
preparing  of  the  statue,  partly  because  the  harvest  was 
approaching,  which  it  would  be  advisable  to  see  gathered  in, 
since  otherwise  the  exasperated  Jews  might  in  the  end  destroy 
the  whole  harvest.  When  Caligula  received  that  letter,  he 
was  greatly  enraged  at  the  dilatoriness  of  his  governor.  But 
lie  did  not  venture  to  give  expression  to  his  wrath,  but  wrote 
liini  a  letter  of  acknowledgment  in  which  he  praised  his 
prudence,  and  only  advised  him  to  proceed  as  quickly  as 
possible  with  the  preparation  of  the  statue,  since  the  harvest 
would  be  already  about  an  end.^^ 

166  philo,  Legal,  ad  Cajtim,  sec.  31,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  576-579. — The  date 
is  determined  by  the  fact  that  tlie  negotiations  following  at  Ptolemais 
took  place  during  harvest,  therefore  between  Passover  and  Pentecost  and 
in  the  year  40,  as  the  current  report  declares.  But  since,  according  to 
Antiq.  xviii.  8.  2,  Petronius  had  gone  into  his  winter  quarters  at  Ptole- 
mais, he  must  have  gone  there  in  winter,  a.d.  39-40.  Josephus'  words 
are  certainly  calculated  to  give  one  the  impression  that  these  events  did 
not  occur  till  the  winter  of  a.d.  40-41.     See  vol.  i.  p.  365. 

^^'  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  32  f.,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  579-582  ;  Jose- 
phus, Antiq.  xviii.  8.  2  ;  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  1-3. 

168  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sees.  33-34,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  582-584     Thi? 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  101 

Petronins,  however,  did  not  even  yet  proceed  with  any 
vigour  in  the  matter,  but  entered  anew  into  negotiations  with 
the  Jews.  Yea,  even  late  in  autumn,  down  to  the  season  of 
sowing  in  November,  we  find  him  at  Tiberias  besieged  for 
forty  days  by  crowds  of  people  to  be  numbered  by  thousands, 
who  besought  him  with  tears  that  he  would  yet  save  the 
country  from  the  threatened  horror  of  temple  desecration. 
When  at  length  Aristobulus  also,  the  brother  of  King  Agrippa 
and  other  relatives  of  his  joined  their  prayers  to  those  of  the 
people,  Petronius  resolved  to  take  the  decisive  step  of  asking 
the  emperor  to  revoke  his  order.  He  led  his  army  back  from 
Ptolemais  to  Antioch,  and  set  before  the  emperor,  in  a  letter 
which  he  sent  for  this  purpose  to  Caligula,  how  upon  grounds 
of  equity  and  prudence  it  would  be  advisable  to  recall  the 
offensive  edict.^"^ 

Meanwhile  affairs  at  Eome  affecting  matters  in  question 
had  taken  a  more  favourable  turn.  King  Agrippa  I.,  who  in 
spring  of  the  year  40  had  left  Palestine,  met  with  Caligula  in 
Rome  or  at  Puteoli  in  autumn,  when  the  emperor  had  just 
returned  from  his  German  campaign.^^"      He  had  as  yet  heard 

correspondence  does  not  occur  to  be  identical  with  that  spoken  of  by 
Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  2  ;  for  the  latter  had  taken  place  before  the 
proceedini^s  at  Ptolemais. 

i«9  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  3-6  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  3-5.  The 
recall  of  the  army  is  merely  mentioned  in  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  5. 

^^f*  That  A!:];rippa  had  left  Palestine  as  early  as  spring  may  be  deduced 
from  this,  that  he  knew  nothing  of  what  had  been  going  on  in  Palestine 
when  he  arrived  in  Rome.  He  cannot,  however,  have  been  in  company 
with  Caligula  in  Gaul,  as  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  24,  conjectures,  but  must  have 
gone  first  to  Eome  or  Puteoli,  some  time  after  the  return  of  Caligula  from 
his  campaign  on  31st  August  a.d.  40.  For  had  Agrippa's  intervention 
that  was  crowned  with  success  already  occurred  in  Gaul,  it  would  not 
have  been  only  after  Caligula's  return,  and  after  they  had  followed  the 
emperor  to  Puteoli,  that  the  Alexandrian  ambassadors  would  have  first 
heard  the  sad  news  about  the  affairs  of  Palestine,  as  was  the  case  (Philo. 
Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sec.  29,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  573).  The  intervention  of 
Agrippa  must  therefore  have  taken  place  after  that  time.  It  therefore 
follows  from  this  that  Petronius,  late  in  autumn,  in  the  time  of  sowing, 


102  THE  ROMAX-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

nothing  of  what  was  going  on  in  Palestine.  But  the  glance 
of  the  emperor's  eye  assured  him  that  he  was  nursing  secret 
wrath  in  his  heart.  When  he  sought  in  vain  for  the  cause  of 
such  feelings,  the  emperor  observed  his  embarrassment,  and 
let  him  know  in  a  very  ungracious  tone  what  the  cause  of  his 
displeasure  was.  The  king  on  hearing  this  was  so  horror- 
stricken  that  he  fell  into  a  fainting  fit,  from  which  he  did  not 
recover  till  the  evening  of  the  following  day.^^^  On  his 
recovery  he  made  it  his  first  business  to  address  a  supplica- 
tion to  the  emperor,  in  which  he  endeavoured  to  persuade  him 
to  recall  his  order  by  showing  that  none  of  his  predecessors 
had  ever  attempted  anything  of  that  sort."^  Contrary  to  all 
expectation,  the  letter  of  Agrippa  had  the  desired  effect. 
Caligula  caused  a  letter  to  be  written  to  Petronius,  command- 
ing that  nothing  should  be  changed  in  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
salem. The  favour  was  certainly  not  unmixed  ;  for  along 
with  this  order  there  was  an  injunction  that  no  one  who 
should  erect  a  temple  or  altar  to  the  emperor  outside  of 
Jerusalem  should  be  hindered  from  doing  so.  A  good  part 
of  the  concession  that  had  been  made  was  thus  again  with- 
drawn ;  and  it  was  only  owing  to  the  circumstance  that  no 
one  took  advantage  of  the  right  thus  granted,  that  new 
disturbances  did  not  arise  out  of  it.  The  emperor,  indeed, 
soon  repented  that  he  had  made  that  concession.  And  so,  as 
he  made  no  further  use  of  the  statue  that  had  been  prepared 
at  Sidon,  he  ordered  a  new  one  to  be  made  in  Rome  which 

and  not  long  before  Caligula's  death,  therefore  somewhere  about  Nov- 
ember, petitioned  for  the  revoking  of  the  order.  He  cannot  therefore 
have  then  had  in  his  hands  Caligula's  decision  in  reference  to  the  matter  ; 
and  this  cannot  in  that  case  have  been  agreed  upon  in  Rome  earlier  than 
some  time  in  September  or  October. — That  the  intervention  of  Agrippa 
took  place  in  a.d.  40  is  made  plain  on  general  grounds  from  the  contents 
of  his  supplication,  in  which  he  designates  himself  as  already  in  possession 
of  Galilee  (Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajuvi,  sec.  41,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  593). 

'"1  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  35,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  584-586. 

'■2  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sees.  36-41,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  586-594. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HKROD.  103 

lie  intended  himself,  in  his  journey  to  Alexandria  which  he 
had  in  prospect,  to  put  ashore  on  the  coast  of  Palestine  as  he 
passed,  and  have  it  secretly  brought  to  Jerusalem."'  Only 
the  death  of  the  emperor  that  soon  followed  prevented  the 
carrying  out  of  this  enterprise. 

For  the  person  of  Petronius  as  well  as  for  the  laud  of 
Judea  the  death  of  the  emperor  was  a  favourable  occurrence. 
When,  further,  Caligula,  after  he  himself  had  arranged  for  the 
stopping  of  proceedings,  received  the  letter  of  Petronius 
expressing  the  wish  referred  to,  he  fell  into  a  furious  passion 
about  the  disobedience  of  this  officer,  and  caused  a  command 
immediately  to  be  issued,  that  as  a  punishment  for  that  he 
should  take  away  his  own  life.  Soon  thereafter,  however, 
Caligula  was  murdered,  24th  January  a.d.  41  ;  and  Petronius 
received  the  news  thereof  twenty  -  seven  days  before  the 
messengers  arrived  with  the  order  for  self-destruction ;  for 
these,  in  consequence  of  unfavourable  weather,  had  been 
three  full  months  upon  their  way.  There  was  now  just  as 
little  idea  of  carrying  out  the  order  for  self-murder  as  there 
was  of  setting  up  the  statue  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.'^* 

The  new  emperor,  Claudius,  who  had  been  raised  to  the 
throne  by  the  soldiers,  immediately  upon  his  accession  gifted 

1^'  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sees.  42-43,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  594,  595.  The 
projected  journey  to  Alexandria  is  also  mentioned  in  sec.  33,  ed.  Mangey, 
ii.  583,  and  in  Suetonius,  Caligula,  c.  49. — A  somewhat  different  account 
of  Agrippa's  intervention  is  given  by  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  7-8. 
According  to  him,  on  a  particular  occasion  when  Agrippa  had  won  the 
special  good  will  of  the  emperor  by  means  of  a  luxurious  banquet, 
Caligula  demanded  of  the  Jewish  king  that  he  should  ask  of  him  any 
favour  that  he  desired,  whereupon  he  besought  the  emperor  for  the 
revocation  of  the  order  to  set  up  his  statue  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem. 
The  result,  according  to  Josephus,  was  the  same,  namely,  that  the  prayer 
was  granted. 

^^*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  8-9  ;  IFars  of  the  Jewx,  ii.  10.  5. — Compare 
abo,  generally,  the  Jewish  tradition  in  Derenbourg,  p.  207  sq. 

The  order  of  succession  in  time  of  the  different  incidents  recorded  may 
be  set  forth  in  something  like  the  following  arrangement.     It  must  be 


104 


THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 


April  or  May  A-D.  40  : 


June 


August 


End  of  September : 


to    Agrippa,    besides    the    dominion   which    he    already   had 
possession  under  Caligula,  Judea  and  Samaria,  so  that  now 

here  presupposed  that  the  transmission  of  news  from  Eome  or  Gaul  to 
Jerusalem,  and  vice  versa,  would  ordinarily  take  about  two  months  : — 
Winter,  a.d.  39-40  :        Petronius  receives  orders  from  Caligula  to  set  up 
his  statue  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  goes 
with  two  legions  into  Palestine. 
When  harvest  was  at  hand,  the  negotiations  were 
opened  at  Ptolemais.     First  report  of  Petronius 
to  Caligula  (Philo,  Legal,  ad  Cajum,  sees.  32-33  ; 
Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8.  2  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews, 
ii.  10.  1-3). 
Caligula  receives  Petronius' first  report,  and  answers 
him,  urging  him  to  make  haste  (Philo,  sec.  34). 
Petronius  receives  Caligula's  answer,  but  still  puts 

off  the  final  decision. 
Agrippa  pays  a  visit   to  Caligula   at   Rome  or 
Puteoli ;  learns  of  what  had  happened,  and  inter- 
venes.   Caligula  sends  to  Petronius  the  order  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  undertaking  (Philo,  Legal,  ad 
Cajum,  sees.  35-42  ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8. 
7-8). 
Beginning  of  November:  Negotiations  at    Tiberias    in    time  of    sowing  ; 
Petronius   prays   the   emperor   to   desist   from 
Betting  up  the  statue  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  8. 
3-6  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  3-5). 
Petronius  receives  the  order  to  put  a  stop  to  the 

undertaking. 
Caligula   receives   the   petition   of  Petronius    to 
desist  from  setting  up  the  statue,  and  sends  him 
the  order  to  take  away  his  own  life  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  8.  8). 
Caligula  is  murdered. 

Petronius  receives  the  news  of  Caligula's  death. 

Petronius  receives  the  letter  Avith  the  order  for 

self-destruction   (Josephus,   Antiq.  xviii.  8.  9  ; 

Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  10.  5). 

This  table  may  still  be  regarded  as  essentially  correct,  even  if  in  some 

cases  the  time  taken  for  a  letter  to  travel  from  Italy  or  Gaul  to  Palestine, 

and  vice  versa,  might  be  somewhat  shorter.     On  the  average  the  time  may 

be  put  down  at  between  one  or  two  months.     It  deserves,  however,  to  be 

taken  into  consideration  that  Caligula  was  in  summer  still  in  Gaul,  and 

that  in  winter  news  travelled  slowly  and  irregularly.     The  most  difficult 

point  in  our  chronology  is  this,  that  Agrippa  as  well  as  the  Alexandrian 

Jewish  embassv  did  not  hear  of  Caliarula's  order  with  reference  to  tha 


End  of  November : 

Beginning  of  January 
A.D.  41  : 


24th  January  a.d.  41 
Beginning  of  March  : 
Beginning  of  April : 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  105 

again  all  Palestine,  to  the  same  extent  which  it  formerly 
had  under  Herod  the  Great,  was  united  in  the  hand  of  a 
Herodiau."* 

ExcuESUS  I. — TuE  Valuation  Census  of  Quirinius, 
Luke  ii.  1-5. 

Literature.^ 
Greswell,  Dissertations  upon  the  Principles  and  Arrangement  of  a  Harmony 

of  the  Gospels,  3  vols.  Oxford  1830,  vol.  i.  pp.  443-524.     By  the  same 

author,  Supplementary  Dissertations,  Oxford  1834,  p.  114  sqc^.     These 

works  have  not  been  accessible  to  me. 
Fairbairn,  Hermeneutical  Manual,  Edinburgh  1857,  pp.  461-475. 
*HuscHKJE,  Ueber  den  zur  Zeit  der  Geburt  Jesu  Christi  gehaltenen  Census, 

1840  (125  pp.). 
*Hdschke,  Ueber  deri  Census  und  die  Steuerverfassung  der  fruheren  romischen 

Kaiserzeit,  1847  (208  pp.). 
*WiESELER,  Chronological  Synopsis  of  the  Four  Gospels,  Cambridge  1864 

(Original,  1843),  pp.  95-135. 
Winer,  Realworterbuch,  arts.  "  Quirinius  "  and  "  Schatzung." 
GuMPACH,  "Die  Schatzung"  {Studien  und  Kritiken,  1852,  pp.  663-684). 
LiCHTENSTEiN,  Lebensgeschichte  des  Herrn  Jesu  Christi,  1856,  pp.  78-90. 

temple  of  Jerusalem  earlier  than  sometime  in  September  (see  above, 
])p.  98  and  101)  ;  whereas,  according  to  Philo,  the  affair  was  already 
matter  of  common  talk  in  Palestine  in  harvest  time,  as  early  as  April  or 
May.  Tillemont  had  for  this  reason  given  up  the  later  statement  of 
Philo  as  unhistorical  (Histoire  des  empereurs,  t.  i.  Venise  1732,  p.  630  sq.. 
Azotes  sur  la  mine  des  juifs,  note  ix.)  ;  so  also  in  recent  times,  Gratz 
Monatsschrift,  1877,  p.  97  ff.,  145  ff.  =  O'eschichte  der  Juden,  Bd.  iii.  4  Aufl. 
]i.  759  ff.  But  the  statements  of  Philo  are  on  this  point  so  definite  and 
detailed  {Legat.  ad  Cajum,  sec.  33,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  583  :  iv  dx,/^^  ftiv  yu.fi 
rov  Toi>  oiTov  ycccp-Tcov  ilvoit,  etc.,  comjiare  also  sec.  34  fin.,  ed.  Mangey, 
ii.  584)  that  it  seems  very  risky  to  have  recourse  to  such  violent  measures. 

^'*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  5.  1  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  5. 

^  The  most  complete  monographs  are  those  marked  with  an  asterisk. — 
The  earlier  literature  is  given  by  Hase,  Leben  Jesu,  §  23  6;  Huschke, 
1840,  p.  8  ;  Winer,  Realworterbuch,  ii.  292-294  ;  Meyer  on  Luke  ii.  2  ; 
Gumpach,  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1852,  p.  663  f.  The  more  recent 
especially  in  Lecoultre,  De  censu  Quiriniano  (1883),  p.  7  sq.,  and  Sieffert 
in  Herzog's  Real-Encyclopoi'die,  2  AuH.  xiii.  455. 


106  THE  EOMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

KuHi-ER,  art.  "Schatzung"  in  Herzog's  Eeal-Encyclopaedie,  1  Aufl.  xiiL 

1860,  pp.  463-467. 
Bleek,  Synoptische  Erklarung  der  drei  ersten  Evangelien  (1862),  i.  66-75. 
GoDET,  Commentary  on  Gospel  of  St.  Luke,  2  vols.  Edin.  1875,  vol.  i. 

pp.  120-129. 
Meyer  on  Luke  ii.  1,  2  ;  also  the  revision  by  Weiss  ;  and  generally  the 

Commentaries  on  Luke's  Gospel. 
Strauss,  Leben  Jesu,  1864,  pp.  336-340  ;    Die  Hallen  und  die  Ganzen, 

1865,  pp.  70-79. 
Aberle,  "Ueber  den  Statthalter  Quirinius"  {Tub.  TJieoIog.  Quartalschrift, 

1865,  pp.  103-148  ;  1868,  pp.  29-64  ;  1874,  pp.  663-687). 
HiLGENFELD,  "  Quirinius  als  Statthalter  Syriens "  {Zeitschrift  fur  u-issen- 

schaftliche  Theologie,  1865,  pp.  408-421  ;  1870,  pp.  151-167). 
Gerlach,   Die  romischen    Statthalter  in  Syrien  und  Judcia,    1865,   pp. 

22-42. 
LuTTEROTH,  Le  r(fcensement  de  Quirinius  en  Jud^e,  Paris  1865  (134  pp.). 
EoDBERTUS,  "  Zur  Geschichte  der  romischen  Tributsteuem  seit  Augustus  " 

(Hildebrand's  Jahrbiicher  fiir  Nationalokonomie  und  Statistik,  Bd.  iv. 

1865,  pp.  341-427  ;   Bd.  v.  1865,  pp.  135-171,  241-315  ;    Bd.  viii. 

1867,  pp.  81-126,  385-475.     On  the  passage  in  Luke,  Bd.  v.  155  ff.). 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vi.  pp.  155-157. 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii.  116-123. 
Ebrard,  Gospel  History. 
*Wieseler,    Beitrage    zur    richtigen    TV-iirdigung    der    Evangelien,    1869, 

pp.  16-107.     By  same  author,  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1875,  pp.  535-549. 
Farrar,  Life  of  Christ,  vol.  i.  p.  7,  note  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  450. 
Caspari,  Chronological  and  Geographical  Introduction  to  the  Life  of  Christ, 

pp.  34-38. 
*ZuMPT,  Das  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  1869,  pp.  20-224, 
Woolset,  "  Historical  Credibility  of  Luke  ii.  1-5  "  (New  Englander,  1869, 

pp.  674-723.     This  paper  has  not  been  accessible  to  me).     By  the 

same  author :    Review  of  Zumpt's  Geburtsjahr  Christi  in  the  Biblio- 

tlieca  Sacra,  1870,  pp.  290-336.     Very  carefully  done. 
Steinmeyer,  "Die  Geschichte  der  Geburt  des  Herrn  und  seiner  ersten 

Schritte  im  Leben"  (Apologetische  Beitrage,  iv.),  Berlin  1873,  pp.  29-41. 
Sevin,  Chronologie  des  Lebens  Jesu  (1874),  pp.  20-39. 
Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  Bd.  v.  pp.  23-27,  art.  "  Quirinius  "  by  Weizsacker, 

and  pp.  398-405,  art.  "  Steuern  "  by  Kneucker). 
Hehle,   Tlieolog.    Quartalschrift,   1875,  pp.   666-684  ;    1876,  pp.    85-101 

(review  of  Zumpt's  Geburtsjahr  Christi). 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  107 

Marquardt,  Romische  StaatsvencaltuTvj,  Bd.  ii.  1876,  pp.  198-216(2  Aufl. 

revised  by  Dessau  und  Domaszewski  1884,  pp.  204-223). 
Keil  (1879)  and  Schanz  (1883)  in  their  Commentaries  on  Luka 
lliESS,  Das  Gehirtsjahr  Christi  (1880),  pp.  66-78. — By  the  same  author, 

Nochmals  das  Geburtsjahr  Jesu  Christi  (1883),  pp.  59-68. 
HoFMANN  (J.  Clir.  K.  von).  Die  heilige  Schrift  Nenen  Testaments  zusammen- 

hangend  untcrsucht,  Thl.  viii.  1  (1878),  p.  46  ff.  ;  x.  (1883)  p.  64  ff. 
Lecoultre,  De  censu    Quiriniano  et   anno   nativitatis  Christi  secundum 

Lucam  evangelistam,  Lausannae  1883  (100  pp.).     A  review  of  it  in 

Theologische  Literaturzeitung,  1883,  p.  481. 
PoLZL,  art.  "Census"  in  Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlexikon,  2  Aufl.  B(L 

iii.  1884,  pp.  1-7. 
SiEFFERT,  art.  "Schatzung"  in  Herzog's  Real- Encyclopaedic,  2  Aufl.  xiii. 

1884,  pp.  446-455. 
MoMMSEX,  Res  gestae  divi  Augusti,  ed.  2,  1883,  pp.  175-177. — By  the  same 

autlior,  Romisches  Staatsrecht,  ii.  1  (1874),  pp.  391-394. 
Unger,  "  De  censibus  provinciarum  Romanarum  "  (Leipziger  Studien  zur 

class.   Philologie,  Bd.  x.    1887,  pp.   1-76).      Mainly  a   collection   of 

inscriptions  in  wliich  tax-collectors  are  mentioned. 

It  has  been  mentioned  above,  at  p.  79,  that  after  the  banish- 
ment of  Archelaus  the  imperial  legate,  Quirinius,  arrived  in 
Judea,  and  there,  in  a.d.  6  or  7,  proceeded  to  make  a  census, 
i.e.  a  list  of  the  inhabitants,  and  a  reckoning  of  their  landed 
property,  for  the  purpose  of  apportioning  the  taxation.  The 
evangelist  Luke,  ii.  1—5,  makes  mention  of  a  valuation  census 
such  as  that  made  by  Quirinius  ;  but  he  places  it  in  the  last 
days  of  Herod  the  Great,  that  is,  somewhere  about  ten  or 
twelve  years  earlier  tlian  that  census  was  really  made.  It  is 
a  matter  of  debate  how  this  story  is  related  to  the  similar  one 
recorded  by  Josephus  ;  whether  there  were  actually  two 
diflerent  valuations  in  Judea  conducted  by  Quirinius,  or 
whether  Luke  has  erroneously  set  down  the  valuation  that 
was  made  in  a.d.  7  in  the  last  years  of  Herod  the  Great.  In 
order  that  we  may  be  in  a  position  to  form  a  deliberate 
judgment  on  this  much  -  debated  question,  and  generally  on 
the  credibility  of  the  narrative  of  Luke,  it  is  necessary  first 


108  THE  KOMAN-HEROLIAN  AGE. 

of  all  to  understand,  at  least  in  its  most  general  outlines,  the 
Roman  system  of  taxation  during  the  days  of  the  empire. 

The  original  Eoman  census,  as  it  was  drawn  up  during  the 
period  of  the  republic,^  was  strictly  confined  to  the  enrolment 
of  Eoman  citizens.  It  consisted  of  a  list  of  Roman  citizens 
and  their  possessions,  made  for  a  double  purpose  :  (1)  The 
regulating  of  military  service,  and  (2)  the  levying  of  the 
direct  taxes.  The  party  whose  property  had  to  be  valued 
was  obliged  to  present  himself  before  the  censor  and  give  in 
a  statement  of  his  possessions  ;  but  it  was  the  custom  that 
the  father  of  the  family  should  pay  taxes  for  himself  and  for 
the  whole  family.  In  the  time  of  the  republic  there  was  no 
one  regular  valuation  census  of  the  subjects  of  the  Roman 
nation.  Valuations  were  indeed  made  here  and  there  ;  but 
these  had  no  intimate  connection  or  coherence  with  one 
another  nor  with  the  census  of  the  Roman  citizens.' 

In  the  days  of  the  empire,  as  even  before  in  the  days  of 
the  republic,  the  census  of  Roman  citizens  had  completely 
lost  its  original  significance ;  for  the  Roman  citizens,  i.e. 
therefore  all  Italy  and  the  colonies  with  Italian  privileges, 
were  no  longer  sufficient  for  military  service,  and  also  no 
longer  paid  direct  taxes.*  When  therefore  Augustus,  Claudius, 
and  Vespasian  still  made  valuation  rolls   of  Roman  citizens, 

2  Compare  on  the  census  of  citizens  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  Rein, 
art.  "  Census "  in  Pauly's  Real-Encyclopacdie,  it.  247-257  ;  Zumpt,  Da.s 
Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  97-116  ;  De  Boor,  Fasti  censorii,  Berol.  1873  ; 
Mommsen,  Ramisches  Staatsrecht,  ii.  1  (1874),  pp.  304-442  ;  E.  Herzog, 
Geschichte  und  System  der  romischen  Staatsverfassung,  Bd.  i.  1884,  pp. 
754-797. 

3  Compare  on  the  provincial  census  of  the  times  of  the  republic,  Zumpt, 
Geburt^ahr  Christi,  p]).  114-116;  Marquardt,  liomische  Staatsverwalturt^, 
ii.  175-197  (2  Aufl.  revised  by  Dessau  und  Domaszewski,  pp.  180-204). 

•*  Compare  on  the  citizen  census  of  the  days  of  the  empire  :  Zumpt, 
Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  116-129  ;  De  Boor,  Fasti  censorii,  pp.  30-33, 
96-100  ;  Mommsen,  Romisches  Staatsrecht,  1  Aufl.  ii.  1,  pp.  310-312, 
391  fl".  ;  ii.  2,  p.  1012  f. — The  last  citizen  census  which  was  fully  carried 
cut,  was  that  of  Vespasian  in  a.d.  74. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKOD.  109 

this  was  done  only  for  statistical  purposes,  or  on  account  of 
the  religious  festivities  associated  therewith,  but  not  for  taxa- 
tion purposes.  Fundamentally  dififerent  was  the  census  of  the 
provinces,  the  main  purpose  of  which  was  to  regulate  the 
levying  of  the  taxes."  Even  in  this  direction  there  existed 
in  the  earlier  days  of  the  empire  a  very  great  diversity ;  ^  but 
in  general  even  then  those  principles  had  become  pretty  well 
established  which  in  later  juristic  documents  {Digest.  L.  15: 
Be  censibus)  are  assumed  as  everywhere  prevailing.  From 
these  we  learn  that  there  were  for  the  provinces  two  kinds  of 
direct  taxes:  (1)  The  property-tax  on  possessions  in  land, 
trihutum  soli  or  agri,  and  (2)  The  poll-tax,  tributum  capitisJ 
The  former  was  paid  partly  in  kind,  partly  in  money.^  Under 
the  latter,  the  tributum  capitis,  there  seems  to  have  been 
summed  up  various  sorts  of  personal  taxes,  such  as  the 
income  -  tax,  which   varied   according  to  the  amount  of   the 

•  Compare,  on  the  provincial  census  during  the  days  of  the  empire,  the 
works  and  treatises  referred  to  above  by  Huschke  (1847),  Rodl^ertus, 
Zumpt  (pp.  147-175),  Marquardt,  Unger  ;  and,  in  addition :  Rein,  art. 
"  Tributum"  in  Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  vi.  2,  pp.  2125-2129  ;  Zacharia 
von  Lingenthal,  "  Zur  Kenntniss  des  romischen  Steuerwesens  in  der  Kaiser- 
zeit "  (Memoires  de  I'acaJ/niie  imperiale  des  sciences  de  St.  Pdersbourg,  7  serie, 
t.  vi.  No.  9,  Petersb.  1863) ;  Bernh.  Matthiass,  Die  romiscJie  Grundsteuer  mid 
das  Vectiyalrecht,  Erlangen  1882.  The  two  last  deal  especially  with  the 
later  period  of  the  empire. 

^  Zumpt,  Gehurtsjahr  Ckristi,  pp.  156,  176,  187,  211  f.  Compare  also: 
Marquardt,  liomische  Staatsverwaltung,  ii.  185-196. 

^  That  there  were  only  these  two  kinds  of  direct  taxes  is  plain  from 
Digest.  L.  15.  8.  §  7  (from  Paul  in  beginning  of  third  century) :  "  Divus 
Vespasianus  Caesarienses  colonos  fecit,  non  adjecto,  ut  et  juris  Italic! 
essent ;  sed  tributum  his  remisit  capitis  ;  sed  Divus  Titus  etiam  solum 
immune  factum  interpretatus  est." — Compare  Appian.  Likjca,  135  :  tok 
oe  Xoi-TTol;  (popou  uptaotv  i-irl  tyi  yij  kou  iTrl  TOti  cuf^ocim  ;  Dio  Cass.  Ixii.  3  ; 
Tertullian,  Apologet.  13  :  "  agri  tributo  onusti  viliores,  hominum  capita 
stipendio  censa  ignobiliora."     Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  vi.  2.  2126. 

8  According  to  Josephus,  IVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  16.  4,  "  the  third  part  of 
the  world,"  that  is.  North  Africa,  with  the  exception  of  Egypt,  yielded 
yearly  so  much  grain,  that  from  it  the  needs  of  the  city  of  Rome  could  be 
supplied  for  eight  months  ;  and  from  the  city  of  Alexandria  four  months. 


110  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

income,  and  the  poll-tax  proper,  which  was  of  equal  amount 
for  every  caput?  In  Syria,  e.g.,  there  was  raised  in  Appian's 
time  a  personal  tax,  which  amounted  to  one  per  cent,  of  the 
valuation.^"  This  was  therefore  properly  an  income-tax. 
When,  on  the  other  hand,  Josephus  reckons  from  the  poll-tax 
that  Egypt,  with  the  exclusion  of  Alexandria,  had  a  popula- 
tion of  seven  and  a  half  millions,  he  is  evidently  referring  to  a 
tax  of  the  same  amount  for  every  caput}^  At  any  rate,  during 
the  earlier  days  of  the  empire,  the  taxes  levied  were  of  the 
most  diverse  kinds.^^  Women  and  slaves  had  also  to  pay  the 
poll-tax.  Only  children  and  old  men  were  exempted.  In 
Syria,  e.g.,  men  from  the  age  of  fourteen  and  women  from  the 
age  of  twelve  years,  and  both  up  to  the  age  of  sixty-five  years, 

^  Huschke,  Census  der  Kaiserzeit,  p.  175  If.  ;  Marquardt,  Edmische 
ataatsverwaltung,  ii.  185-196. 

^**  Appian.  Hyr.  50:  IIo,w7rs5;oj  —  t^v  ^iyiim/iv  'ttoXiv  '  lepoao'Kvfctit  kx\ 
a-yiuTotTYiv  Btiirot;  KXTiax»->ptv,  v]»  8j)  »«(  UrQT^sf^.ot'iog  6  T^purog  Aiyvmrov 
SixaiKivg  xx9'>]p7iKSi,  Kotl  OvecTrxirtxuog  civ6i;  olKiaSthoiv  KureaKctipi,  x.ui 
'A^pioti/og  ocvdt;  lit  tfiov.  Koc(  diet  ruvr  iativ  ^lovOatioi;  ctTrotaiu  6  (popo; 
TU!f  au/nxrav  (ixpvTipog  TVjg  otKhrig  'Trspi'jiKiXg.  "T&trri  0£  xxl  '2vpotg  xoti 
K/A/^/j'  Irjjff/o;,  iKXrooTTi  rov  riutifiXTO;  iKocarai. — Instead  of  ■srso/o/- 
Kictg  (a  conjecture  of  Musgrave  adopted  by  Bekker)  the  codd.  have 
■:rip.ovatoi;,  which  is  meaningless,  although  it  is  still  defended  by  Huschke, 
Census  der  Kaiserzeit,  p.  135.  The  coiiectness  of  the  conjecture  is  proved 
by  the  context.  Appian  means  to  say  :  On  account  of  the  battles  under 
Vespasian  and  Hadrian,  the  Jews  had  to  pay  a  higher  poll-tax  than  the 
other  neighbouring  peoples,  namely,  than  the  Syiians  and  Cilicians,  who 
pay  an  annual  poll-tax  in  the  form  of  a  percentage  of  the  sum  of  the 
valuation.  From  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  6,  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  7, 
however,  we  know  that  the  increase  consisted  in  this,  that  the  lilpxxi^ov, 
which  had  before  been  paid  as  a  temple-tax  (Matt.  xvii.  24),  after  the 
destruction  of  the  temple  had  to  be  paid  to  the  Roman.s. 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  16.  4  :  AiyvTrrog  — -  z-:vt7ikovtcc  -T^pog 
rctig  iTTotx.oaioc.ig  i)(,ov(!et  fcvpiocoxg  dvBpuTrav  oix'^  "^^v  '  A'Ai^a-uhpuxv 
xocTdtKoui/TUv,  ug  'ivianv  tK  rr,g  Kuff  SKxaTYiv  x,i(pcc'hY,u  iiaCpopoi;  Tix.[4.yi- 
pcta&cti. 

^^  Of  Northern  Africa,  Josephus  says  {}Vars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  16.  14):  x"""'? 
ruu  tTinaluv  Kxpwav,  to  ptrialv  oktu  to  x,oi,t(x,  rriv  Vupcriv  ir'Kv^dog  xpi'po^oi,  x.xi 
i^a6ev  -jrcturoiug  (()opo'hoy  ov  vr  *i,  kxi  txIc  xP-'""!  "^^^  ijysuovixg  ■7rxpix,9vaiv 
trcifxu;  rx;  ila<fopxg. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEIiOD.  Ill 

were  obliged  to  pay  the  poll-tax.^^  As  to  the  valuation  census 
of  the  provinces,  i.e.  the  preparation  of  lists  for  the  sake  of  the 
apportioning  of  the  taxes,  the  same  principles  regulated  pro- 
cedure as  in  the  drawing  up  of  the  census  of  Roman  citizens." 
In  regard  to  the  one  as  well  as  the  other,  tlie  expressions 
were  used  :  cderc,  deferre  censum,  profitcri ;  from  which  it  is 
evident  that  the  party  liable  had  to  give  in  the  valuation 
himself,  and  his  taxes  were  only  controlled  by  the  officers.^* 
The  taxes  had  to  be  paid  in  the  chief  towns  of  the  particular 
taxation  districts  ;  ^^  and,  indeed,  the  landed  estates  had  to  be 
registered  for  taxation  in  those  communes  in  whose  domain 
they  lay."  At  what  intervals  the  valuation  was  repeated  is 
not  with  any  certainty  known.  Huschke  assumes  a  ten 
years'  period  for  the  census,  similar  to  the  five  years'  period 
of  the  earlier  census  of  Eoman  citizens.^®  Zumpt  contests  the 
correctness  of  this  assumption,  and  believes  that  by  standing 
taxation  boards  the  list  was  kept  carefully  revised.^'  Many 
hints  favour  the  idea  of  a  five  years'  census  period.  Since  the 
fourth  century  after  Christ  it  is  well  known  that  the  fifteen 
year  indiction  period  became  prevalent.^^ 

So   much  on   the   question   of  valuations   and   taxation  in 

1'  Dujest.  L.  15.  3  pr.  (from  Ulpiau,  beginning  of  the  third  century)  : 
*'  Aetatem  in  censendo  significare  necesse  est,  quia  quibusdam  aetas 
Iribuit,  ne  tribute  onerentur  ;  veluti  in  Syriis  a  quatuordecim  annis 
masculi,  a  duodecini  feniinaii  usque  ad  sexagesinium  quintuni  annum 
tribute  capitis  obligantur  ;  aetas  autera  spectatur  censendi  tempore." 

1^  Compare  generally  :  Huschke,  Census  der  Kaiserzeit,  p.  192  ff .  ; 
Zumpt,  Das  Gcburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  170-175. 

1^  Huschke,  Census,  p.  193  ;  Zumpt,  GeburUjahr,  p.  173. 

1®  Zumpt,  Das  Geburtsjahr  Christi^  p.  174. 

^^  Digest.  L.  15.  4.  §  2  (from  Ulpian,  beginning  of  the  third  century)  : 
"  Is  vero,  qui  agrum  in  alia  civitate  habet,  in  ea  civitate  ])rofiteri  debet, 
in  qua  ager  est ;  agri  enim  tributum  in  eam  civitatem  debet  levare,  in 
tujus  territorio  possidetur." 

^'^  Huschke,  Census  der  Kaiserzeit,  p.  57  ff. 

19  Zumpt,  Das  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  1G8-170,  189,  205,  206  ;  compare 
Hock.  liomische  Geschichte,  i.  2.  406. 

-1  Marquardt,  Rim.  Staatsvcrwaltumj .  ii.  236-238  (2  Aufl.  pp.  24.3-245). 


112  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

general.  Now,  Luke  says  in  the  passage  referred  to,  chap.  ii. 
1—5,^^  that  about  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Christ,  therefore 
certainly  while  Herod  the  Great  still  reigned  (Luke  i.  5  ; 
Matt.  ii.  1—22),  a  decree  (Boyfia)  went  out  from  the  Emperor 
Augustus  requiring  that  "  all  the  world  should  be  taxed," 
aTroypd(f)6tr6ai  iraaav  rrjv  oiKovfiei^rjv.  By  "  all  the  world,"  in 
accordance  with  the  well-known  use  of  the  phrase  among  the 
Eomans,  we  can  understand  nothing  else  than  the  whole  Roman 
empire,  the  orbis  JRomanus.  Strictly  taken,  the  phrase  would 
include  Italy  as  well  as  the  provinces.  Yet  it  would  be  a 
pardonable  inexactness  in  the  use  of  the  expression,  even  were 
it  found  to  have  been  employed  actually  to  designate  only  a 
general  census  of  the  provinces.^^  Absolutely  impossible 
is  the  limitation  of  the  phrase  to  Palestine  sometimes  favoured 
by  earlier  expositors.^^  The  verb  aTTO'ypd^eiv  means  first  of  all 
only  "  to  register,"  and  is  therefore  more  general  than  the 
definite  aTroTifidv,  "  to  value."  ^*  But  there  is  no  other  purpose 
of  registration  that  naturally  suggests  itself  than  that  of 
forming  a  basis  for  taxation  (for  the  Jews  were  exempted 
from  military  service) ;  and  certainly  Luke  has  so  understood 
the  word,  since  in  ver.  2  he  brings  this  registration  ("  taxing  ") 
into  connection  with  the  well-known  census  of  Quirinius, 
whether  to  identify  with  that  taxing  or  to  distinguish  it  from 
it.  He  proceeds  in  ver.  2  to  say  :  avTrj  [rj]  ajroypacfyr}  irpcoTij 
ijevero  ri<yefiov€vovTo<;  t^?  Hvpta<i  Kvprjviov.  Whether  the 
article  is  to  be  inserted  before  d'iroypa(f>r]  or  not,  it  is  difficult 
to  say,  since  important  authorities  may  be  cited  in  favour  of 
both  readings.^^     At  any  rate  the  order  irpcoTT]  eyevero  is  to  be 

'1  Compare  in  explanation,  besides  the  commentaries :  Wieseler, 
Bdtrage,  pp.  18-32  ;  Zumpt,  Geburt^ahr,  pp.  90-96,  188  ff.  ;  Lecoultre, 
Ve  censu  Quiriniano,  pp.  11-27. 

"2  So  Wieseler,  Beitriige,  pp.  20-22. 

2'  So  Paulas,  Hug,  and  others. 

**  Compare  Wieseler,  Beitrdge,  p.  19  f.  ;  Zumpt,  Geburtsjahr,  pp.  84-86 

**  The  majority  of  MSS.  has  the  article  :  it  is  wanting  in  BD,  also  in  n, 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKOD,  113 

maintained  over  against  tlie  isolated  readings  iyevero  Trpcorr]  (x) 

and  iyevero  airoypa^r]  irpcoTr}  (D).     For  the  sense  it  is  almost 

indifferent  whether  one  insert  the  article  or  not ;  for  in  the 

former  case  it  would  he  translated :  "  This  taxing  took  place 

as  the  first ; "  and  in  the  other  case :  "  This  took  place  as  the 

first  taxing,"  ^^  while  Quirinius  was  governor  of  Syria.      But 

it  may  now   be  asked,  in  what  sense  Luke  uses  the  term 

"  first."     Does  he  mean  to  say  that  it  was  the  first  general 

imperial  valuation,^  or  the  first  Eoman  valuation  in  Judea,^^ 

or  that  it  was  the  first  among  several  made  by  Quirinius  ?  ^^ 

The  first  of  these  explanations  would  make  Luke  assume  a 

number  of  general  imperial  valuations.     But  if,  as  will  appear, 

even  the  one  imperial   valuation  census  under  Augustus  is 

problematical,  a  frequent  repetition  of  such  a  census  would 

be  yet  more  problematical.    We  shall  therefore  do  well  in  not 

unnecessarily  attributing  this  serious  error  to  the  evangelist. 

The  first  tenable  explanation  then  is  that  mentioned  above  in 

the  second  place.     We  shall  then  have  to  stand  by  it,  if  it 

can  be  proved  that  Quirinius  only  made  one  valuation  census 

for  Judea,  and  that  also  Luke  intended  to  refer  to  that  one. 

Provisionally,  therefore,  we  may  assume  this  as  the  sense  of 

the  words,  that  the  general  imperial  valuation  census  ordered 

by  Augustus  for  Judea  was  the  first  which  had  been  made 

there  by  the  Eomans,  and  that  it  took  place  while  Quirinius 

was  governor  of  Syria.     In  this  case  the  only  point  that  we 

must  still,  according  to  p.  Ill,  leave  undecided  is,  whether 

the  valuation  census  was   subsequently   repeated  at  regular 

Avliich  reads  uvTini>  a'7ro'ypu,<Pnv  ;  the  article  is  rejected  by  Laclimann, 
Tregelles,  Tischendorf,  ed.  8,  Weiseler,  Weiss,  Westcott  and  Hort. 

2^  Buttmann,  Grammatik  des  neutestamentlichen  Sprachgehrauchs,  p.  105. 

2^  So  Huscbke,  Ueber  den  zur  Zeit  der  Geburt  Jesu  Christi  gehaltenen 
Census,  p.  89  ;  Kohler  in  Herzog's  Keal-Encyclopaedie,  1  Aufl.  xiii.  466. 

28  So  Wieseler,  Beitrcige,  pp.  24,  27 ;  Hilgenfeld,  Zcitschrift,  1870,  p.  157 ; 
Hock,  Romisclie  Geschichte,  i.  2.  417. 

29  So  Meyer- Weiss  on  Luke  ii.  2  ;  and  Zumpt,  Geburtsjahr  Christi, 
pp.  188-190. 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  H 


114  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

intervals  of  time,  or  was  kept  up  to  date  by  constant  revision 
of  the  lists. — In  what  follows,  in  vv.  3-5,  Luke  further  states 
that  in  obedience  to  that  decree,  all  (in  the  land  of  Judea) 
went  to  be  taxed,  every  one  ek  rrjv  eavrov  ttoXiv,^^  i.e.  every  one 
who  was  away  from  the  native  place  of  his  family  (his  o'Iko<;), 
had  now  to  go  to  that  place  in  order  to  be  taxed  there.  And 
so  also  Joseph  went  from  Galilee  to  Bethlehem,  because  he 
was  of  the  house  of  David,  to  be  taxed  with  Mary  his  espoused 
wife  (a-vv  Mapiafx,  is  to  be  joined  with  airo'^pd-^aaOaL,  not  with 
dve^rj,  which  is  much  farther  removed  from  it). 

This  account  by  Luke,  however,  now  calls  forth  the 
following  considerations ; — 

1.  Of  a  general  imperial  census  in  the  time  of  Augustus, 
history  otherwise  knows  nothing. 

Apologetical:  Huschke,  Census  zur  Zcit  des  Gehurt  Jesu  Chnsti, 
pp.  2-59  ;  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis  of  the  Four  Gospels, 
pp.  66-82  ;  Rodbertus,  Jahrhiichcr  fur  Nationalokonomie  und 
Statistih,  v.  145  ff.,  241  ff . ;  Zumpt,  Gehurtsjahr  Christi,  pp. 
147-160;  Marquardt,  Edmische  Staatsver ivaltung,  ii.  204  ff. 
(2  Aufl.  p.  211  ff'.);  Lecoultre,  De  censu  Quiri7iiano,  pp.  28-41. 

Huschke  especially  has  endeavoured  by  a  series  of  facts  to 
establish  the  position  that  such  an  imperial  census  actually 
did  take  place,  but  the  want  of  demonstrative  force  in  this 
attempt  is  now  to  some  extent,  at  least,  admitted  even  by  the 
most  decided  upholders  of  the  narrative  of  Luke.  Thus 
Huschke  refers  (p.  11  ff.),  and  also  even  Wieseler,^^  to  the 
rationarium  or  hreviarium  totius  imperii,  a  list  of  the  sources 
of  help  or  supply  for  the  whole  empire,  which  Augustus,  as  a 
good  financier,  drew  up,  so  that  he  might  be  able  to  bring 
into  order  again  the  seriously  disturbed  financial  arrangements 

'*•  So  it  is  to  be  read,  according  to  ^<^BDLS  (with  Tischendorf,  ed.  8, 
Weiss,  Westcott  and  Hort),  instead  of  Rec.  slg  rviu  illctv  "niihiv. 
^^  Chronological  ^Synopsis,  p.  73  f. ;  Beitrage,  pp.  52,  93. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  115 

of  the  empire  (Suetonius,  Augustus,  28,  101  ;  Dio  Cassius, 
liii.  30,  Ivi.  33;  Tacitus,  Annals,  i.  11).^^  But  Zumpt 
rightly  remarks^'  that  this,  indeed,  speaks  for  the  orderly- 
condition  of  the  State  administration,  but  does  not  prove  an 
imperial  census.** — Still  more  unfortunate  is  Huschke's  refer- 
ence (pp.  37-45)  to  Dio  Cassius,  liv.  35  and  Iv.  13;  for  in 
the  former  passage  it  is  simply  said  that  Augustus  as  a 
private  man  had  undertaken  a  census  of  all  his  property 
{'rravra  ra  v'rrap')(ovTd  ol) ;  and  in  the  other,  the  reference  is 
only  to  a  census  of  Eoman  citizens.^' — Finally,  the  attempt 
of  Huschke  (pp.  45-53)  to  call  the  Monumentum  A7icyranunv 
(on  which  compare  what  is  said  in  vol.  i.  p.  115)  as  a  witness 
on  behalf  of  the  general  imperial  census  completely  breaks 
down ;  and  for  proof  of  this,  it  is  enough  to  refer  to  Wieseler^^ 
and  Marquardt.^^ 

Of  the  numerous  witnesses  whom  Huschke  had  called  to 
prove  the  fact  of  the  general  imperial  census,  there  remain, 
therefore,  only  Cassiodorus,  Isidorus  Hispalensis,  and  Suidas.''^ 

•■^2  Tacitus  in  that  passage  describes  its  contents  as  follows  :  "  Opes 
publicae  continebantur,  quantum  civium  sociorumque  in  arniis,  quot 
classes,  regna,  provinciae,  tributa  aut  vectigalia,  et  necessitates  ac  largi- 
tiones.  Quae  cuncta  sua  manu  perscripserat  Augustus  addideratque  con- 
eilium  coercendi  intra  terniinos  imperii,  incertum  metu  an  per  invidiam." 

^^  Gehurtsjahr  Christi,  p.  154. 

^*  The  attempt  has,  indeed,  been  made  to  deduce  from  the  statement  of 
Tacitus  a  declaration  that  Augustus  had  made  valuation  censuses  even  in 
the  domains  of  reges  socii.  But  it  will  be  seen  that  it  is  not  once  said 
there  that  the  regna  paid  tribute,  let  alone  that  censuses  were  held  in  their 
territories. 

2^  Compare  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis,  pp.  75-79  ;  Beitrage,  p.  57 ; 
Zumpt,  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  126,  155.  The  passage  in  Dio  Cassius, 
liv.  35,  is  referred  also  by  Rodbertus  to  a  census  of  the  ])rovinces,  although 
with  a  meaning  somewhat  different  from  that  of  Huschke. 

26  Chronological  Synopsis,  pp.  79-82  ;  Beitrage,  pp.  58-64. 

^^  liomische  Staatsverwaltung,  ii.  205. 

38  Compare  Huschke,  Census,  p.  3  ff. ;  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis, 
p.  68  f.  ;  Beitrage,  pp.  53-56  ;  Eodbertus,  Jahrbucher  fiir  Nationalo- 
konomie,  v.  241  ff.  ;  Zumpt,  Geburtsjahr,  pp.  149-155  ;  Marquardt,  Eomische 
S'aat'iverwaltung,  ii.  205  f. 


116  THE  EOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

They  all  do,  undoubtedly,  speak  of  a  general  imperial  census 
in  the  time  of  Augustus.^^  But  their  testimony  loses  very 
much  of  its  value  from  the  fact  that  they  were  all  three 
Christians,  and  lived  in  a  very  late  period,  namely,  in  the 
sixth,  seventh,  and  tenth  centuries  after  Christ,  which  is 
calculated  to  produce  an  exceedingly  strong  suspicion  that 
they  simply  drew  their  information  from  Luke.  The  con- 
fused rigmarole  of  the  Spanish  Isidore  is  not  regarded  even 
by  Wieseler^  and  Zumpt"  as  an  independent  witness.  As 
to  Suidas,  his  dependence  upon  Luke  is  quite  apparent. 
Finally,  Cassiodorus  has  certainly  used  older  sources,  namely, 
the  writings  of  the  land  measurers.  But  who  can  give  us  any 
guarantee  that  he  did  not  derive  his  statement  about  the 
census  from  Luke  ?  At  any  rate,  it  is  hazardous,  considering 
the  silence  of  all  older  sources  (the  Monumentum  Ancyranum, 
Dio  Cassius,  Suetonius),  to  accept  as  historical  the  isolated 

3^  The  passages  referred  to  run  as  follows  : — 

Cassiodorus,  Variarum,  iii.  52  :  "  August!  siquidem  temporibus  orbis 
Romauuis  agris  divisus  censuque  descriptus  est,  ut  possessio  sua  nulli 
haberetur  incerta,  quam  pro  tributorum  susceperat  quantitate  solvenda. 
Hoc  auctor  Hyrummetricus  [some  editors  read  :  groinaticus]  redegit  ad 
dogma  conscriptum,  qualenus  studiosus  legendo  possit  agnoscere,  quod 
deberet  oculis  absolute  monstrare." 

Isidorus,  Etymologiarum,  v.  36.  4  (Opera,  ed.  Arevalo, iii.  229  sq.) :  "Era 
singulorum  annorum  constituta  est  a  Caesare  Augusto  :  quando  primum 
censum  exegit,  ac  Romanum  orbem  descripsit.  Dictum  autem  era  ex  eo, 
quod  omnis  orbie  aes  reddeie  professus  est  reipublicae." — On  the  Spanish 
era  of  B.C.  38,  the  origin  of  which  Isidore  here  seeks  to  explain,  see  Ideler, 
Handbuch  der  Chronologie,  ii.  422  ff.  ;  Pauly's  Real-Eiicyclopaedie,  i.  1, 
2  Aufl.  p.  420  f.  (art.  "  Aera  ") ;  Heller  in  Sybel's  Hist.  Zeitschrift,  Bd.  xxxi. 
1874,  pp.  13-32. 

Suidas,  Lexicon,  s.v.  ci'!roypx(pt! :  'O  b£  Kxhxp  Avyovaro;  6  fcovup)(^'yj(Tx; 
UKtaiv  oiudpa;  rovg  otpiarov;  rov  fiiov  nxi  tov  rpoT^ov  iTri7\i^ccfiSuog  tTrl  Trotaxi/ 
TOji/  yi^v  ruv  v'ZYix.iav  s^iTrefiips,  B/'  uv  cc7roypoi(pxg  iTror/joxTO  ruv  ts  oivSpc^TTuv 
Kxl  ovtriuu,  (x.vTot.px.n  rtvd.  Trpoarx^x;  r^  Ziiy^oaia  fcoipxv  fx,  rovrav  ilaQepiadoci. 
Avrvi  i]  ei7roypct<PYi  vpuzYi  kyivsro  tuu  "Ttrpo  xvtou  toI^  x.SK.TYift'ivotg  ri  fiV)  xipxt. 
povfiivuu,  u;  ilvxi  roig  ivvopoig  ^T^f^oitov  'iyx.'Knux  rou  ■tt'Kovtov. 

*^  Chronological  Synopsis,  p.  69,  note  1. 

*^  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  p.  151. 


I  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  117 

statement  of  Cassiodorus." — The  "  testimony  "  of  Orosius,  on 
which  Eiess  again  lays  great  stress,  though  it  had  long  been 
given  up  by  most,  rests,  undoubtedly,  only  upon  the  narrative 
of  Luke."''' 

Many  think  that  they  have  found  an  indirect  support  for 
the  idea  of  an  imperial  census  in  the  times  of  Augustus  in 
the  so-called  imperial  survey  of  Augustus.  But  even  this 
is  very  problematical.'*'  We  know,  indeed,  that  Agrippa, 
the  friend  of  Augustus,  collected  material  for  a  map  of  the 
world,  and  that  this  map  of  the  world  after  his  death  was  set 
up  in  marble  in  a  corridor.  These  coimnentarii  of  Agrippa 
were  specially  valuable  on  account  of  their  numerous  and 
exact  measurements.**     But  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  the 

••2  Mommsen  also  is  of  opinion  that  Cassiodorus  has  derived  his  state- 
ment about  the  census  from  Luke.  See  his  treatise  on  "Die  libri 
coloniarum  "  in  Die  Schriftcn  der  romischen  Feldmesscr,  edited  by  Blume, 
Lachmann,  and  Rudorff,  Bd.  ii.  (1852)  p.  177. 

42a  Orosius,  vi.  22.  6  :  "  Eodem  quoque  anno  [752  a.  U.]  tunc  primum 
idem  Caesar  .  .  .  censum  agi  singularum  ubique  provinciarum  et  censeri 
omnes  homines  jussit,  quando  et  Ueus  homo  videri  et  esse  dignatus  est. 
Tunc  igitur  natus  est  Christus,  Romano  censui  statim  adscriptus  ut  natus 
est." — Compare  Riess,  Das  Geburtsjahr  Ghristi  (1880),  p.  69  ff. 

*3  The  materials  relating  to  this  question  are  well  summed  up  in  a  brief 
form  in  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsvenvaltung,  Bd.  ii.  pp.  200-204  (2  Aufl. 
revised  by  Dessau  und  Domaszewski,  1884,  pp.  207-211).  In  that  work 
at  p.  200  (in  the  2nd  ed.  p.  207)  the  special  literature  is  also  given,  to 
which  we  may  now  further  add  :  F.  Philippi,  Zur  Eeconstrudion  der 
Welthxrte  des  Agrippa,  1880  ;  Schweder,  Beitrage  zur  Kritik  der  Choro- 
graphie  des  Augustus,  3  Thle.  1876-1883  ;  Detlefsen,  Untersuchungen  zu  den 
geographischen  Biichern  des  Plinius,  1.  Die  JVeltkarte  des  M.  Agrippa,  Gliick- 
stadt  1884.  Compare  also  :  Htibner,  Grundriss  zu  Vorlesungen  iiher  die 
rom.  Literaturgeschichte,  4  Aufl.  1878,  p.  180  (a  list  of  the  literature) ; 
Teuffel,  History  of  Roman  Literature,  §  220.  12-13. 

**  The  extant  statements  regarding  these  (especially  those  in  Pliny) 
have  been  collected  by  Riese,  Geographi  Latini  minor es  (1878),  pp.  1-8. 
Compare  also  his  Prolegom.  pp.  vii.-xvii. — The  principal  witness  is  Pliny, 
Hist.  Nat.  iii.  2.  17  :  "  Agrippam  quidera  intanta  viri  diligentia  praeterque 
in  hoc  opere  cura,  cum  orbem  terrarum  orbi  spectandum  propositurus 
esset,  errasse  quis  credat  ?  et  cum  eo  divum  Augustum  ?  Is  naraque  con- 
plexaui  eum  porticum  ex  destinatione  et  commentariis  M.  Agrippae  a 
Borore  ejus  inchoatam  peregit." — The  statements  in  Pliny  are  evidently 


118  THE  EOxMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

measurements  of  Agrippa  rest  upon  a  general  survey  of  the 
empire  undertaken  by  Augustus.  That  such  a  survey  was 
begun  as  early  as  the  times  of  Caesar,  and  was  completed 
under  Augustus,  is,  indeed,  affirmed  by  some  late  cosmo- 
graphers,  like  Julius  Honorius  and  Aethicus  Ister.  But  it  is 
questionable  whether  this  statement  is  derived  from  ancient 
sources.^*  And  even  if  Augustus  had  undertaken  a  general 
imperial  survey,  this,  evidently,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
census.  It  could  only  properly  have  to  do,  as  all  geographical- 
statistical  materials  of  the  following  period  show,  with  geo- 
graphical investigations,  and,  above  all,  with  the  measuring  of 
roads,  with  a  statement  of  distances  from  place  to  place. 

But  even  although  this  much  is  established  that,  apart 
from  Luke,  tliere  is  no  historical  evidence  of  a  general 
imperial  census  by  Augustus,  it  may  still  certainly  be  regarded 
as  a  possibility  that  Luke  alone  has  handed  down  to  us 
information  about  that  fact.  But  even  this  possibility  again 
would  require  to  be  stated  with  very  important  limitations. 
For  this  reason  chiefly  we  cannot  entertain  the  idea  of  an 
imperial  census,  but  at  most  only  a  census  of  the  provinces, 
because  in  any  case  Italy  would  have  to  be  excluded  (compare 
p.  108).  But  even  with  respect  to  the  provinces,  there  was 
this  great  difference  among  them,  that  some  were  administered 
by  Augustus  tlirough  his  legates,  others  by  the  Senate.  It  is 
scarcely  conceivable  that  the  shrewd  Augustus,  careful  to 
avoid  all  encroachments  on  the  rights  of  the  Senate,  should 
have  ordered  by  one  and  the  same  edict  a  census  of  the  same 

not  taken  from  the  map,  but  from  Agrippa's  commentarii.  See  Riese,  p.  i\. 
Yet  Detlefsen  still  seeks  to  prove  that  they  are  from  the  map. 

*^  The  texts  of  Julius  Honorius  and  Aethicus  Ister  are  given  in  Riese, 
Geograi)hi  Latini  minores  (1878),  pp.  21-55,  and  71-103.  The  statement 
about  the  imperial  survey  is  made  by  both  at  the  very  beginning. —  Julius 
Honorius  is  older  than  Cassiodorus.  But  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in 
the  Cod.  Parisin.  4808,  saec.  vi.,  which  contains  the  oldest  recension  of  his 
work  (in  Riese  distinguished  as  A),  the  statement  about  the  imperial  survey 
ia  wanting. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEIIOD,  119 

sort  for  his  provinces  and  for  those  of  the  Senate.*^     Besides 
this,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  we  know  definitely  of  some  pro- 

•*"  In  general  it  may  be  assumed  that  tlie  emperors  from  the  first  claimed 
the  right  of  arranging  for  valuation  censuses  even  in  senatorial  provinces. 
Dio  Cassius,  liii.  17,  reckons  as  a  matter  of  course  among  the  privileges  of 
the  emperors  that  they  di^oypot^px;  votovvrcit.  They  must  indeed  have 
reserved  this  right  to  themselves,  because  even  the  senatorial  provinces 
were  required  to  contribute  certain  dues  to  the  imperial  Jiscus,  and  so 
even  in  senatorial  provinces  there  were  imperial  procurators  (Marquardt, 
Bdmische  Staatsvenualtung,  i.  2  Aufl.  1881,  p.  555  f.).  But,  in  spite  of  the 
paucity  of  materials,  it  has  been  regarded  by  Mommsen  and  Hirschfeld 
worthy  of  remark  that  imperial  financial  officers  have  not  hitherto  been 
met  with  in  the  senatorial  provinces  throughout  the  first  century  of  the 
imperial  era.  Among  the  instances  brought  together  by  Marquardt,  ii. 
2  Aufl.  1884,  p.  216,  and  linger  (Leijrdger  Studien  zur  class.  Fhilol.  x. 
1887,  p.  1  ff".),  we  find  two  legati  ad  census  accipiendos  in  the  senatorial 
provinces,  one  in  Gallia  Narbonensis  (Unger,  n.  1  =  Orelli-Henzen, 
Liscr.  Lat.  n.  6453),  and  one  in  Macedonia  (Unger,  n.  6  =  Corpus 
Inscr.  Lat  t.  iii.  n.  1463).  But  the  former  was  the  regular  proconsul 
appointed  by  the  Senate,  and  had  been  as  such  appointed  by  tlie  emperor 
to  draw  up  the  census  ;  in  the  case  of  the  other,  who,  in  the  abbreviated 
title,  is  only  called  cens{itor)  provinciae  Macedoniae,  his  position  was 
probably  the  same  (so  Unger).  Besides,  the  inscription  belongs  only  to 
the  second  century.  An  imperial  procurator  ad  census  accipiendos  Mace- 
doniae (therefore  in  a  senatorial  province  alongside  of  the  proconsul)  is 
met  with  on  an  inscription  at  Thysdrus  in  Africa  (Unger,  n.  31  —  Corpus 
Inscr.  Lat.  t.  viii.  n.  10,500).  But  this  one  also  has  its  origin  only  in 
the  second  century  (Unger,  p.  58  sq.).  Great  weight  should  not  indeed 
be  laid  upon  these  facts,  for  it  is  possible  that  even  to  the  imperial  pro- 
vinces the  same  principles  apply  :  namely,  that  in  the  earlier  days  of 
the  empire  the  governors  were  entrusted  with  the  getting  up  of  valuation 
returns,  and  only  in  later  times  were  special  census  officers  apjiointed 
alongside  of  the  governors  for  getting  them  up  (so  Unger  ;  compare  below, 
note  125).  The  main  point  is,  that  Augustus,  according  to  all  that  we 
know  of  him,  aimed  at  making  it  appear  that  the  senatorial  provinces 
were  independent. — Compare  generally  on  the  imperial  right  to  making 
a  census  in  the  senatorial  provinces  (and,  at  the  same  time,  against  the 
idea  of  an  imperial  census  under  Augustus)  :  Mommsen,  Eomisches 
Staatsrecht,  1  Aufl.  ii.  1,  pp.  392-394,  ii.  2,  p.  945  f.  ;  Hirschfeld, 
Untersuchunfien  auf  dem  Gebiete  der  romischen  Verwaltungsgeschichte,  Bd.  i. 
1887,  pp.  17-19 ;  Unger,  Leipziger  Studien,  x.  pp.  48-59.  Hirschfeld 
holds  that  it  is  quite  probable  "  that  in  the  Augustan  constitution  this 
sovereign  right  had  been  bestowed  upon  the  Senate  in  its  provinces  and  in 
Italy,"  p.  17. 


120  THE  ROMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

vinces  that  in  the  time  of  Augustus  no  Eoman  census  had 
"been  made  in  them.*^  The  conclusion  which  we  reach  then 
is  simply  this,  that  in  the  time  of  Augustus  valuation  censuses 
had  been  made  in  many  provinces.*^  And  this  is  quite  likely, 
since  the  need  for  such  must  have  been  keenly  felt  after  the 
confusions  of  the  civil  war,  and  Augustus  regarded  it  as  his 
special  task  to  restore  matters  to  an  orderly  condition. 
Zumpt  lays  great  stress  also  upon  the  fact  that  the  juristic 
sources  from  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  after  Christ 
{Digest.  L.  15)  already  presuppose  a  great  uniformity  in 
reference  to  the  matter  of  the  valuation  census.*^  But  there 
is  nothing  to  justify  us  in  carrying  that  unification  back  to 
Augustus. 

But  a  further  remark  on  the  narrative  of  Luke  is : 

II.  Under  a  Eoman  census,  Joseph  would  not  have  been 
obliged  to  travel  to  Bethlehem,  and  Mary  would  not  have 
required  to  accompany  him  thither. 

Apologetical :  Huschke,  Census  zur  Zeit  des  Geburts  Jesu 
Christi,  pp.  116-125  ;  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis, 
pp.  92-95;  Beitrdge,  pp.  65-69,  46-49;  Zumpt,  Gehurtsjahr 
Christi,  pp.  193-196,  203  f. 

In  a  Eoman  census  the  landed  property  had  to  be  registered 
for  taxation  in  the  commune  in  whose  territory  it  lay  (see 
above,  p.  111).  For  the  rest,  the  person  to  be  taxed  had  to 
enrol  his  name  in  the  census  at  his  dwelling-place,  or  at  the 

'"'  Zumpt,  Gehurtsjahr  Christi,  p.  176  f. 

*^  In  all  essential  points  Zumpt  agrees  with  this  view  (compare 
Gehurtsjahr,  pp.  147  f.,  163  ff.,  211  f.),  only  that  he  goes  back  to  an  edict 
for  authority  for  provincial  valuations  of  different  sorts  and  made  at 
different  times.  So,  too,  Marquardt,  Eomische  Staatsvenvaltung,  ii.  204  ff.  ; 
Lecoultre,  De  censu  Quiriniano,  p.  28  sqq.,  and  Aberle,  who  does  not 
assume  an  edict,  but  only  a  decree  of  Augustus  {Theolog.  Quartalschrift, 
1874,  p.  664  ff.).  The  idea  of  an  imperial  census,  which  they  avowedly 
advocate,  is  thus  practically  abandoned. 

*'  Zumpt,  Gehurtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  156-160. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  121 

chief  town  of  the  taxation  district  within  which  he  resided. 
When,  on  the  other  hand,  Luke  tells  that  Joseph  travelled  to 
Bethlehem,  because  he  was  of  the  house  of  David,  it  is 
assumed  that  the  preparation  of  the  taxation  lists  had  been 
made  according  to  tribes,  generations,  and  families,  which  was 
by  no  means  the  Eomau  custom.  It  is  therefore  usually 
conjectured  (as  is  done  even  by  Wieseler  and  Zurapt)  that  in 
that  census  a  concession  had  been  made  to  the  custom  of  the 
Jews.  Now  it  is  quite  correct  that  the  Eomans  in  measures 
of  that  kind  frequently  conformed  to  existing  institutions. 
But  in  this  particular  case  such  a  concession  as  that  referred 
to  would  have  been  very  remarkable,  since  this  method  of 
conducting  the  census  would  be  much  more  troublesome,  and 
would  lead  to  much  greater  inconvenience  than  the  Eoman 
plan.  It  is  also  extremely  questionable  whether  a  registration 
according  to  families  and  generations  was  any  longer  possible, 
since  in  regard  to  many  it  could  not  now  be  proved  whether 
they  belonged  to  this  family  or  to  that.^°  It  is  further 
remarkable  that  Luke  makes  it  appear  as  if  Mary  had  been 
obliged  to  ti\ivel  with  Joseph  in  order  to  be  taxed  (ver.  5  : 
airoypd-ylraaOai  crvv  Mapiafi).  No  such  requirement  could 
have  been  made  by  a  Eoman  census.  For  although  women 
also  were  liable  for  the  poll-tax  (see  above,  p.  Ill),  they  were 
not  accustomed  to  appear  personally  at  a  census,^^  since  the 
particulars  required,  as  may  be  concluded  from  the  analogy  of 
the  old  Eoman  census,  could  have  been  supplied  by  the 
father  of  the  family. 

'>"  See  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  252.  The  15th  Ab,  on  which,  according  to  the 
Mishna,  Taanith  iv.  5,  "those  of  unknown  descent"  brought  the  wood  for 
the  altar  of  burnt-offering,  is  elsewhere  designated  as  the  day  of  the 
general  wood  bringing.  Only  particular  tribal  houses  brought  it  on 
special  days.  With  these  tribal  houses  are  also  related  the  remnants  of  a 
register  of  generations  still  continued  down  to  the  times  of  Christ  (Div.  II. 
vol.  i.  p.  219  f.). 

**  As  is  still  assumed  by  Wieseler,  Beitrdge,  pp.  46-49,  and  Zumpt, 
O'ebart^ahr  Christi,  p.  203  f. 


122  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

III.  A  Eoman  census  could  not  have  been  made  in  Pales- 
tine during  the  time  of  King  Herod. 

Apologetical :  Huschke,  Census  zur  Zeit  des  Geburis  Jesxi 
Christi,  pp.  99-116  ;  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis,  pp. 
82-92 ;  Beitrdge,  pp.  79-94 ;  Zumpt,  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp. 
178-186,  212  f. 

"When  Quirinius  in  a.d.  7  undertook  to  make  a  census  in 
Judea,  this  was  quite  in  order;  for  Judea  had  then  been 
converted  into  a  Eoman  province.  On  the  other  hand,  Luke 
would  have  us  believe  that  a  Eoman  census  had  been  made 
in  Palestine,  at  a  time  when  Palestine,  under  Herod  the 
Great,  was  still  an  independent  kingdom,  though  under  the 
suzerainty  of  Eome.  After  all  that  we  have  come  to  know 
about  the  position  of  the  regcs  socii  toward  the  Eoman s,  and 
especially  in  regard  to  the  position  of  Herod,  this  seems 
impossible.  Pompey  had  indeed  laid  the  land  of  Judea  under 
tribute ;  ^^  and  Caesar  had  rearranged  the  system  of  taxation 
by  means  of  a  series  of  edicts.^^  Even  Antony  had  imposed 
upon  Herod  a  tribute  when  he  appointed  him  king.^*  But 
even  granting  that  Herod  had  continued  to  pay  this  tribute 
under  Augustus,  it  could  not  even  then  be  supposed  that  a 
Eoman  valuation  census  should  have  been  made  in  his 
country.  Such  an  arrangement  in  regard  to  the  internal 
administration  might  indeed  have  been  ordered  in  Palestine 
after  it  had  become  a  province,  but  not  so  long  as  it  was  the 
territory  of  a  rex  socius. 

In  order  to  make  the  matter  conceivable  an  attempt  has 
been  made  to  point  out  similar  cases,  in  which  presumably 
in  the  domain  of  a  rex  socius  a  Eoman  census  was  made. 
Thus    reference   is   made   to  a   passage   in  Tacitus    about   a 

^2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  4.  4 ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  7.  6. 

^3  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  10.  6.     Compare  also  above,  vol.  i.  p.  379. 

^*  Appiau,  Civ.  v.  75  :  hryi  Ss  ttj  kuI  (ixai'Ki*;,  ov;  loKifiikattsv,  ivl  <p6pot; 
dpx  TSTctyfieyoig,  TLovrov  fcsv  Axpuou  rov  <PxpvxKovs  rav  'Midpihxrov,  iSoi/- 
fixiu'j  3e  Kxl  'S.Xfixpicjy  'Upa^i^i/,  x.t.X. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  123 

census  undertaken  among  the  Clitae ;  ^^  Tacitus,  Annals,  vi. 
41  :  "  Per  idem  tempus  Clitarum  natio  Cappadoci  Arclielao 
subiecta,  quia  nostrum  in  modum  deferre  census,  pati  tributa 
adigebatur,  in  iuga  Tauri  montis  abscessit  locorumque  ingenio 
sese  contra  imbelles  regis  copias  tutabatur."  But  it  is  not 
here  said  that  in  the  domains  of  King  Archelaus  a  Eoman 
census  had  been  made,  but  only  that  Archelaus  had  wished 
to  make  a  census  according  to  the  Eoman  custom  {nostrum 
in  modum)  among  the  Clitae  who  were  subject  to  him,''^''- — - 
Zumpt  is  of  opinion  that  in  the  revolt  of  Judas  of  Galilee  on 
the  occasion  of  the  census  of  Quirinius  in  a.d.  7,  he  has 
obtained  a  proof  that  this  census  extended  not  only  over 
the  territory  of  Archelaus  (Judea  and  Samaria),  then  made 
into  a  province,  but  also  over  Galilee,  since  that  revolutionary 
chief  must  have  received  his  designation  from  the  scene  of 
his  operations.^^  But  Josephus  mentions  expressly  only  the 
territory  of  Archelaus  as  that  to  which  the  census  applied  ;''^ 

^^  Huschke,  Census  zur  Zeit  der  Geburt  Jesu  Christi,  pp.  102-104 ; 
Wieseler,  Chronological  Sxjnoi^sis,  p.  83 ;  Beitriige,  p.  94. 

*^  Archelaus  is  probably  a  son  of  the  one  named  above  in  vol.  i.  p.  456. 
Another  view,  but  one  that  can  scarcely  be  correct,  is  given  by  Zumpt, 
Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  182-184. 

^''  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  p.  191,  note. — On  the  designation  of  Judas  a.s 
Galilean,  see  Ajttiq.  xviii.  1.  6  :  6  Yx'Ai'Kxlo;  'lovlx;  ;  xx.  5.  2  :  'lovox  toD 
Yot.>^i'hceiov ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  8.  1  :  t/;  dvvip  Tx'ht'Ka.'iog  'lovhu;;  ii.  17.8  : 
lov<)ci,  Toi  KxXouf<,ivov  FaAiXciiou ;  Acts  of  Apostles  v.  37:  'lovlx;  o 
Yoc.'hi'hou'j:. 

^^  Josephus,  Autiq^.  xviii.  1.  1  :  Trap-^;/  Ss  kuI  Kvp'Jiviog  ii;  r^v  'lovlxi'uv, 
irpaaSyiKviu  t^j  Ivpixg  yivofiii/iju,  xTrortfiYioof^iyo;  re  xvrau  rx;  ovat'xs  xxl 
ccTToOuiTo/niuo;  rx  'Apxy)>.xov  xpvy-ot'Tx. — Shortly  before  Josephus  says,  xvii. 
13.  5  :  TTtf^Tirxi  Kvpyjuio;  vro  Kxiaxpo;,  ccwnp  V77xrix,6g,  »voTi/nyn6f/,i:/og  r» 
iv  'S.vpix  Kxl  rciv  ' Apx.i'hxov  xTroho^aof^iuo;  oIkov.  In  fact,  Quirinius  did 
make  valuation  returns,  not  only  in  Judea,  but  also  elsewhere  in  Syria,  as 
the  inscription  of  Q.  Aemilius  Secundus,  which  in  earlier  times  was 
erroneously  treated  as  spurious,  proved,  according  to  which  Secundus  by 
the  order  of  Quirinius  made  a  census  at  Apamea.  See  above,  vol.  i. 
p.  357.  But  of  the  Palestinian  districts  Jaseplius  distinctly  names  only 
tliose  that  were  tlien  included  in  the  province.— It  is  also  to  be  observed 
that  the  Pharisees  who  put  the  question  to  Jesus  about  the  tribute  money 


124  THE  ROMAN-IIEEODIAN  AGE. 

and  the  designation  of  Judas  as  the  Galilean  is,  on  the 
contrary,  to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  Judas,  belonging 
to  Gamala  in  Gaulanitis,*^  which  may  readily  be  reckoned  to 
Galilee  in  the  wider  sense,  organized  this  revolt,  not  in 
Galilee  but  in  Judea,  and  was  now  named  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Judea  after  his  native  country,  "  the  Galilean."  ^° 

In  order  to  prove  the  subject  position  of  Herod  and  the 
consequent  possibility  of  a  Eoman  census  in  his  domains,  it 
has  been  pointed  out  that  he  was  not  allowed  independently  to 
declare  war;^^  that  he  besought  permission  of  the  emperor  for 
the  execution  of  his  son ;  ^^  that  his  subjects  also  had  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor ;  ^^  that  his  will  required 
the  emperor's  confirmation ;  ®^  yea,  even  the  wrestling  games 
in  honour  of  Augustus  and  the  temples  erected  to  the 
emperor  are  requisitioned  to  aid  the  proof  of  the  possibility 
of  a  census.®""  As  if  any  one  ever  had  supposed  anything 
else  but  that  the  Jewish  vassal  kings  were  undoubtedly 
dependent  upon  the  Eoman  emperor.  Even  from  the  Jewish 
coins  Wieseler  thinks  that  he  can  gather  material  for  the 
vindication  of  Luke.®®  In  regard  to  this  it  is  eminently  deserv- 
ing of  notice  that  there  are  Palestinian  coins  of  Augustus 
with  the  year  numbers  33,  36,  39,  40,  41,  which,  reckon- 
ing according  to  the  Actian  era  of  a.u.c.  723,  would  belong 

are  those  of  Judea  (Matt.  xxii.  17  ;  Mark  xii.  14  ;  Luke  xx.  22).  Galilee 
at  that  time  paid  no  xiivao;  or  (p6po<;. 

*^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  1.  1. 

^<*  That  this  is  correct  is  made  quite  evident,  especially  from  Wars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  8.  1,  where  Judas  is  called  civrip  TuTity^eiio;,  •which  can  mean 
nothing  else  than  a  native  of  Galilee. 

^1  Josephus,  A7itiq.  xvi.  9.  3. 

^*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvi.  10-11,  xvii.  5.  7,  xvii.  7. 

'^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  2.  4.  Compare  on  this  oath,  ahove,  vol.  i. 
p.  445.  It  had,  as  one  may  conclude,  according  to  the  analogy  of  the 
oath  formula  of  Assus,  not  the  form  of  the  oath  of  a  subject,  hut  that  of 
a  confederate. 

"*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  8.  4,  11.  4-5. 

6*  Wieseler,  Beitrage,  pp.  90-92.  ««  Beitrage,  pp.  83-89. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  IIEIIOD.  125 

to  the  age  of  Arche]aus,  therefore  to  the  time  when  Judea  was 
still  under  native  princes.  But  these  numbers  are  probably 
to  be  reckoned  according  to  the  Augustan  era  of  1st  January 
A.u.c.  727,  according  to  which  the  year  33  would  correspond 
to  A.u.c.  759.^ — It  is  quite  irrelevant  when  reference  is  made 
to  the  fact  that  Augustus  enrolled  Herod  among  "  the  pro- 
curators of  Syria,  and  commanded  that  everything  should  be 
done  in  accordance  with  his  judgment ; "  *^  for  from  this  it 
follows,  not  that  Herod  occupied  the  position  of  a  subject,^^ 
but,  on  the  contrary,  one  of  high  trust  on  the  part  of  his 
patrons  and  friends.  A  similar  explanation  may  also  be 
given  of  the  threat  once  uttered  by  Augustus  under  extreme 
provocation  when  he  said  {Antiq.  xvi.  9.  3)  that  "  whereas  of 
old  he  had  used  him  as  his  friend,  he  should  now  use  him  as 
his  subject,"  on  irakai,  ■^p(o/jLevo<;  avrw  <^l\<p,  vvv  vTrrjKoo) 
')(^priaeTai.  Wieseler,  by  a  rare  style  of  reasoning,  seeks  to 
twist  this  also  into  a  support  for  his  theory.'"  An  exact 
definition  of  the  position  of  Herod  in  the  sight  of  the  civil 
law  is  certainly  not  easily  given,  since  Josephus,  where  one 
would  naturally  look  for  an  explanation,  omits  all  reference 
to  the  question.'^^  In  a.d,  30  Herod  was  by  a  decree  of  the 
Senate  anew  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  his  kingdom.^^ 
But  in  regard  to  the  contents  of  that  decree  Josephus  gives 
us    no    details.      Even     the    remark    of   Dio    Cassius,    that 

«^  Compare  on  these  coins,  above,  at  p.  77,  and  the  literature  given 
there. — The  year  numbers  given  as  30,  31,  34,  35  are  uncertain  ;  the  first 
two  being  decidedly  doubtful. 

*'*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  10.  3  :  iyxxTxi^tyvviTt  8'  ainov  xxl  to??  ivnpoTr. 
ivovai  TJjj  l.vpi'xc,  iHTiiT^aftevoi  /hitx  tjjj  ix.itt/ov  yuufiri;  rx  ttxi/tx  Trotelu. 
Somewhat  differently  in  fVars  of  the  Jews.  i.  20.  4  :  Kxriarme  oi  xvrov  y,xl 
'^vpixg  o'h/]';  STTtrpoTc^ou — ,  if  jtt/jOei/  i^n'ri  OtxenTii:  ixiivov  avfil3ov7^tx;  rot;  STrirpo- 
•zoi:  ItoiKeJu. — Compare  in  addition  what  is  said  above  in  vol.  i.  p.  453. 

•■•'•*  As  Wieseler  still  holds  in  Bcitrage,  p.  89  f. 

''^  Chronological  Synopsis,  p.  85  ;  Beitrcige,  p.  83. 

^i  Compare  on  the  position  of  reges  socii  under  the  civil  constitution, 
what  is  said  above  in  vol.  i.  p.  448. 

"  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  6.  7.     Compare  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  20.  2-3. 


126  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Augustus,  when,  in  a.d,  20,  he  made  definite  arrangements 
for  regulating  affairs  in  Syria,  "  arranged  the  subject  domain 
according  to  the  Koman  method,  but  allowed  the  confederate 
princes  to  rule  according  to  the  customs  of  their  fathers,"  " 
is  too  general  to  permit  any  very  definite  conclusion  to  be 
drawn  from  it.  It  is  at  least  not  favourable  to  the  idea  of 
a  Eoman  census  in  the  domains  of  Herod.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  the  expressions  with  which  Josephus  describes  the 
conversion  of  Judea  into  a  province.  They  prove  satis- 
factorily that,  in  the  opinion  of  Josephus,  Judea  was  then  for 
the  first  time  made  into  a  Eoman  territory  subject  to  the 
Eomans.'* 

Beyond  the  range  of  these  general  remarks  we  are  carried 
by  a  consideration  of  the  taxation  system  in  the  time  of 
Herod,  in  so  far  as  we  are  informed  by  Josephus.  Here 
we  find  throughout  that  Herod  acted  independently  with 
reference  to  the  taxes,  and  there  is  no  sign  of  his  paying  any 
of  the  dues  to  the  Eomans.  Herod  remits  sometimes  a 
third,^^  sometimes  a  fourth  "^  of  the  taxes.  He  even  frees 
the  Jewish  colony  in  Batanea  from  payment  of  all  taxes  of 
every  kind.^^  After  his  death  the  Jews  obtain  from 
Archelaus  a  reduction  of  the  oppressive  taxation,  which 
was  therefore  at  the  disposal  also  of  Archelaus;^®  and  the 

'3  Dio  Cassias,  liv.  9:  O  os  Aiiyovaroi  to  /hsv  vttyjkoov  x-octix,  tx.  tuv 
Fufiuiai/  'idri  diux,s(,  to  6s  iuaT^ouQov  tu  vctTpiu  a(piai  t/ioww  t'ict 
oipXi<fSa.t. 

''■'  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  5  :  Tijf  'Apxty^dtov  x'^'P"^?  C-Tcon'Kov;  -Tzpoavi- 
(/.YiSiiari;  Tri  'S.vpiau. — Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  8.  1 :  riis  ^Apxsy^»ov  xiwpa;  iig 
i-a-ctpx'oti'  Trspt-/px(pei(iYii.  —  IVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  1:  tjjj  'ApxO^otov 
i6vctpxictg  y-iTOL-Kiaovatii  ilg  ivoipxiccv. — Antiq.  xviii.  4.  3  :  ov  (Archelai) 
Fcj/nuiot  '7roipot.ot^u,y,iuot  t'/Ji/  clpx'^"- 

"*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  10.  4.  ^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  x\i.  2.  5. 

''  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  2.  1  :  ATt'K'i^  n  tviv  x^P'^"  i'^ny/i'^'^^iTo,  Kcci 
uiiTOVi   tiij<Pop6iv  dxriTi.'Ka.'yfiSvovi  a.'Troiauv. 

'•^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  8.  4.— Wieseler  is  indeed  acute  enough  to  make 
the  tax  about  which  the  Jews  complained  into  a  Roman  one ;  Chrono- 
logical Synopsis,  p.  90  ;  Beitrage,  p.  98  f. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEEOU.  127 

Jewish  deputation  at  Eome  complained  of  the  burdensome 
taxes  under  Herod,  in  order  to  base  upon  this  their  request 
that  Palastine  should  not  again  be  put  under  the  rule  of  a 
Herodian.  But  there  is  no  mention  of  a  Eoman  tax,"^  We 
have  seen  then  that  Herod  dealt  quite  unrestrictedly  with  the 
taxation  system  of  Palestine.  It  will  therefore  in  any  case, 
even  if  Herod  should  have  paid  tribute  to  the  Romans,  be 
quite  correct  to  aflirm  that  a  Pioman  census  and  a  Pioman 
system  of  taxation  could  not  have  been  introduced  in  his 
country.^" 

IV.  Josephus  knows  nothing  of  a  lioman  census  in  Pales- 
tine in  the  time  of  Herod :  speaks  rather  of  the  census  of 
A.D.  7  as  something  new  and  previously  unheard  of. 

Apologetical :  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis,  pp.  86-92 ; 
Beitrdge,  pp.  94-104. 

In  the  attempt  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  argumentum  e 
silentio  drawn  from  Josephus,  two  different  courses  have  been 

'^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  11.  2. 

^^  The  question  whether  Herod  paid  a  tribute  to  the  Romans  is 
immaterial  for  the  matter  now  under  consideration  as  to  the  possibility 
of  a  Roman  census  ;  for  the  payment  of  a  lump  sum  as  tribute  is  some- 
thing quite  different  from  the  direct  taxation  of  the  individual  inhabit- 
ants of  the  country  on  the  part  of  the  Romans.  But  even  the  idea  of 
Herod  being  under  tribute  is  not  probable,  at  least  there  is  no  proof  of  it. 
That  Antony  imposed  a  tribute  upon  Herod  (Appian,  Civ.  v.  75,  see 
above,  p.  122),  proves  nothing  in  regard  to  the  time  of  Augustus.  When 
it  is  said  of  Caligula  that  he,  on  the  reinstatement  of  kings  in  the 
lealras  of  their  fathers,  granted  to  them  "the  full  enjoyment  of  the 
revenues  and  also  what  was  due  for  the  intervening  vacancy  during  which 
the  kingdom  was  in  abeyance"  (Suetonius,  Caligula,  16  :  "siquibus  regna 
restituit,  adjecit  et  fructum  omnem  vectigaliorum  et  reditum  medii 
temporis  "),  we  are  not  to  conclude  from  this  that  always  under  other  rulers 
the  contrary  in  both  cases  was  the  rule.  For  Suetonius  does  not  intend 
in  this  to  point  out  a  special  instance  of  folly,  but  an  instance  of  good 
conduct  on  the  part  of  Caligula.  What  was  extraordinary  was  only 
indeed  the  repayment  of  the  reditus  medii  temporis.  We  see,  however, 
from  this  passage  that  there  was  in  these  matters  no  very  strict  rule  of 


128  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAX  AGE. 

taken  :  some  have  endeavoured  to  discover  even  in  Joseplius 
traces  of  a  Eoman  census  in  the  time  of  Herod ;  others  have 
denied  that  the  silence  of  Josephus  proves  anything. 

Wieseler  is  of  opinion  that  he  has  found  a  trace  of  that 
sort  in  the  revolt  of  Judas  and  Matthias  shortly  before  the 
death  of  Herod,*^  the  cause  of  which  is  said  to  have  been 
the  taking  of  a  census ;  whereas  Josephus  as  clearly  as  possible 
assigns  a  cause  of  an  altogether  different  kind.^^  Another 
trace  is  supposed  to  be  found  in  the  detailed  reports  of  the 
large  amount  of  the  revenues  of  Judea,  Galilee,  and  Tracho- 
nitis,  which  are  given  by  Josephus  in  his  account  of  the 
partition  of  Palestine  among  Herod's  three  sons ;  ^^  as  if  in 
order  to  know  the  amount  of  these  rents  it  would  have  been 
necessary  to  have  a  census  of  the  purely  Eoman  kind.  It  is 
a  fact  far  more  worthy  of  consideration  that  on  the  occasion 
of  that  partition  Augustus  laid  down  the  condition  that  the 
rate  of  taxation  of  the  Samaritans  should  be  reduced  one- 
fourth,  since  they  had  not  taken  part  in  the  war  against 
Varus.^  This  is  worthy  of  attention,  because  it  is  the  only 
instance  of  an  interference  on  the  part  of  the  emperor  in  the 
matter  of  the  taxation  of  Judea  prior  to  its  being  made  into  a 
Roman  province.  But  certainly  we  cannot  deduce  from  it 
the  conclusion  which  Wieseler  ^^  wislies  to  draw,  that  here  we 
have  to  do  with  a  Eoman  tax.      On  the  contrary,  the  matter 

procedure.  But  seeing  that  there  were  xo'Km;  »vr6va[4,oi  n  kuI  (J)6Zpv 
ocnMl;  (Appian,  Civ.  i.  102),  it  is  not  probable  that  kings  were  in  general 
placed  in  a  worse  position.  Compare  generally  the  literature  given  above 
in  vol.  i.  p.  448. 

81  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  6.  2.  Compare  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis, 
pp.  88-92  ;  Beitrcige,  pp.  98-104. 

82  See  above,  vol.  i.  p.  463.  • 

83  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  11.  4 ;  TFars  of  the  Jexos,  ii.  6.  3.  Compare 
Wieseler,  Beitrcige,  p.  99. 

8*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  4.  4 :  TiTuprov  /^ipov;  ovtoi  tuv  (popav  xxpx- 
>g'Xt/:/TO,  Kxlaapos  avroli  x.ov(ptaiv  •4'Yi(piact/iiivov  Oioi  to  jMSJ  (rvvccTroar^vaii  tw 
Tio/tJ)  'TT'hYiSvi.     Compare  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3. 

85  Beitrcige,  p.  99. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  129 

treated  of  throughout  is  only  the  revenues  of  the  native 
princes,  Archelaus,  Antipas,  and  Philip ;  and  the  mere 
absence  of  any  reference  in  this  place  to  a  Eoman  tax 
speaks  strongly  in  favour  of  the  idea  that  no  such  tax  was 
then  paid, — Finally,  the  argumentation  is  particularly  acute, 
by  means  of  which  Zumpt  has  discovered  in  Josephus  the 
sought  for  census,  prior  to  the  acknowledged  one  of  a.d.  7. 
He  says  ^^  that  from  the  account  of  Josephus  with  reference 
to  the  census  of  a.d.  V,  it  follows  "  that  Quirinius  then  only 
taxed  the  property  of  the  Jews,  therefore  those  who  were 
poor  and  without  property  were  not  taken  into  consideration," 
But  now  since  the  poll-tax  existing  in  the  time  of  Christ 
presupposes  also  a  list  of  those  without  property,  such  a  list 
must  have  been  drawn  up  previously,  even  under  Herod. 
In  reference  to  this  statement  there  are  only  three  things  that 
require  to  be  proved:  (1)  that  Quirinius  taxed  "only  the 
property  "  of  the  Jews  ;  (2)  that  in  Palestine  in  the  time  of 
Christ  a  poll-tax  was  in  force  even  for  those  without  pro- 
perty ;^^  and  (3)  that  this  poll-tax  had  been  introduced  as 
early  as  in  the  time  of  Herod. 

In  reality,  then,  Josephus  knows  nothing  of  a  Eoman 
census  in  the  time  of  Herod.  We  may  not  indeed  be 
inclined  ordinarily  to  lay  any  weight  on  argumcnta  e  silent io  ; 
but  in  this  case  the  argument  is  of  some  importance.  In  regard 
to  no  other  period  is  Josephus  so  well  informed,  in  regard  to 
none  is  his  narrative  so  full,  as  in  regard  to  the  last  years  of 
Herod.  It  is  scarcely  conceivable  that  a  measure  so  calculated 
to  cut  into  the  very  marrow  of  the  people  as  a  Eoman  census  of 
that  period  should  have  been  passed  over  by  him,  while  he 
faithfully  describes  the  census  of  a,d.  7,  which  occurred  in  a 

*^  Gehurtsjahr  CJiristi,  p.  201  f. 

^^  According  to  Appian,  Syr.  50  (see  above,  p.  110),  it  seems  rather 
that  the  poll-tax  in  Syria  existed  only  in  the  form  of  an  income- 
tax. 

DIV.  I,  VOL.  II,  I 


130  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

period  of  which  Josephus  knew  practically  nothing.^  It 
ought  also  to  be  remembered  that  a  Eoman  census  could  not 
have  passed  off  without  leaving  any  trace  behind,  but  must 
have  occasioned  a  rebellion  as  well  as  that  of  a.d,  7,  yea, 
much  more,  because  in  this  case  the  latter  would  have  been 
nothing  new.  The  latter  argument,  indeed,  Zumpt  thinks  to 
invalidate  by  making  the  census  in  the  time  of  Herod  into  an 
innocent  registration  (airoypacf)')])  of  the  people  for  the  purpose 
of  the  poll-tax,  whereas  the  census  of  a.d.  7  was  a  property 
valuation  {air  or  (fir]  a  l<;),  and  just  for  that  reason  was  so 
offensive.^ — The  poll-tax  had  to  be  paid  as  tribute  to  the 
lioraans,  whereas  the  expenses  of  the  internal  government  of 
the  country  had  to  be  met  by  the  property-tax.^°  But  it  is  in 
contradiction  of  all  known  facts  that  the  tribute  to  be  paid 
to  the  Eomans  should  have  consisted  simply  in  a  poll-tax 
of  equal  amount  in  the  case  of  each  caput.  Appian  says 
expressly  that  the  Syrians  paid  a  poll-tax  of  one  per  cent, 
of  the  sum  of  the  valuation.®^  If,  therefore,  a  Eoman  tax  had 
been  imposed  throughout  Palestine,  it  would  certainly  not 
have  been  a  mere  poll-tax.  And  even  were  this  granted,  it 
would  still  be  a  Eoman  tax.  There  must  then  have  been  a 
numbering  of  the  people,  who  would  have  made  the  imposi- 
tion of  this,  just  as  much  as  a  valuation  census  of  the  people, 
the  occasion  of  a  tumult.  But,  finally,  that  distinction 
between  the  airoypac})'^  referred  to  by  Luke  ii.  2  and  the 
aTTOTiixrjai'i  of  A.D.  7  completely  breaks  down  before  the  fact 
that  the  latter  which  occasioned  the  revolt  of  Judas  of  Galilee 

**  Compare  above,  vol.  i.  pp.  88,  89. 

^^  So  also  Rodbertus  as  early  as  1865  in  Jahrbiicher  fur  NationaloJconomie 
und  StatistiJc,  v.  p.  155  ff. 

'"  Zumpt,  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  196-202.  Wieseler  also  bad  previously 
expressed  a  similar  opinion  (Chronological  Synopsis,  p.  96,  compare  p.  84  f., 
p.  90  f.),  whereas  subsequently  be  reverted  to  th-^  idea  of  a  poll-  and  land- 
tax  (Beitrage,  p.  98  ff.). 

^1  Appian,  Syi-.  50  (see  above,  p.  110).  Compare  also  the  grain  pro- 
duce of  Africa  and  Alexandria,  p.  110. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEKOD,  131 

is  referred  to  by  Luke  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  v.  37  in 
the  same  words  as  the  so-called  numbering  of  the  people  in 
the  time  of  Herod,  and  the  a7ro'ypa(f)7j  is  simply  mentioned  as 
an  evident  proof  that  he  means  in  both  passages  to  refer  to 
the  same  fact. 

The  most  decisive  argument,  however,  against  a  census  in  the 
time  of  Herod  is  this,  that  Josephus  characterizes  the  census 
of  A.D.  7  as  something  entirely  new  and  previously  unheard  of 
among  the  Jews.  When  we  find  Zumpt  attempting  to  repre- 
sent the  novelty  as  consisting  only  in  the  property  valuation 
(airorifiTjacs),  and  Wieseler  thinks  that  what  was  new  and 
offensive  lay  merely  in  the  form  of  the  valuation,  namely,  the 
judicial  examination  (^  aKp6aaL<i)  and  the  obligation  to  confirm 
their  depositions  before  a  heathen  tribunal  by  means  of  a 
definitely  prescribed  oath,^^  these  fine  distinctions,  which  may 
possibly  be  spun  out  of  the  story  in  the  Antiquities,  are  reduced 
to  nothing  when  we  turn  to  the  parallel  account  in  Wars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  8.  1,  where  Josephus  expressed  himself  as  follows  :  iirl 
rovrov  (under  Coponius)  rt?  avrjp  raXi\ato<;  'lovSa'i  ovofia 
et9  aTroaraaiv  ivrj'ye  rov<;  iTri'^coplov^,  KaKi^cov  el  (f)6pov  re 
Po)fj,aLOi<;  T€\elv  virop-evovat  Kol  fxera  top  6eov  OLaovai 
6vr}Tov<i  heaiTora'i.  The  offensive  thing,  therefore,  was  not  the 
taxing  of  property,  or  the  form  in  which  it  was  carried  out, 
but  the  Eoman  taxation  as  such.  This  is  also  the  assumption 
lying  at  the  basis  of  accounts  elsewhere  given  of  the  rebellion. 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  8.  1  :  ^lovha  tov  7r€iaavTo<;  'lovSatwv 
ouK  oXiyovi  .  .  .  yLtr;  TTOieladai  ra?  airo'ypa^d^  \  ii  17.  8: 
lovhalov^  6veiBiaa<i  ore  'PQ)fj,aiot<i  VTrerdo-aovTo  fiera  tov 
deov.  For  the  Eomans  at  all  to  raise  a  tax  in  Judea  was  a 
novum  et  inauditum.  Also  from  the  words  already  quoted 
"^  Beitrdije,  pp.  95-97  ;  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1875,  p.  546.  Compare 
Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  1.  1  :  iv  hiu^  (liooDn;  r*iu  tTrt  rctic  u7ro'ypa.<Pi!tli 
djcpoctaiu,  "  the  judicial  examination  in  connection  with  the  enrolments." 
Whether  this  translation  is  correct,  may  be  regarded  as  undecided.  It 
would  also  be  possible  to  render  dupoxuti  by  "obedience." 


132  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

above,  with  which  Josephus  tells  of  the  conversion  of  Judea 
into  a  province,  Antiq.  xvii.  13.  5  :  t?}?  he  'Apx^Xdov  X'^P"''^ 
v7roTe\ov<;  '7rpoavefxr]6eiar]<;  rfj  ^vpcov,  if  we  take  them 
exactly  we  shall  be  obliged  to  conclude  that  in  the  time  of 
Herod  and  Archelaus  no  taxes  were  paid  to  the  Eomans, 
For  if  it  was  only  after  the  banishment  of  Archelaus  that 
Judea  was  made  tributary,  it  follows  that  it  had  not  been  so 
previously.  The  same  conclusion  may  be  drawn  from  other 
two  passages.  The  tetrarchy  of  Philip  was  after  his  death 
added  by  Tiberius  to  the  province  of  Syria,  roy?  fiivTot 
^opovi  eKeXevae  avWeyofievov^  iv  rfj  rerpapx^a  ttj  eKelvov 
jevo/xevr]  KarariOeaOai  {Antiq.  xviii.  4.  6),  If  even  after  the 
death  of  Philip  no  taxes  flowed  from  his  tetrarchy  into  the 
Pcoman  fiscus,  much  less  would  this  have  been  the  case 
during  his  lifetime.  But  of  the  Jewish  colony  at  Batanea  on 
which  Herod  conferred  the  privilege  of  being  absolutely  free 
from  taxation  Josephus  reports  as  follows,  Antiq.  xvii.  2.  2  : 
'Ejevero  t)  ^wpa  a(f)o8pa  irokvdvO pwTro<;  uSela  rov  eVt  irdaiv 
dTekov<i.  '^A  7rape/M€tV6V  avrolf  HpwBov  ^covro'i'  ^tXiTTTTo? 
Se  BevTepo<;  eKeivov  irapdka^oov  Ti]v  dpj(iiv  oXcja  re  koX  eV 
oXijov  avrov^  eirpa^aro.  AypL7r7ra<i  /xevroi  <ye  6  fxija'^  Kal 
0  Irak's  avrov  Kal  opbcovvfio'^  Kal  iravv  €^6Tpvx(ocrav  avrov^, 
oif  fxevrot  rd  t?}?  iXevOepias  Kiveiv  rjOeXrjaav.  JJap'  &v 
'Pcofiatoi  Se^dfj,€vot  rrjv  dp-^^W  '^^^  M^  eXevOepov  Kal  avrol 
rrjpovai  rrjv  d^lcccnv,  €7ri/3oXa2<;  Be  rwv  (popwv  et?  to  irdixirav 
eiriecrav  avrom.  It  is  thus  made  quite  evident  that  the 
raising  of  a  Eoman  tax  in  that  district  began  only  when  it 
was  no  longer  ruled  over  by  its  own  princes,  whereas  under 
Herod  the  Great,  Philip,  Agrippa  I.,  and  Agrippa  IL,  these 
taxes  were  raised  or  not  raised  at  the  pleasure  of  the  prince. 

From  all  that  we  have  learned,  then,  the  conclusion  is 
Eoman  taxes  could  not  possibly  have  been  raised  in  Palestine 
in  the  time  of  Herod,  and  with  this  result  the  Eoman  census 
as  a  matter  of  course  falls  to  the  ground. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  133 

But,  finally,  the  main  consideration  that  tells  against  the 
account  of  Luke  is  : 

V.  A  census  held  under  Quirinius  could  not  have  occurred 
in  the  time  of  Herod,  for  Quirinius  was  never  governor  of 
Syria  during  the  lifetime  of  Herod. 

Not  only  Matt.  ii.  1  ff.,  but  also  Luke  i.  5,  assumes  that 
Jesus  was  born  during  the  lifetime  of  Herod.  He  therefore 
undoubtedly  yjlaces  the  census  referred  to  by  him  in  the  period 
of  Herod's  reign.  But  he  also  says  expressly  that  the  census 
had  been  made  riyefiovevovro^  t?}?  XvpLa<;  Kvprjviov,  which  can 
mean  notliing  else  than  this,  that  it  took  place  "  while  Quir- 
inius had  the  supreme  command  in  Syria,"  i.e.  when  he  was 
governor  of  Syria.^^  Now  we  know  indeed  that  Quirinius 
arrived  in  Syria  as  governor  in  a.d.  6,  and  that  he  had  been  in 
possession  of  the  same  office  even  earlier,  in  B.C.  3-2.  But 
in  the  time  of  Herod  he  cannot  have  been  governor ;  for  from 
B.C.  9—6  this  office  was  held  by  Sentius  Saturninus,  from  B.C. 
6-4  by  Qninctilius  Varus.  The  latter  had  to  suppress  the 
revolt  which  broke  out  in  Palestine  after  the  death  of  Herod, 
and  was,  therefore,  in  Syria  at  least  half  a  year  after  Herod's 
death.  But  the  predecessor  of  Saturninus  was  Titius.^*  Thus 
during  the  last  five  or  six  years  of  Herod,  and  it  is  only  in 
regard  to  them  that  there  can  be  any  question  here,  there  is 
absolutely  no  room  for  Quirinius. 

This  point  has  caused  most  trouble  to  the  vindicators  of 
Luke ;  and  their  opinions,  which  hitherto  have  been  tolerably 
unanimous,  now  go  very  far  apart  from  one  another.  We 
pass  over  the  older  attempts  at  solution,  for  the  most  part  of 
a  most  arbitrary  description  (some  even  venturing  upon  the 
boldest  alterations  of  the  text),  and  restrict  ourselves   to  a 

*■'  The  official  title  is,  Icgatus  Augusti  j'fi'o  praetore.     See  above,  vol.  i.  p. 
348. 

^*  For  proofy,  see  above,  vol.  i.  p.  350. 


134  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

statement  only  of  those  which  have  their  representatives  in 
the  present  day.^^ 

1.  Lutteroth,  in  order  thoroughly  to  set  aside  the  above 
stated  exefTctical  facts,  has  devised  the  followincj  oriirinal 
explanation.  He  says :  ^®  When  it  is  said  of  John  the  Baptist 
in  Luke  i.  80,  that  he  was  in  the  deserts  ew?  r)fiepa<i  ava- 
Se/fea)?  avrov  irpb'i  rov  ^laparfK,  by  aj/aSetfi?  is  to  be  under- 
stood, not  his  public  appearance  as  a  preacher  of  repentance,  but 
his  presentation  before  the  people  as  a  child  of  twelve  years, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  law.  At  this  point  of  time 
the  following  statement  falls  to  be  inserted,  that  ev  rah 
7]p,epaL<;  iKeivaa  was  issued  the  emperor's  edict  about  the 
taxing,  which  was  carried  out  by  Quirinius.  It  was  this  also 
that  led  to  Joseph  making  his  journey  to  Bethlehem.  As  a 
subject  of  Herod  Antipas,  he  would  indeed  be  under  no  obliga- 
tion to  do  this,  as  the  taxing  applied  only  to  Judea ;  but  by 
his  voluntary  appearance  there  he  would  bring  into  view  his 
Bethlehemite  nativity.  Luke,  therefore,  is  perfectly  correct 
in  setting  down  the  taxing  of  Quirinius  at  the  time  when 
John  the  Baptist  was  twelve  years  old.  The  conclusion  of 
Luke  ii.  5  is  to  be  translated :  To  be  taxed  with  Mary,  whom 
he  had  married  when  already  she  was  great  with  child  (there- 
fore twelve  years  before  the  taxing).  To  this  earlier  time 
then  ver.  6  again  reverts :  And  just  there,  in  Bethlehem,  were 
they  also  when  Mary  (twelve  years  before  the  taxing)  brought 
forth  her  first-born  son,  etc.  The  explanation  belongs  to  the 
number  of  those  which  may  excite  admiration  for  their 
acuteness,  but  stand  in  no  need  of  confutation. 

2.  Huschke,^"  Wieseler,^^  Ewald,^^  Caspari  ^°°  assign  to  the 

^^  The  older  views  are  given  in  Winer,  Rcalwoiierbuch,  ii.  292-294 ; 
Bleek,  Synopse,  i.  70  fF. ;  Meyer,  comm.  on  Luke,  on  the  passage. 

^^  Le  recensement  de  Quirinius  en  Jude'e,  Paris  1865,  pp.  29-44. 

^^  Census  zur  Zeit  des  Geburt  Jesu  Christi,  p.  78  if. 

**  Chronological  Syyioims,  pp.  101-106  ;  Bcitrdge,  pp.  26-32  ;  Studien  und 
Kritiken,  1875,  p.  546  ff.  "9  History  of  Israel,  vi.  155,  note  3. 

luo  Chronological  and  Geographical  hitroduction  to  the  Life  of  Christ,  p.  35. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  13'5 

superlative  Trpwro?  a  practically  or  exclusively  comparative 
significance,  and  translate :  This  taxing  was  made  when  first, 
or  before,  Quirinius  was  governor  of  Syria.  Luke  therefore 
expressly  distinguishes  the  taxing  made  under  Herod  as  an 
earlier  one  from  the  later  one  made  under  Quirinius.  That 
this  translation  in  case  of  need  might  be  justifiable  may  be 
admitted  (John  i.  15,  30).^°^  But  even  then  it  is  by  no 
means  proved  that  it  is  the  correct  translation.  It  is  indeed 
absolutely  inconceivable  for  what  purpose  Luke  should  have 
made  the  idle  remark,  that  this  taxing  took  place  before 
Quirinius  was  governor  of  Syria.  Why  would  he  not  rather 
name  the  governor  under  whom  it  did  take  place  ?  It  may 
indeed  be  said  that  he  distinguishes  the  earlier  census  under 
Herod  from  the  later  under  Quirinius.  But  Luke  does  not 
really  even  do  this,  according  to  that  translation.  He  says  not : 
"  This  taxing  took  place  earlier  than  that  made  under  Quir- 
inius "  (which  would  have  required  something  like  this :  avTij 
r)  diroy pa (})■>]  Trpoorrj  iyevero  T'/}9  Kvprjviov  ^vptw;  rj<yefMOvevovTO<; 
fyevofievri^;);  but:  "This  taxing  took  place  before  Quirinius 
was  governor  of  Syria."  So  also  Wieseler  translates,  and 
the  analogy  of  all  instances  adduced  by  him  {Clironological 
Synopsis,  pp.  102,  103  ;  Beitrdge,  pp.  30—32)^°^  admits  of  no 
other  translation.  But  no  unprejudiced  person  will  find  a 
suitable  sense  in  these  words.  And  to  tliis  it  should  be  added, 
that  Luke  must  here  have  expressed  himself  in  a  manner  as 

^'^  Only  indeed  in  case  of  necessity ;  for  of  all  the  instances  which 
Huschke,  pp.  83-85,  has  brought  together  in  favour  of  giving  to  -Trpurog  a 
comparative  sense,  if  we  set  aside  those  which  are  clearly  irrelevant,  only 
those  remain  where  two  parallel  or  analogous  ideas  are  comjiared  with  each 
other,  but  not  where,  as  here,  two  wholly  disparate  ideas  are  before  us — the 
taxing  under  Herod  and  the  governorship  of  Quirinius. 

102  Also  Sophoches,  Antici.  637-658  : 

£,4to<  yoip  oiihili  d^tu;  'iaroct  '/<i.f<,o; 
^u^ou  (pipiadxt  oov  y-iAhu;  ijyovfi.itiov, 
which  is  to  be  translated  :  "  To  me  with  right  no  marriage  will  have  greater 
value  than  that  thou  leadest  nie  well  (than  thy  noble  leading)." 


136  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGK 

involved  and  as  likely  to  lead  to  misunderstanding  as  possible, 
whereas  elsewhere  his  special  characteristic  is  just  intelligibility 
and  lucidity  of  expression.  No  one  who  does  not  seek  after 
hazardous  explanations  will  be  abln.  to  understand  TrpcoTT] 
otherwise  than  as  superlative,  and  rjyc/jiovevovTO'i  t?}?  Xvpla<i 
KvprjvLov  otherwise  then  as  genitivns  absohitus:  as,  to  name 
only  some  authorities,  Winer,^^^  Buttmann,^°^  Zumpt,^°^  Bleek,"^ 
Meyer,  etc.,  have  declared. 

3.  Gumpach,^°^  Lichtenstein,i°s  Kohler,i°^  Steinmeyer,"''  J. 
Chr.  K.  von  Hofmann,^^^  emphasize  iyevero,  and  translate : 
This  taxing  "was  carried  into  effect"  (Gumpach),  or  "was 
completed"  (Kohler,  Steinmeyer,  Hofmann),  while  Quirinius 
was  governor  of  Syria.  Luke  distinguishes  the  issuing  of  the 
order  for  the  taxing  under  Herod,  and  the  execution  of  the 
decree,  ten  or  twelve  years  later,  under  Quirinius.  This 
hypothesis,  apparently  the  most  simple,  in  reality  indeed  the 
weakest,  comes  into  conflict,  as  we  shall  immediately  see,  with 
the  narrative  of  the  journey  of  Joseph  and  Mary  to  Bethlehem, 
according  to  which  it  is  not  only  the  taxation  decree,  but  also 
its  execution,  which  took  place  in  the  time  of  Herod.  That 
explanation  at  best  could  have  a  meaning  only  if  one  were 
bold  enough  to  render  the  simple  iyiveTo  by  "  came  to  a  con- 
clusion, was  carried  to  a  close,"  which,  however,  even  the 
above-named  expositors  have  not  ventured  to  do.-^-^^ 

^^^  Grammar  of  New  Testament  Greek,  335.  4,  note  1. 
^<'''  Grammatik  des  neutestamentl.  Sp'achgebrauchs,  p.  74. 
^"5  Geburtsjahr  Christi,  p.  22. 
^0^  Synoptische  Erkldrung  der  drei  ersten  Evangelien,  i.  71. 

107  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1852,  pp.  666-669. 

1 08  Lehensgeschichte  des  Herrn  Jcsu  Christi,  p.  78  ff. 
103  Herzog,  Real-Encyclopaedie,  1  Aufl.  xiii.  463  ff. 
1 '  0  ])ie  Geschichte  der  Gehurt  des  Herrn,  p.  36  ff. 

m  Die  heilige  Schrift  Neuen  Testaments  zusammenhdngend  untersucht, 
Thl.  viii.  1,  p.  49  ;  Thl.  x.  p.  64  ff. 

112  Compare  against  that  view  especially  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis, 
pp.  100,  101  ;  Beitrage,  p.  25  f. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  137 

Ebrard  ^^^  has  advanced  what  he  regards  as  an  improved 
explanation  when  he  accentuates  avrt)  r/  diroypacf)!]  and  trans- 
lates :  The  raising  of  the  tax  itself,  however,  took  place  only 
when  Qiiirinius  was  governor  of  Syria.  Luke  therefore  does 
not  distinguish,  as  those  critics  before  named  supposed,  the 
issuing  of  the  order  for  a  valuation  of  property  and  the 
execution  of  it,  but  the  valuation  of  property  (and  that  not 
only  the  order  for  it,  but  also  the  execution  of  it)  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  levying  of  the  tax  based  upon  that  valuation  on 
the  other  hand.  There  is  thus  given  to  the  sithst.  d7roypa(f)rj 
a  completely  different  meaning  from  that  given  to  the  verb 
(nroypd(f)eaOai,  which,  in  the  close  coherence  of  the  passage, 
is  absolutely  impossible.  The  substantive  and  the  verb  alike 
can  mean  nothing  else  than :  enrolment,  to  enrol,  and  in  the 
strict  sense  are  both  specially  used  of  the  valuing  and  enrol- 
ment of  property.  The  affirmation  that  just  the  census  of 
Quirinius  is  ordinarily  designated  by  the  term  uiroypacj)/],  and 
that  in  consequence  thereof  this  word  has,  for  that  particular 
definite  case,  the  meaning  of  the  levying  of  a  tax  (pp.  136  f, 
140  f.),  is  a  purely  imaginary  conception,  and  not  once  has  the 
attempt  been  even  made  to  establish  it ;  for  the  reference 
to  Acts  v.  37,  and  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  1  ff,  cannot  be 
regarded  in  this  light.  Instead  of  avrrj  ^  aTroypacf)/)  it  would 
be  necessary  to  read  something  like  this :  r/  Be  tcov  <^6pa>v 
eKkoyrj  or  elairpa^i'i.  In  conclusion,  that  view  also  is  in  con- 
tradiction to  the  history ;  for  Quirinius,  in  A.D.  7,  levied  the 
taxes,  not  merely  on  the  ground  of  an  earlier  valuation,  but  first 
of  all,  and  chiefly,  he  was  then  engaged  in  making  an 
diroTLfirjaL'^}^^ 

'"  Ebrard,  Gospel  History,  Edinburgh,  1869,  pp.  136-142. 

^^*  New  and  oi'iginal  is  the  discovery  of  Godet,  who  accentuates  ocvt*) 
but  expounds  as  follows  {Commentary  on  St.  Luke,  vol.  i.  pp.  128,  129)  : 
"Luke  breaks  off  to  remark  that  prior  to  the  well-known  enumeration 
which  took  place  under  Quirinius,  and  which  history  had  taken  account 
of  under  the  name  of  the  first,  there  had  really  been  another,  generally  lost 


138  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

4.  Seeing  then  that  nothing  can  be  gained  by  exegetical 
arts,  the  attempt  has  finally  been  made,  even  without  any 
such,  to  vindicate  the  account  of  Luke  as  historical  by  having 
recourse  to  historical  combinations.  Indeed,  Hengstenberg, 
since  the  discovery  of  the  famous  inscription  which  afforded 
evidence  of  the  twice-repeated  governorship  of  Quirinius  in 
Syria,  thinks  that  every  difficulty  has  been  wholly  removed.'^^^ 
That  the  inscription  in  reality  proves  nothing  is  quite  self- 
evident  after  the  description  we  have  given  of  it  above  (see 
vol.  i.  p.  353).  But  also  with  the  twice-repeated  governor- 
ship of  Quirinius  in  Syria,  which  is  quite  probable  even  apart 
from  the  inscription,  nothing  is  gained  toward  the  vindication 
of  Luke ;  for  even  the  first  governorship  of  Quirinius  cannot 

sight  of,  which  was  the  very  one  here  in  question  ;  and  thus  that  it  was 
not  unadvisedly  that  he  spoke  of  a  census  anterior  to  the  first.  In  this  way 
(1)  the  intention  of  this  parenthesis  is  clear  ;  (2)  the  asyndeton  between 
vers.  1  and  2  is  explained  quite  in  a  natural  way ;  and  (3)  the  omission 
of  the  article  ij  between  uTroypxCpii  and  -Trpurn,  which  has  the  effect  of 
making  ^  ct'Troypetcpvi  Trpurn  a  sort  of  proper  name  (like  ii  ex/!7ToX^  TrpuTn, 
hvripm),  is  completely  justified."— Consequently  Godet  translates  :  "  As  to 
the  census  itself  called  the  first,  it  took  place  under  the  government  of 
Quirinius." 

^'5  Compare  Evangelische  Kirchenzeitimg,  1865,  col.  65  f.,  where  he  ex- 
presses himself  about  Strauss  as  follows  :  "  He  is  so  utterly  unfamiliar 
with  the  state  of  matters  in  those  times  that  he  quite  confidently  repeats 
the  old  objection  against  the  taxing  of  Luke,  that  Quirinius  had  not 
entered  upon  the  governorship  until  several  years  after  Herod's  death, 
without  having  any  suspicion  of  the  fact  that  the  question  has  long  ago 
entered  upon  quite  another  stage  by  the  discovery  of  a  later  inscription 
which  affords  evidence  that  Quirinius  was  twice  governor  in  Syria.  This 
inscription  w^as  described  as  early  as  1851  by  Bergmann  in  a  special 
treatise,  and  has  been  reprinted  in  so  accessible  a  book  as  the  Tacitus  of 
Nipperdey.  But  Strauss  knows  nothing  of  it." — And  Hengstenberg,  we 
add,  seems  to  have  known  nothing  of  the  following  facts  :  (1)  That  in 
1865  the  inscription  had  been  known  for  a  hundred  years  ;  (2)  that  it  had 
been  used  by  as  early  a  writer  as  Sanclemente,  in  a.d.  1793,  in  vindication 
of  Luke  ;  (3)  that  it  absolutely  does  not  contain  a  testimony  to  Quirinius 
having  been  governor  twice;  and  (4)  that  even  with  a  twice -repeated 
governorship  of  Quirinius  nothiog  is  gained  in  the  way  of  justifying 
liuke. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  139 

at  the  earliest  have  begun  till  at  least  half  a  year  after  the 
death  of  Herod  (see  above,  p.  133),  whereas,  according  to  Luke, 
Quirinius  must  have  been  governor  in  the  time  of  Herod. 
Zurapt  ^^^  and,  after  him,  Polzl,-^^'^  relying  for  support  on  a 
passage  in  Tertullian,^^^  seek  assistance  by  assuming  that  the 
census  was  begun  by  Sentius  Saturninus,  B.C.  9—6,  carried  on 
by  Quinctilius  Varius,  B.C.  6—4,  and  brought  to  an  end  by 
Quirinius  during  his  first  governorship.  From  Quirinius,  as 
the  completer  of  the  work,  it  has  received  the  name ;  where- 
fore also  Luke  says  that  it  was  made  under  him.  So  far 
then  as  Tertullian  is  concerned,  Zumpt  himself  says  in  another 
part  of  his  work  ^^^  that  the  Church  Fathers  "  generally  are 
wanting  in  all  historical  sense  in  the  stating  of  the  Gospel 
narrative."  On  their  statements,  therefore,  nothing  can  with 
safety  be  built.  But  in  other  respects  Zumpt's  theory  is  only 
a  falling  back  upon  the  theory  of  Gumpach  and  others,  referred 
to  under  No.  3.  The  matter  then  stands  so,  in  Zumpt's 
opinion,  that  either  in  place  of  iyeveTo  we  must  put  a  verb 
like  eTeXiaOr],  or  instead  of  Quirinius  must  be  put  the  name 
of  that  governor  in  whose  term  of  office  the  fact  recorded  by 
Luke,  the  journey  of  Joseph  and  Mary  to  Bethlehem,  took 
place ;  ^^°  for  Luke  does  indeed  intend  by  mentioning  the 
name  simply  to  determine  the  time  of  which  he  speaks. 
Thus,  as  the  words  imply,  the  representation  that  the  birth  of 
Jesus  Christ  took  place  in  the  time  of  Quirinius  is  necessarily 
fundamental  to  the  hypothesis,  which,  however,  is  impossible. 
Above  all,  it  is  inconceivable  that  the  airoypacfiy,  in  the  way 

11*'  Gehcrtsjahr  Christi,  pp.  207-224. 

^'^  Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlcxikon,  2  Aufl.  Bd.  iii.  Sp.  5-7. 

^1^  Tertullian,  Adv.  Marcion,  iv,  19  :  "Sed  et  census  constat  actos  sub 
Augusto  nunc  in  Judaea  per  Sentium  Saturninum,  apud  quos  genus  ejus 
inquirere  potuissent." 

i>"  Geburtsjakr  Christi,  p.  189,  note.  Compare  also  :  Wieseler,  ChronO' 
logical  Synopsis,  p.  99,  note  2. 

^2°  Therefore,  according  to  Zumpt,  Sentius  Saturninus. 


140  THE  ROMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

in  wliicli  it  is  represented  by  Zumpt,  namely,  as  a  simple 
enrolment  of  the  people  without  a  property  valuation,  should 
have  taken  three  or  four  years,  whereas  the  much  more 
difficult  dTroTifnjcri'i  of  A.D.  7,  which,  besides,  had  to  encounter 
the  opposition  of  the  people,  was  completed  at  farthest  in  the 
course  of  one  year.-^^^ 

Both  difiUculties  might  indeed  be  overcome  were  we  to  assume, 
with  Gerlach  ^^^  and  Quandt,^^^  that  Quirinius  had  been  sent 
to  Syria  along  with  Quinctilius  Varus  (b.c.  6-4)  as  extra- 
ordinary legate,  and  as  such  had  undertaken  the  census.^^'* 
In  its  best  and  most  precise  form  this  theory  was  represented 
by  Sanclemente,  for  he  assumes  that  Quirinius  had  been 
despatched  to  Syria  as  legatus  ad  census  accipicndos,  and  indeed 
with  a  higher  authority  than  the  ordinary  legate  of  Syria  of 
that    time,    Sentius    Saturninus.^^^       But    this    expedient    is 

^-^  For  it  was  begun  after  the  banishment  of  Archelaus,  at  the  earliest 
in  the  summer  of  A.u.c.  759,  and  was,  according  to  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii, 
2.  1,  completed  in  the  year  37  of  the  Actian  era  =  autumn  of  a.u.c. 
759-760.  It  is  to  be  placed  therefore  late  in  autumn  of  a.u.c.  760,  i.e.  in 
A.D.  7. 

^22  Die  romischen  Statthalter  in  Syrien  und  Judaa,  pp.  33-35. 

^^^  Zeitordmmg  und  Zeitbestimmungen  in  den  Evcmgelien  (also  under  the 
title  :  Chronologisch-geographische  Beitrage  zum  Verstiindniss  der  heiligcn 
Schrift.  i.  Ghronolog.  Beitrage,  1  Abthlg.,  Giitersloh  1872),  pp.  18-25. 

^21  What  Gerlach  says  at  p.  33  f.  about  the  possibility  of  two  governors 
in  one  province,  proves  only  gross  ignorance  of  the  facts  of  the  case.  See 
against  him,  Wieseler,  Beitrage,  p.  43  f. — The  case  is  better  with  Quandt, 
who  conjectures  that  Varus  occupied  a  position  subordinate  to  Quirinius 
(see  Zeitordnung,  p.  22).  But,  according  to  Josejjhus,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Varus  was  in  possession  of  the  supreme  command  in  Syria. 

1-^  Sanclemente,  De  vulgaris  aerae  emendatione,  iv.  6,  pp.  443-448. — The 
materials  regarding  the  legati  and  procuratores  ad  census  accipiendos  may  be 
found  collected  together  in  Marquardt,  RdmischeStaatsvencaltung,  Bd.  ii.  1876, 
p.  209  (2  Aufl.  von  Dessen  und  Domaszewski  besorgt,  1884,  pp.  215,  216) ; 
and  Unger,  "De  censibus  iprovincinvum. 'Ronianorum"  (Leipziger  Studienzur 
class.  Philol.  Bd.  x.  1887,  j^p.  1-76). — It  is  not  yet  decided  whether  there 
were  even  in  early  imperial  times  special  officers  of  this  sort  besides  the 
ordinary  governors  in  the  provinces.  linger  contends  against  the  idea  by 
seeking  to  prove  that  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  empire  the  governors  were 
themselves  charged  with  the  business  of  valuation  and  taxin",  and  that  in 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  141 

absolutely  inadmissible  from  the  words  of  the  evangelist, 
since  rjye/xovevovro'i  rrj<i  Xvpia^i  Kvprjvlov  can  mean  nothing 
else  than  "  when  Cyrenius  had  the  supreme  command  (or, 
what  is  the  same  thing,  the  office  of  governor)  over  Syria." 
Luke  therefore  undoubtedly  considers  Quirinius  as  the  ordinary 
and  regular  legate  of  Syria.  But  this  office,  as  is  thoroughly 
well  established  on  historical  grounds,  was  occupied  in  the 
last  years  of  Herod,  not  by  Quirinius,  but  by  Sentius  Satur- 
ninus,  B.C.  9-6,  and  then  by  Quinctilius  Varus,  B.C.  6-4.^^® 
The  statement  of  Luke  then  can  be  indicated  historically  only 
if  it  could  be  proved  that  Quirinius  had  been  already  in  the 
times  of  Herod  governor  of  Syria.  But  such  a  proof  can 
never  be  produced,  since,  Aberle  notwithstanding,  the  contrary 
is  an  established  fact.^^^ 

All  ways  of  escape  are  closed,  and  there  remains  nothing 

the  senatorial  provinces  it  was  only  in  the  second  century,  and  in  the 
imperial  provinces  still  later,  that  special  officers  of  equestrian  rank  besides 
the  governors  had  control  given  them  of  taxation  matters.  Of  both  cases 
where  the  governor  held  also  the  finance  office,  and  again  where  special 
finance  officers  were  appointed,  there  are  several  unmistakable  instances. 
The  earliest  case  belonging  to  the  former  class  is  that  of  Quirinius,  who, 
according  to  Josephus,  as  well  as  according  to  Luke,  was  at  once  governor 
and'  censor.  Four  other  instances  are  collected  by  Unger,  p.  54  f.  But 
the  material  is  too  scanty  to  afford  a  certain  conclusion  of  a  general 
description. 

^"'^  Compare  against  that  theory  also  Huschke,  Ueber  den  zur  Zeit  der 
Gehurt  Jesu  Christi  gchaltenen  Census,  p.  75  f. 

127  Aberle  (Quartalschrift,  1865,  p.  129  ff.  ;  1868,  p.  29  ff.),  by  "the  per- 
ception of  the  great,  we  might  almost  say,  official-like,  precision  by  which 
such  statements  in  Luke  are  characterized"  (1865,  p.  148),  has  been  led  to 
the  discovery  that  Quirinius  in  fact  was  governor  of  Syria  in  the  last 
years  of  Herod,  and  was  only  detained  in  Rome  by  Augustus.  Quinctilius 
Varus  was  therefore  obliged  to  remain  at  his  post,  so  that  there  were  at 
the  same  time  two  governors  :  Quirinius  was  the  governor  dejure,  Varus, 
de  facto.  Luke  names  the  former,  Josephus  the  latter.  In  opposition  to 
this  acute  attempted  solution  it  is  sufficient  to  remark  that  Luke  would 
have  only  been  deceiving  us,  if,  instead  of  the  actual  governors  who  must 
have  conducted  the  census,  he  had  only  named  the  governor  dejure.  The 
words  of  Luke  admit  of  no  other  explanation  but  that  Quirinius  was 
actual  governor  of  Syria. 


142  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

else  but  to  acknowledge  that  the  evangelist  has  made  his 
statement  trusting  to  imperfect  information,  so  that  it  is  not 
in  accordance  with  the  facts  of  history.  This  is  the  conclusion 
reached  by  Hock,^^^  Mommsen/^^  Hase/^°  Winer,  Bleek,  De 
Wette/^^  Meyer,  Strauss,  Hilgenfeld,  Keim,  Weizsacker,  Sevin, 
Lecoultre,  and  in  all  essential  respects  also  by  Sieffert.^^^  The 
contradiction  of  history  is  twofold:  (1)  Luke  ascribes  to 
Augustus  the  order  that  a  census  should  be  made  throughout 
the  whole  empire.  Of  such  an  imperial  census  history  knows 
nothing.  It  is  possible  that  Augustus  may  have  held  censuses 
in  many,  perhaps  in  most,  of  the  provinces,  and  that  Luke 
had  some  vague  information  about  these.  But  these  numerous 
provincial  censuses,  diverse  in  respect  of  time  and  form,  could 
not  be  referred  back  to  a  single  edict.  Luke  has  therefore 
here  generalized  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  in  which  he 
deals  with  the  famine  in  the  days  of  Claudius.  Just  as  out 
of  the  various  famines,  which,  in  quite  an  unusual  manner, 
occurred  in  various  parts  of  the  empire  during  the  reign  of 
Claudius,  he  makes  a  famine  extending  e'^'  oXrjv  ti-jv  oIkov- 
fievr]v  (Acts  xi.  28,  see  regarding  it  below  under  §  19);  so 
also  may  the  various  provincial  censuses  of  which  he  had 
heard  have  become  combined  in  his  representation  into  one 

Only  for  the  sake  of  completeness  we  should  here  mention  the  discovery 
of  Pfitzner  (Programm  des  Gymnasiums  zu  Parchim,  Easter  1873,  pp.  8-13), 
that  Varus  had  indeed  been  governor  of  Syria  in  B.C.  6  and  B.C.  4 ;  but 
between  these  two  dates,  in  B.C.  5,  a  year  passed  over  by  Josephus  (!),  P. 
Quirinius  was  governor.  If  Pfitzner  had  not  only  made  reference  to  the 
■work  of  Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  275,  but  had  also  thoroughly  examined 
it,  he  would  on  this  point  have  learned  his  lesson  better. 

'2'*  Bomische  GescJdchte,  i.  2,  p.  412  fF. 

^29  Pes  gestae  divi  Augusti,  ed.  2,  p.  175  sq. 

''"  Leben  Jesu,  sec.  23.  '^^  Exegetisches  Handbiich  zu  d.  St. 

^^^  All  of  them  in  their  works  before  referred  to. — SiefFert  indeed  holds 
fast  by  the  theory  that  a  census  was  made  in  Palestine  by  the  emperor's 
orders  under  Herod,  but  admits  that  the  two  taxings,  that  under  Herod 
and  that  under  Quirinius,  are  not  clearly  distinguished  chronologically  by 
Luke,  but  are  in  his  picture  allowed  to  blend  together. 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  143 

imperial  census.  Should  the  statement  about  an  imperial 
survey  by  Augustus  be  historical  (see  above,  p.  117),  even  this 
might  have  contributed  to  the  production  of  his  mistake. 
(2)  He  knows  further  that  a  census  in  Judea  under  Quirinius 
had  taken  place  somewhere  about  the  time  of  the  birth  of 
Jesus  Christ.  By  means  of  this  census  he  explains  the  fact 
that  the  parents  of  Jesus  travelled  from  Nazareth  to  Bethlehem, 
and  places  it  therefore  exactly  in  the  time  of  the  birth  of 
Christ,  under  Herod,  i.e.  about  ten  or  twelve  years  too  soon. 
That  Luke  was  indeed  acquainted  with  this  taxing,  and  was 
acquainted  only  with  it,  is  established  by  the  passage  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  (v.  3  7),  where  he  speaks  expressly  of  it 
as  "  the  taxing." 

Whoever  thinks  that  such  errors  should  not  have  been 
expected  from  Luke,  needs  only  to  be  reminded  of  the  fact 
that  Justin  Martyr,  who  belonged  to  the  educated  class, 
regarded  King  Ptolemy,  at  whose  instance  the  Bible  was 
translated  into  Greek,  as  a  contemporary  of  King  Herod 
(Apol.  i.  c.  31).  Even  Luke  himself  cannot  be  pronounced 
free  from  other  errors ;  for  Theudas,  to  whom  he  ascribes  the 
work  and  movement  of  Judas  of  Galilee  (Acts  v.  36  ff.),  can 
scarcely  be  any  other  Theudas  than  the  well-known  bearer  of 
that  name,  who  actually  lived  somewhere  about  forty  years 
later  (see  §  19). 


Excursus  IL — The  so-called  Testimony  of  Josephus 
TO  Christ,  Antiq.  xviii.  3.  3. 

A  list  of  the  literature  on  this  point  is  given  by  :  ObertliUr  in  Fabricius, 
Bibliotheca  Gmec.  ed.  Harlc:?,  t.  v.  pp.  49-66  ;  Fiirst,  Bibliothcca  Judaica, 
ii.  pp.  127-132  ;  Hase,  Lehen  Jesu,  §  9  ;  Winer,  Eeahvurterhuch,  i.  558  ; 
Heinichen  in  his  edition  of  Eusebii  Hcripta  Ilistorica,  vol.  iii.  (1870) 
p.  623  sqq. — Tlie  older  treatises  are  printed  in  Havercamp's  edition  of 
Josephus,  ii.  2,  pp.  186-286.— Some  controversial  tracts  of  the  time  of 


144  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

Richard   Simon  are  enumerated  by  Bernus,  Notice  hihliogra'pMque  sur 
Richard  Simon  (Bale  1882),  n.  110,  230,  238,  239. 

From  a  vast  number  of  treatises  and  pamphlets  we  select  the  following 
of  more  recent  times  : — 

I.  Depending  the  Genuineness. 

Bretschneider,  Capita  theologiae  Judaewum  dogmaticae  e.  Flavii  JosepM 

scriptis  collecta  (1812),  pp.  59-66. 
BoHMERT,  Ueber  des  Flavins  Josephus  Zeugniss  von  Christo,  1823. 
Schodel,  Flavins  Josephns  de  Jesu  Christo  testatus,  1840. 
Mayaud,  Le  t^moignage  de  Joseph,  Strasb.  1858. 
Langen,  Theologische  Quartalschrift,  1865,  p.  51  ff. 

Danko,  Historia  revelationis  divinae  Novi  Testamenti  (1867),  pp.  308-314. 
Mensinga,  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  1889,  p.  388  (genuine 

apart  from  possible  modifications  of  the  text,  which,  however,  have 

not  yet  been  proved). 

II.  Maintaining  the  Theory  of  Interpolation. 

GiESELER,  Ecclesiastical  History  (Edin.  1846,  5  vols.),  vo],  i.  p.  63. 

Hase,  Lehen  Jesu,  §  9  ("  wholly  or  at  least  in  part  non-genuine  "). 

Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  vi.  138-142. 

Paret  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  1  Aufl.  vii.  27-29. 

Heinichen  in  his  edition  of  Eusebii  Scripta  Historica,  vol.  iii.  ed.  2,  1870, 

pp.  623-654. 
Wieseler,  Des  Josephus  Zengnisse  iiher  Cliristus  und  Jakohus,  den  Bruder 

des  Herrn  (Jahrbilcher  fiir  deutsche  Theologie,  1878,  p.  86  fF.). 
VoLKMAR,  Jesus  Nazarenus,  1882,  pp.  335-345. 
Ranke,  Weltgeschichte,  3  Thl.  2  Abthlg.  (1883)  p.  40  f. 
ScHOLTEN,  Theologisch  Tijdschrift,  1882,  pp.  428-451  (compare  the  review  by 

Van  Manen  in  Jahrbilcher  fiir  protestantische  Theologie,  1883,  p.  608  f.). 
Mensinga,  Theologisch  Tijdschrift,  1883,  pp.  145-152  (Van  Manen,  Jahr- 

biicher  fiir  protestantische  Theologie,  1883,  p.  618). 
Gust.  Ad.  Muller,  Christus  bei  Josephus  Flavins,  Innsbruck  1890  (53  pp.). 
Edersheim     in    art.    in    Smith's    Dictionary   of    Christian    Biography, 

"Josephus,     5.  The  Alleged  Testimony  of  Josephus  to  Jesus  Christ," 

vol.  iii.  pp.  458-460. 

III.  Against  the  Genuineness. 

Eichstaedt,  Flaviani  de  Jesu  Christo  testimonii  xi/Sivrix  quo  jure  nuper 
rursus  defensa  sit  quaest.  i.-vi.,  Jen.   1813-1841.      Quaestionibus  sex 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF.. HEROD.  145 

siqier  Flaviano  de  Jcsu  Chrido  testimonio  audarium,  i.-iv.,  Jen. 
1841-1845. 

Lewitz,  Quaestionum  Flavianarum  specimen,  Regiomon.  Pruss.  1835. 

Keuss,  Nouvelle  Eevue  de  The'ologu,  1859,  pp.  312-319. 

Ernst  Gerlach,  Die  Weissagungen  des  Alien  Testamentes  in  den  Schriftcn 
des  Flavins  Josephus  und  das  angebliche  Zeugnlss  von  CJirido,  1863. 

Kelm,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vol.  i.  pp.  16-21. 

HoHNE,  Ueber  das  angebliche  Zeugniss  von  Christo  lei  Josephus,  Zwickau 
1871,  Gymnasial-programnie. 

D'Avis,  Die  Zeugnisse  nichtchristlicher  Autoren  ges  ersten  Jahrhunderfs  iiber 
Christus  und  das  Christenthum,  Siginaringen  1873,  Gynmasial-pro- 
gramme  (p.  8 :  "  Probably  the  whole  passage  is  an  interpolation,  or 
rather,  perhaps,  is  thoroughly  corrupted  by  interpolations  "). 

LoMAN,  Theologisch  Tijdschrift,  1882,  pp.  593-601  (p.  596  :  a  genuine  basis 
is  possible,  but  "scarcely  probable."  Compare  the  review  by  Van 
Manen,  Jahrbikher  fur  protestantische  Theologie,  18S3,  pp.  593-595,  614). 


In  our  manuscripts  and  editions  of  Josephus  the  following 
passage  concerning  Christ  is  found,  Antiq.  xviii.  3.  3  : — 

Tlverat,  he.  Kara  tovtov  rov  '^povov  'It/ctou?,  cro(f)o<i  o,v)]p,  et 
fye  avhpa  aurov  Xeyeiv  %/)';.  ^Hv  <yap  irapaho^utv  epjcov 
iroirjTr]^,  oiBdcrKa\o<i  dvdpcoTTcov  roiv  rjSovf]  rdXijOP]  Seyo/xevcoV 
KoX  TToWou'i  [xev  ^lovSatovi  TroWoy?  Be  koX  rov  'EWtjvlkov 
eTrrjyuyeTO.  'O  Xpt,aro<;  ovto<;  rjv.  Kal  avTov  evhei^ei,  tcov 
TrpcoTcov  dvSpcov  Trap'  rj/jLtv  aravpcZ  eTriTeTijUTjKoTo^  TIlXutov, 
ovK  eiravaavTo  oi  to  irpoirov  avrov  d'yairr)(TavTe<i'  i(f)dvi]  yap 
avToi';  TpLTTjv  e^wv  r]p.epav  ttuXlv  ^mu,  twv  6eiwv  7rpo(f)7]TMU 
ravrd  re  Kal  aWa  /jbvpi'a  6avfidaia  rrepl  avrov  elprjKorwv. 
Eiaen  re  vvv  rwv  Xptariavojv  urro  rovhe  wvofiaa/xevcop  ovk 
t'TreXiTre  to  <f>v\ov. 

"  Now  there  was  about  this  time,  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it 
be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful 
works — a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with 
pleasure.  He  drew  over  to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews  and 
many  of  the  Gentiles.  He  was  the  Christ ;  and  when  Pilate, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  principal  men  amongst  us,  had  cou- 

DIV.  I.   VOL.  II.  K 


146  THE  EOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

demned  liim  to  the  cross,  those  that  loved  him  at  the  first 
did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  appealed  to  them  alive  again  the 
third  day,  as  the  divine  prophets  had  foretold  these  and  ten 
thousand  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him  ;  and  the 
tribe  of  Christians  so  named  from  him  are  not  extinct  at 
this  day." 

From  the  fourth  century,  when  this  passage  was  quoted  by 
Eusebius  and  others  (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  11  ;  Demon- 
stratio  Evangelica,  iii.  3.  105—106,  ed.  Gaisford ;  Pseudo- 
Hegesippus,  De  hello  Judaico,  ii.  12),  through  the  whole  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  the  genuineness  of  this  paragraph  was 
never  disputed.  Indeed,  it  contributed  not  a  little  to  exalt 
the  reputation  of  Josephus  in  the  Christian  Church.  It  was 
eagerly  seized  upon  as  a  proof  of  the  truth  of  the  evangelical 
history.  It  was  only  in  the  sixteenth  century  that  criticism 
first  moved  in  the  matter,  and  since  then  to  the  present  day 
the  controversy,  pro  and  con,  has  gone  on  uninterruptedly. 
We  may  surely  be  at  least  unanimous  as  to  this,  that  the 
words,  as  we  have  them  now,  were  not  written  by  Josephus. 
Whatever  may  be  advanced  in  their  favour  does  not  amount 
to  much  in  comparison  with  the  unquestionable  indications 
of  spuriousness.  Our  manuscripts,  of  which  the  oldest,  the 
Ambrosianus  F.  128  step.,  do  not  go  further  back  than  the 
eleventh  century  (see  above,  vol,  i.  p.  103),^  without  exception 
have  this  paragraph.  But  this  proves  only  the  great  antiquity 
of  the  interpolation,  which  besides  is  vouched  for  by  Eusebius. 
Over  against  the  old  citations  since  Eusebius  stands  the  fact 
that  it  is  extremely  probable  that  Origen  did  not  read  this 
passage  in  his  text  of  Josephus  ;  for,  just  where  one  would 
have  expected  it,  he  betrays  no  knowledge  of  it.^     Even  then, 

^  The  equally  ancient  Patisin.  1419,  which  Gerlach,  p.  107,  designates 
the  oldest  manuscript,  contains  only  the  first  ten  books  of  the  Antiquities. 

^  In  several  passages  where  Origen  speaks  of  James,  the  brother  of 
Jesus  Christ,  he  mentions  it  as  a  remarkable  circumstance  that  Josephus 
Bhould  have  made  favourable  allusion  to  this  man,  although  he  (Josephus) 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  147 

in  respect  of  the  external  evidences,  objections  are  not 
altogether  wanting.  But  the  objections  on  internal  grounds 
are  more  decided.  If  reference  be  made  to  the  genuinely 
Josephine  style,  we  may  for  that  only  bestow  upon  the 
interpolator  the  praise  of  having  very  skilfully  performed 
his  task.  The  similarity  of  style  is  not  sufficient  to  outweigh 
the  non-Josephine  character  of  the  contents.  As  concerns 
the  contents  then,  it  is  clear  that  whoever  wrote  the  words 
6  Xpc(TTo<;  ovTo<;  rjv  was  distinctly  a  Christian  ;  for  that  rjv  is 
not  equivalent  to  ivofjui^eTo  and  cannot  be  rendered  :  He 
was  the  Christ  in  the  popular  belief.  On  this  point  it  is  not 
necessary  to  say  more.  But  it  is  also  equally  certain  that 
Josephus  was  not  a  Christian.  Urffo :  the  passage,  to  say 
the  least  of  it,  has  interpolations  in  it. 

The  point  under  discussion  is  simply  this  :  whether  there  are 
interpolations  in  the  passage  or  whether  it  is  wholly  spurious. 
Let  us  make  the  attempt  to  distinguish,  and  cast  out  what  is 
suspicious.  The  words  €i  <ye  avhpa  avrbv  Xeyeti'  ^prj 
evidently  presuppose  belief  in  the  divinity  of  Christ,  and 
betray  the  Christian  interpolator.  The  following,  ^v  irapa- 
Bo^cov  epycov  7roi7)Tr]<i,  might  in  a  case  of  necessity  have  been 
said  by  Josephus,  if  it  were  not  that  they  form  the  funda- 
mental support  of  the  non-genuine  words  preceding  them. 
At  any  rate,  the  words  Bi8dcrKaXo<;  avOpwircov  twv  ■^Bovij 
raXr}6rj  he-xpiievcav  again  must  have  come  from  a  Christian 
pen.  That  6  XpiaT6<i  outo?  ^v  was  not  written  by  Josephus 
lias  been  already  pointed  out.  And  just  as  certainly  he  has 
not  written :  i(f)dv7]  avTol^  rpiTrjv  €-^o)v  •^/xepav  nrakiv  ^cov, 
rwv  Oeicov  irpocjirjTcov  rauTo.  re  teal  ciXXa  [xvpia  davfidaia  irepl 

did  not  believe  in  Jesus  as  the  Cliri.st.  (1)  Com.  in  Matth.  torn.  x.  c.  17 
(on  Matt.  Xiii.  55)  :  Kcti  to  Savfixozoi/  kartv,  on  tov  ^Iriiovi/  iifx,Ziv  ov  kxtoc- 
Oi^ccfiivog  nuai  'KpioTou,  oi/dsv  vjttov  ' IccKUjia  oix,oc,toavvin'j  ifcocprvpriui  Toaxvryjv, 
(2)  Contra  Cels.  l.  47  :  o  o  uiiros  kcci'toi  ye  oL'xiaTuu  rS>  'Iriaov  a;  ^ptara 
x.T.x. — It  is  scarcely  conceivable  that  Origen  would  have  so  expressed 
himself,  if  he  had  known  the  famous  passage. 


148  TUE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

avTov  elpijKOTtov.  Finally,  also,  the  concluding  words  want 
the  necessary  support  so  soon  as  the  words  o  Xpiaro';  ovto<; 
rjv  are  removed  from  the  text. 

If,  now,  we  examine  the  passage  as  thus  reduced  we  shall 
find  that  as  good  as  nothing  remains  :  a  couple  of  insignificant 
phrases  which,  in  the  form  in  which  they  stand  after  our 
operation  has  been  performed,  could  not  have  been  written 
by  Josephus.  If  one  therefore  continues  to  maintain  the 
theory  of  interpolation,  it  cannot  at  any  rate  be  in  the  sense 
of  a  simple  insertion  of  Christian  additions,  but,  with  Ewald, 
Paret,  and  others,  in  the  sense  of  a  complete  working  up  in 
a  new  form  of  the  original  text  of  Josephus. 

But  if  it  is  once  admitted  as  an  established  fact,  that  of 
the  present  text  scarcely  a  couple  of  words  are  from  the  hand 
of  Josephus,  is  it  not  then  more  reasonable  to  recognise  the 
utter  spuriousness  of  the  passage,  and  assume  that  Josephus 
has  throughout  been  silent  regarding  Christ  ?  That  this 
hypothesis  is  impossible  cannot  be  maintained.  It  is  known 
that  Josephus  wished  to  represent  his  people  in  the  most  favour- 
able light  possible.  Therefore  he  speaks  as  little  as  he  can  of 
the  Messianic  Hope,  since  to  his  cultured  readers  it  could  only 
have  appeared  as  foolishness,  and,  besides,  would  have  been 
an  unwelcome  subject  with  the  favourite  of  the  Caesars  ;  for 
in  it  lay  the  power  of  the  opposition  to  Eome.  Josephus 
might  casually  refer  to  John  the  Baptist  without  making 
mention  of  the  Messianic  Hope ;  but  this  would  have  been 
no  longer  possible  had  he  introduced  Christ.  He  could 
neither  represent  Christ  as  a  teacher  of  virtue,  like  the 
Baptist,  nor  describe  the  Christian  community  as  a  school  of 
philosophy,  like  those  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees.  There- 
fore he  will  be  silent  throughout  about  this  phenomenon. 

If,  for  proof  of  the  contrary,  we  should  refer  to  the 
subsequent  mention  of  James,  the  brother  of  Jesus  Christ 
(Antiq.  XX.  9.  1  :   rcy  dB€\<f)op  ^iTjaov  rov  \e'yo/j,tvov  XpicrTou, 


§  17.    THE  SONS  OF  HEROD.  149 

'IdKO}0o<;  oi^o/xa  avTcp),  in  order  to  draw  from  it  the  conclusion 
that  some  previous  mention  of  Christ  must  have  been  made, 
it  has  to  be  answered,  that  the  genuineness  of  this  passage  is 
also  very  seriously  disputed.  Indeed,  on  the  contrary,  one 
must  say :  the  very  statements  which  we  have  in  reference 
to  James  prove  that  Josephus  has  been  interpolated  by 
Christian  hands.  For  Origen,  in  his  text  of  Josephus,  read  a 
passage  about  James  which  is  to  be  found  in  none  of  our 
manuscripts,  which  therefore,  without  doubt,  was  a  single 
instance  of  a  Christian  interpolation  not  carried  over  into  the 
vulgar  text  of  Josephus.' 

"We  therefore,  althougli  absolute  certainty  on  such  questions 
cannot  be  attained,  are  inclined  to  prefer  the  theory  of  the 
utter  spuriousness  as  simpler  than  that  of  the  merely  partial 
spuriousness  of  the  passage. 

'  See  under  §  19,  in  the  section  on  Porcius  Festus,  and  the  literature 
referred  to  there. 


§  18.  HEROD  AGRIPPA  L,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-44. 

Sources. 
JosEPHUS,  Antiq.  xviii.  6,  xix.  5-9 ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  11  ;  Zonares, 

Annates,  vi.  7-11  (an  Abstract  of  Josephus). 
In  the  New  Testament :  Acts  xii. 
Rabbinical  Traditions  in  Derenbourg,  pp.  205-219. 
The  coins  are  most  completely  given  in  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews  (1881), 

pp.  129-139. 

Literature. 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vii.  236-247,  257-270. 
Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii.  pp.  318-361. 
HiTZiG,  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  568-571. 
SCHNECKENBURGER,  Zeitgeschichte,  pp.  211-215. 
Hausrath,  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  ii.  212-225,  266-283. 
Lewin,  Fasti  sacri  (1865),  ad  ann.  31-44.     See  also  the  Index,  p.  389  sq. 
Winer,  Beahvdrterbuch,  i.  484  f. 

Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  i.  272-275.     In  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  iii.  49-56. 
Hamburger,  Real-Encyclopaedie  fiir  Bibel  und  Talmud.,  Abthl.  ii.  art. 

"  Agrippa." 
De  Saulcy,  Etude  chronologique  de  la  vie  et  des  monnaies  des  rois  juifs 

Agrippa  I.  et  Agrippa  II.  1869  (see  above,  vol.  i.  p.  27). 
Qerlach,  Zeitschrift  fur  lutherische  Theologie,  1869,  pp.  53-62. 
Menke's  Bibelatlas,  Bl.   v..  Special  Map  of  "Judea  and  Neighbouring 

Countries  in  the  last  years  of  King  Agrippa  I." 


When  Agrippa  I.^  ascended  the  throne  of  Herod  the  Great, 
he  had  already  passed  through  an  eventful  and  adventurous 
career.     He  was  born  in  B.C.  10,"  as  the  son  of  Aristobulus, 

^  The  New  Testament,  Acts  xii.,  names  him  simply  as  Herod.     By 
Josephus,  however,  and  on  the  coins,  he  is  always  designated  Agrippa. 

*  As  is  evident  from   Antiq.  xix.  8.   2,  according  to  which   he   had 
reached  at  his  death,  in  a.d.  44,  the  age  of  fifty-four  years. 

150 


§   18.    HEROD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.1").  37,  40,  41-44.  151 

who  was  executed  in  a.d.  7,  and  Berenice,  a  daughter  of 
Salome  and  Costobar.'  Shortly  before  the  death  of  his  grand- 
father he  was,  while  a  boy  of  scarcely  six  years  old,  sent 
for  his  education  to  Kome.  His  mother  Berenice  was  there 
treated  in  a  friendly  manner  by  Antonia,  the  widow  of  the 
elder  Drusus,  while  the  young  Agrippa  himself  became 
attached  to  the  younger  Drusus,  the  son  of  the  Emperor 
Tiberius.  The  influence  of  the  Eoman  society  seems  not  to 
have  been  a  favourable  or  healthy  one.  He  was  trained  up 
to  entertain  ambitious  projects  and  in  habits  of  extravagance, 
which,  especially  after  the  death  of  his  mother,  knew  no 
measure  or  bounds.  He  soon  ran  through  his  means.  His 
debts  accumulated  upon  him.  And  when  by  the  death  of 
Drusus,  which  took  place  in  a.d.  23,  he  lost  support  and 
favour  at  court,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  leave  Home  and 
go  back  again  to  Palestine.*  He  betook  himself  to  Malatha, 
a  stronghold  in  Idumea,*  and  meditated  committing  suicide. 
When  these  tidings  reached  his  wife  Cypres,  she  wrote  to 
Agrippa's  sister  Herodias,  who  was  by  this  time  married  to 
Antipas,  and  entreated  her  help.  Herod  Antipas  was  in  this 
way  induced  to  give  to  his  distressed  brother-in-law  what 
would  be  at  least  sufficient  for  the  support  of  his  life,  and 
gave  him,  in  addition,  the  appointment  of  Agoranomos  (over- 
•seer  of  markets)  in  the  capital,  Tiberias.     This  new  position 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  4. 

*  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  1.  —  Wieseler,  5eims  des  Glauhcns,  1870, 
p.  168  f.,  places  the  journey  of  Agrippa  from  Rome  to  Palestine  in  A.D.  29 
or  30,  which  may  perchance  be  correct.  At  any  rate  it  did  not  take 
])lace,  as  what  follows  shows,  until  after  the  marriage  of  Herodias  with 
Antipas. 

*  Mx'KceSx  or  MatXoixdcli  is  also  several  times  referred  to  in  the  Onomasti- 
con  of  Eusebius  (ed.  Lagarde,  pp.  214,  255,  266).  It  lay  fully  20  Roman 
miles  south  of  Hebron,  probably  on  the  site  of  the  modern  Tell-el-Milh. 
See  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestiix-e,  ii.  201  ;  Ewald,  History  of 
Israel,  vii.  237 ;  Guerin,  Jude'e,  iii.  184-188  ;  The  Survey  of  Western  Pales- 
tine, Memoirs  by  Conder  and  Kitchener,  iii.  pp.  404,  415  sq.  ;  also  Sheet 
XXV.  of  the  large  English  Map, 


152  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

in  life  did  not  indeed  continue  long.  At  a  banquet  in  Tyre 
the  two  brothers-in-law  once  engaged  in  a  dispute,  which 
ended  in  Agrippa  resigning  his  situation  at  Tiberias,  and 
betaking  himself  to  tlie  Eoman  governor  Flaccus  in  Antioch.*' 
But  here,  too,  his  stay  was  not  of  long  duration.  In  a  dis- 
pute which  broke  out  on  one  occasion  between  the  inhabitants 
of  Sidon  and  those  of  Damascus,  Agrippa  took  the  side  of  the 
Damascenes,  apparently  in  a  thoroughly  disinterested  manner, 
but  really  in  consequence  of  bribes  which  he  had  taken  from 
them.  When  this  came  to  the  ears  of  Flaccus,  he  broke  otf 
friendly  relations  with  him  ;  and  Agrippa  found  himself  once 
again  deprived  of  all  means  of  subsistence.  He  then  resolved 
to  try  his  fortune  again  in  Eome.  After  he  had  meanwhile 
raised  a  loan  in  Ptolemais  by  the  assistance  of  a  freedman  of 
his  mother  Berenice,  called  Peter,  and  at  Anthedon  had  only 
with  difficulty  escaped  the  hands  of  Capito,  the  procurator  of 
Jamnia,  who  wished  to  apprehend  him  as  a  debtor  of  the 
emperor's,  and  had  finally  in  Alexandria  succeeded  in  raising 
large  sums  on  the  credit  of  his  wife,  he  arrived  in  Italy  in 
the  spring  of  a.d.  36,'  and  on  the  island  of  Capri  ^  presented 
himself  before  Tiberius.^  The  emperor  entrusted  him  with 
the  oversight  of  liis  grandson  Tiberius.  He  became  particu- 
larly intimate  with  Caius  Caligula,  the  grandson  of  his 
patroness  Antonia,  who  afterwards  became  emperor.  But  even 
now  he  could  not  keep  himself  out  of  debt.  Yea,  in  order 
to  appease  his  old  creditors  he  was  obliged  always  to  borrow 
new  and   even   larger   sums.^"      It  was  not  therefore   to   be 

"  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  2. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  3  :  Ivtxvru  Trporepov  ii  reXsvri^axi  Tijiiciou. — 
Wieseler  rejects  this  fact,  and,  on  account  of  the  Piso  mentioned  in  what 
follows,  places  the  arrival  of  Agrippa  in  a.d.  32.  Beitrage,  p.  13  :  "  pro- 
bably A.D.  31,  at  latest  a.d.  32  ; "  but  in  his  article  in  the  Beweis  des 
Glaubens,  1870,  p.  169,  he  says  distinctly  :  "not  before  a.d.  32." 

"  Where  Tiberius  lived  almost  without  interruption  from  a.d.  27 
(Tacitus,  Annals,  iv.  67)  down  to  his  death. 

•  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  3.  ^°  Ibid,  xviii.  6.  4. 


§  18.    HEROD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.D.  3r>  40,  41-41.  153 

wondered  at  that  he  eagerly  desired  an  improvement  in  his 
circumstances ;  but  there  seemed  at  that  time  no  prospect  of 
accomplishing  it  until  the  aged  Tiberius  should  be  succeeded 
on  the  throne  by  Caligula,  whom  he  had  befriended.  Un- 
thinkingly he  once  expressed  his  wish  aloud  to  Caligula  in 
the  presence  of  his  coachman  Eutychus.  At  a  later  period 
he  happened  to  bring  a  charge  of  theft  against  this  same 
Eutychus,  and  had  him  brought  before  the  city  prefect  Piso.^^ 
Eutychus  now  made  a  declaration  that  he  had  an  important 
secret  to  communicate  to  the  emperor.  Tiberius  at  first  gave 
no  heed  to  the  matter.^^  But  when,  after  some  time,^^  a 
hearing  was  granted,  and  Tiberius  came  to  know  what 
Agrippa  had  said,  he  had  him  immediately  put  in  fetters  and 
cast  into  prison.  Agrippa  now  continued  in  confinement  for  six 
months,  until  the  death  of  the  emperor  on  16th  March  a.d.  37.^* 
With  the  death  of  Tiberius  and  the  accession  of  Caligula 
began  for  Agrippa  the  period  of  his  good  fortune.  Caligula 
scarcely  waited  till  the  solemnities  of  the  funeral  of  Tiberius 
were  over  before  he  had  delivered  his  friend  from  his 
imprisonment  and  conferred  upon  him  what  had  been  the 
tetrarchy  of  Philip,  and  that  also  of  Lysanias,  with  the  title 
of  king.  To  this  gift  the  Senate  further  added  the  honorary 
rank  of  a  praetor.^'^     Instead  of  the  iron  chain  which  he  had 

^1  The  Piso  here  referred  to  cannot  have  been  the  same  as  the  one  who 
was  dead,  according  to  Tacitus,  Annals,  vi.  10,  in  a.d.  32,  as  Wieseler, 
Beitrufje,  p.  8  ff.,  wishes  to  make  out ;  for  he  is  still  referred  to  in  Josephus, 
Antiq.  xviii.  6.  10,  after  tlie  death  of  Tiberius. — Josephus  in  two  passages 
designates  him  (pCxxi  zi;;  ivo'kiu!;.  On  other  Greek  designations  of  the 
fraefedus  urbi,  see  Mommsen,  liiimisches  Staatsrecht,  ii.  2.  981. 

1^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  5. 

'^  xpovov  iyyevof^.suov  (Antiq.  xviii.  6.  6),  of  which  Wieseler  makes  four 
years.     See  the  Betveis  des  Glauben.%  1870,  p.  169. 

1*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  6-7  ;   IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  9.  5. 

1^  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  6,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  523.  Compare  above,  vol.  i. 
p.  450.  The  loan  was  obtained,  not  through  the  emperor,  but  through 
the  Senate.      See  Philo,  I.e.:  ^ctaoAa,   >cxi    <pi\oi>    Kxiaapo;   kxi   u-tto  tijj 


154  THE  ROMAN-HERODUN  AGE. 

worn,  Caligula  gave  him  a  golden  chain  of  equal  weight." 
But  Agrippa  still  continued  to  stay  in  Rome  for  a  year  and  a 
half.  It  was  not  before  autumn  of  a.d.  38  that  he  went 
back  by  way  of  Alexandria  to  Palestine,  that  he  might  set  in 
order  the  afifairs  of  his  kingdom.^^ 

Soon  afterwards,  through  imperial  favour,  he  obtained  yet 
more  important  territorial  additions.  It  has  been  already  told 
(above,  at  p.  36)  how  Herod  Antipas  in  a.d.  39,  by  his  own 
fault,  had  lost  his  tetrarcliy,  and  now,  probably  not  before 
A.D.  40,  Caligula  bestowed  it  also  upon  Agrippa. 

In  the  autumn  of  that  same  year  we  find  Agrippa  once 
more  at  Eome  or  Puteoli,  where  he  contrived  by  his  personal 
intercession  to  prevent  Caligula,  at  least  for  a  long  time,  from 
persisting  in  his  attempt  to  set  up  his  statue  in  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem  (see  above,  p.  102).  He  then  remained  in  the 
company  of  Caligula,  and  was  still  present  in  Rome  when  his 
patron,  on  24th  January  a.d.  41,  was  murdered  by  Cliarea, 
and  contributed  not  a  little  to  secure  the  succession  to  the 
throne  of  the  Caesars  to  the  feeble  Claudius.^®  It  may  readily 
be  supposed  that  he  was  not  the  man  to  perform  such  serAdces 
without  securing  some  personal  advantage.  The  new  emperor 
was  obliged,  in  return,  not  only  to  confirm  him  in  the 
possessions  which  he  had  previously,  but  also  to  add  to  these 
Judea  and  Samaria ;  so  that  Agrippa  now  united  under  his 
sway  the  whole  territory  of  his  grandfather.  Besides  this,  he 
obtained  consular  rank.  For  the  confirming  of  this  grant, 
accordinf;   to   ancient   custom,  a   solemn  covenant  was  con- 

'8  Josephus,  Antiq.  i.v\\\.  6.  10  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  9.  6  ;  Philo,  In 
Flaccum,  sec.  5  iiiit.,  ed.  Mangey,  ii.  520  scj.  ;  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  8. — From 
the  insciii)tion  at  El-Muscliennef  (in  Le  Bas  et  Waddington,  Inscriptions 
Grecques  et  Latines,  t.  iii.  n.  2211)  we  see  tliat  the  territories  of  Agrippa 
extended  as  far  as  what  is  now  the  Hauran. 

*'  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  11  ;  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  sec.  5,  ed.  Maugej, 
il  521.     Compare  above,  p.  37  and  p.  95. 

***  Jo.S(,'plnis,  Antiq.  xix.  1-4  ;   Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  11. 


§  18.    HEROD  AGKlPrA  I.,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-44.  155 

eluded  in  the  Forum,  but  the  documentary  deed  of  gift  was 
engraved  on  brazen  tablets  and  placed  in  the  CapitoL'® 

II. 

The  first  act  by  which  Agrippa  celebrated  his  return  to 
Palestine  was  significant  of  the  spirit  and  disposition  with 
which  he  was  to  conduct  the  government  of  his  kingdom. 
It  was  an  act  of  piety.  The  golden  chain  which  Caligula 
had  bestowed  upon  him  on  his  liberation  from  imprisonment 
"  he  hung  up  within  the  limits  of  the  temple,  over  the 
treasury,  that  it  might  be  a  memorial  of  the  severe  fate  he 
had  lain  under,  and  a  testimony  of  his  change  for  the  better ; 
and   that  it  might  be  a  demonstration  how  the  greatest  pro- 

13  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  5.  1  ;  JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  5  ;  Dio  Cassiu.«, 
Ix.  8.  Josephus  expresses  himself  in  such  a  manner  as  to  imply  that  the 
tetrarchy  of  Lysanias  was  now  anew  conferred  upon  Agrippa.  But  seeing 
that  he  had  already  received  that  territory  from  Caligula,  the  statement 
can  only  mean  that  now  the  gift  was  formally  confirmed.  It  is  in  the 
highest  degree  probable  that  Josephus  found  in  the  documents  which  he 
used  the  statement  that  Agrippa,  by  the  favour  of  Claudius,  held  possession 
of  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias  in  addition  to  the  whole  territories  of  his 
grandfather. — The  concluding  of  the  covenant  is  represented  on  a  coin,  of 
which  the  superscription  is  indeed  no  longer  perfectly  legible  ;  on  which, 
liowever,  at  any  rate  there  is  mention  of  a  u^^^ «;>//«  of  King  Agrippa  with 
the  Roman  Senate  and  people  {avvKKYixnc,  kxi  lyi,uo; ' Pufixiau).  See  especi- 
ally Reichardt  in  the  Numismatische  Zeitsrhrift  of  Huber  and  Karabacek, 
iii.  1871,  pp.  83-88  ;  Monmisen,  Num.  Zeitschrift,  iii.  pp.  449  ff.;  Madden, 
Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  69-76  ;  Madden,  Coi^is  of  the  Jews,  1881, 
p.  136  sq.  Among  the  six  different  attempted  readings  enumerated  by 
Madden,  the  most  successful  is  that  of  Mommsen. — That  Claudius  was 
generally  inclined  toward  such  old  covenants  is  affirmed  by  Suetonius, 
Claudius,  25  :  "  Cum  I'egibus  foedus  in  foro  icit  porca  caesa  ac  vetere 
fetialium  praefatione  adhibita." 

A  return  home  of  Agrippa  I.  or  II.  (possibly  the  present  return  of 
Agrippa  I.)  is  referred  to  in  the  inscription  of  El-Muschennef  in  Le  Baa 
et  Waddington,  Inscriptions  Grecques  et  Latines,  t.  iii.  n.  2211  : 
t'Ttip  aomnplxg  x,vpiov  fiotai- 
"Kiu;     Aypi-TTTTX  x.ocl   stcivo^ov  kx- 

T      tVJi^K     A<6f    ^-«'     TTCtTplOV  (?)    ...     . 

Ofioi/oieti  riv  oikov  uKohof^^rfJiv^. 


156  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

sperity  may  have  a  fall,  and  that  God  sometimes  raises  what 
is  fallen  down."  ^'^  At  the  same  time  he  presented  a  thank- 
offering,  "  because  he  would  not  neglect  any  precept  of  the 
law ; "  and  bore  the  expenses  of  a  large  number  of  Nazarites, 
in  order  that  they  might  discharge  the  obligation  of  their 
vow. 

With  such  acts  the  quondam  adventurer  began  his  new 
reign ;  and  he  maintained  the  same  tone  throughout  the  three 
years  during  which  he  was  allowed  to  live  and  govern. 
There  were  again  golden  days  for  Pharisaism ;  a  revival  of 
the  age  of  Alexandra.  Hence  Josephus  and  the  Talmud  are 
unanimous  in  sounding  forth  the  praises  of  Agrippa.  "  He 
loved  to  live  continually  at  Jerusalem,  and  was  exactly 
careful  in  the  observance  of  the  laws  of  his  country.  He 
therefore  kept  himself  entirely  pure ;  nor  did  any  day  pass 
over  his  head  without  its  appointed  sacrifice."  Thus  runs 
the  eulogistic  strain  of  Josephus  ;  ^^  and  the  Talmud  relates 
how  he  as  a  simple  Israelite  with  his  own  hand  presented  the 
first-fruits  in  the  temple."^  And  not  only  at  home,  but  also 
abroad,  he  represented  the  interests  and  claims  of  Judaism. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  6.  1. — The  golden  charms  which,  according  to 
the  Mishna,  Middoth  iii.  8,  were  hung  on  the  curtain  of  the  temple  court, 
can  scarcely  be  the  same  as  are  referred  to  here.  See  the  contrary  iu 
Derenbourg,  p.  209. 

2^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  6.  1. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  3  :  lihs7»  yovv  ui/rZ  Ztocirx  y.ou  avi/sx'^i  i"  '^oi; 
lipoao/^vfiotg  ijv,  x.xl  roc  'Tsrccrpiec  xxdxpu;  Wvipu.  i^icc  Truan;  yovv  xvrou  viyiu 
d-yusicts,  oi/os  ijfiipx  ti;  TrxpuOivsu  otCru  p^jj^si/ot/aot  Qvatx,:. 

^^  Mishna,  Bikkurim  iii.  4  :  When  the  procession  with  the  firstlings  of 
the  fruits  of  the  fields  reached  the  temple  mount  "  every  one,  even  King 
Agrippa  himself,  took  his  basket  upon  his  shoulder,  and  went  up  until  he 
came  into  the  court,"  etc. — Here,  as  generally  throughout  the  rabbinical 
traditions,  it  is  not,  indeed,  quite  certain  whether  Agrippa  I.  or  II.  is 
meant. — On  the  ceremonial  ritual  in  connection  with  the  presentation  of 
the  first-fruits,  see,  especially,  Mishna,  Bikkurim  iii.  1-9  ;  also  Philo's 
tract,  defesto  cophini  (Opera,  ed.  Eichter,  v.  48-50  =  Tischendorf,  Philonea, 
pp.  69-71) ;  Gratz,  Monatsschrift,  1877,  p.  433  ff.,  and  generally  the  litera- 
ture referred  to  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  238. 


§  18.    HEROD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-44.  157 

"When  on  one  occasion  in  the  Phoenician  city  of  Dora,  a  mob 
of  young  people  erected  a  statue  of  the  emperor  in  the  Jewish 
synagogue,  he  used  his  influence  with  the  governor  of  Syria, 
P.  Petronius,  so  that  not  only  for  the  future  was  any  such 
outrage  strictly  forbidden,  but  also  the  guilty  parties  were 
called  to  account  for  their  proceedings.^*  And  when  he 
betrothed  his  daughter  Drusilla  to  Epiphanes,  son  of  King 
Antiochus  of  Commagene,  he  made  him  promise  tliat  he 
would  submit  to  be  circumcised.^^  By  such  displays  of  f)iety 
he  gave  abundant  satisfaction  to  the  people  who  were  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Pharisees.  This  was  shown  in  a  very 
striking  manner  when,  at  the  Peast  of  Tabernacles  in  a.d.  41, 
according  to  the  old  custom,  he  read  the  Book  of  Deutero- 
nomy,^^ and  in  the  passage,  "  Thou  mayest  not  set  a  stranger 
over  thee  that  is  not  thy  brother"  (Deut.  xvii.  15),  he  burst 
forth  in  tears,  because  he  felt  himself  referred  to  in  it.  Then 
cried  out  the  people  to  him,  "  Be  not  grieved,  Agrippa  ! 
Thou  art  our  brother  !     Thou  art  our  brother  !  "  ^'^ 

2*  Joseph  us,  Antiq.  xix.  6.  3. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1. — Epiphanes  afterwards  refused  to  fulfil  his 
promise,  and  therefore  the  marriage  was  not  consummated. 

^^  At  the  close  of  each  Sabbatical  year,  i.e.  in  the  beginning  of  the 
eighth  year,  Deuteronomy  had  to  be  read  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
(Deut.  xxxi.  10  fF. ;  Sota  vii.  8).  Seeing,  then,  that  the  year  68-69  was  a 
Sabbatical  year  (see  above,  vol.  i.  p.  41),  the  year  40-41  must  also  have 
been  one,  and,  indeed,  it  would  be  the  only  one  occurring  during  the 
period  of  Agrippa's  reign.    Accordingly,  this  incident  took  place  in  a.d.  41. 

*^  Mishna,  Sota  vii.  8,  The  declaration  of  the  people  could  also  be 
vindicated  in  accordance  with  strictly  Pharisaic  ideas  ;  for  when  the 
Edomites  (Idumeans)  went  over  to  Judaism,  their  descendants  in  the 
third  generation  became  full  members  and  citizens  of  the  Israelitish  com- 
monwealth (Deut.  xxiii,  8,  9). — Hitzig,  GescMchte  des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  571, 
makes  the  narrative  refer  to  Agrippa  II.,  and  Braun,  Monatssclirift  fur 
GescMchte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judcnthumus,  1870,  pp.  541-548,  gives 
himself  great  trouble  in  order  to  prove  that  this  reference  is  correct ; 
whereas  the  majority  of  scholars  (see  the  list  given  by  Brann  at  p.  541) 
]  ire  for  Agrippa  I.  And  this  latter  view  is  right ;  for  a  decided  inclination 
to  favour  the  Pharisees  is  far  more  clearly  proved  in  the  case  of  Agrippa  I. 
than  in  that  of  his  son. 


158  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

The  careful  observance  of  Pharisaic  traditions,  however, 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  the  only  ground  of  his  popularity. 
We  must  also  allov?  to  him  a  certain  natural  amiability. 
Josephus,  at  least,  ascribes  to  him  an  amiable  disposition  and 
unbounded  benevolence.^^  That  he  was  grateful  for  service 
that  had  been  rendered  him  is  proved  by  his  appointment  of 
Silas,  a  faithful  companion  who  had  shared  his  adventures,  to 
the  supreme  command  of  his  troops.^^  He  must,  indeed,  have 
had  many  unpleasant  experiences  with  this  Silas,  for  he  was 
frequently  reminded  by  him  in  a  rude,  rough  way  of  his 
earlier  troubles,  and  the  service  which  he  had  rendered  him. 
In  order  to  rid  himself  of  this  troublesome  prattler,  Agrippa 
was  obliged  to  cast  him  into  prison.  But  it  was  a  new  proof 
of  his  goodheartedness  that  on  the  next  celebration  of  his 
l)irthday  he  caused  the  prisoner  to  be  called,  so  that  he  might 
share  in  the  enjoyments  of  the  banquet.  This  kindly  offer, 
however,  had  no  effect,  for  Silas  would  take  nothing  as  a 
matter  of  favour,  and  so  was  obliged  to  remain  in  prison.^ 
Agrippa  on  one  occasion  exhibited  his  clemency  towards 
Simon  the  Pharisee,^^  who  in  the  king's  absence  had  excited  a 
popular  tumult  in  Jerusalem,  and  had  charged  the  king  with 
transgression  of  the  law.  Agrippa  obtained  information  of 
these  proceedings  at  Caesarea,  summoned  Simon  to  his  pre- 
sence, caused  him  to  be  seated  alongside  of  himself  in  the 
theatre,  and  said  to  him  in  a  gentle  and  kindly  tone :  "  Tell 
me  now,  what  was  done  here  contrary  to  the  law  ?  "     Over- 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  3  :  Tlpctu;  6  t^oVo;-  '  Ay  pur  tit  x,  kxI  Trpog  iza.vru.i 

TO  iVipyi^liCOV  OflOlOV. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  6.  3. 

^°  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  1. 

®^  Frankel,  Darke-ha-Mishna,  p.  58  sq.,  regards  him  as  identical  with 
Simon,  the  reputed  son  of  Hillel  and  father  of  Gamaliel  I.  But  the 
existence  of  this  Simon  is  more  than  questionable  (see  Div.  II.  vol.  i. 
p.  363).  Besides,  the  chronology  does  not  rightly  fit  in,  since  Gamaliel  1. 
was  already  head  of  the  school  before  the  time  of  Agrippa  (Acts 
V.  34). 


§  18.    HEKOD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-t4.  159 

come  with  shame  the  learned  scribe  could  give  no  answer, 
and  was  dismissed  by  the  king  with  presents.^^ 

To  a  Pharisaic-national  policy  belonged  also  emancipation 
from  a  position  of  dependence  upon  Eome.  And  even  in  this 
direction  Agrippa  made,  at  least,  two  rather  shy  and  timid 
attempts.  In  order  to  strengthen  the  fortifications  of  Jeru- 
salem, the  capital,  he  began  to  build  on  the  north  of  the  city 
a  powerful  new  wall,  which,  according  to  Josephus'  account, 
would,  if  it  had  been  completed,  have  made  the  city  impreg- 
nable. But,  unfortunately,  before  the  work  could  be  carried 
out,  the  emperor,  at  the  instigation  of  Marsus,  the  governor  of 
Syria,  issued  an  injunction  against  the  continuance  of  it.^^ 
Of  yet  greater  significance  for  Eome  was  the  conference  of 
princes  assembled  by  Agrippa  soon  after  this  at  Tiberias. 
]S'o  fewer  than  five  Koman  vassal  kings :  Antiochus  of  Com- 
magene,  Sampsigeram  ^*  of  Einesa,  Cotys  of  Lesser  Armenia, 
Polemon  of  Pontus,  and  Herod  of  Chalcis,  answered  the 
invitation  of  Agrippa.  But  this  enterprise  also  was  broken 
up  by  Marsus.  The  Syrian  governor  himself  put  in  an 
appearance  at  Tiberias,  and  ordered  the  other  guests  without 
delay  to  return  home.^^ 

'^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  4. 

'^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6,  v.  4.  2.  Com- 
pare also  Derenbourg,  p.  218  i".  The  original  forbearance  of  the  emperor 
toward  the  building  of  the  wall  seems  to  have  been  purchased  by  Agripjja 
through  the  bribing  of  the  imperial  councillors.  Compare  Tacitus, 
History,  v,  12:  "per  avaritiara  Claudianorum  temporum  erapto  jure 
muniendi  struxere  muros  in  pace  tamquam  ad  helium." 

3*  Aramic  DIJti'DtJ'  in  De  Vogiie,  Syrie  Centrale,  Inscriptions,  p.  54  (n.  75). 
—On  an  inscription  at  Emesa,  of  the  Seleucid  year  390  =  a.d.  78-79,  one 
'S.xf.cGiyipxfio;  is  referred  to,  probably  a  member  of  the  royal  family  (Le 
Bas  et  Waddington,  Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n.  2567.  In  the  Corpus  Inscr. 
Graec.  n.  4511,  the  date  is  wanting).  At  a  later  period,  too,  the  name 
"Sotfitrtyspccfioi  is  found  also  in  that  region  (Waddington,  n.  2564,  of  the 
Seleucid  year  494  =  a.d.  182-183). 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  1. — Compare  in  general,  on  the  above-named 
vassal  kings,  the  paragraphs  referring  thereto  in  Kuhn,  Die  stddtische  und 
biirgerliche  Ver/assung  des  romischen  Reichs,  Bd.  ii. ;  Marquardt,  Rimische 


160  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAX  AGE. 

rinally,  it  was  a  further  consequence  of  liis  Jewish  policy 
that  the  otherwise  good-natured  king  should  become  the 
persecutor  of  the  young  Christian  community,  especially  of 
the  apostles.  James  the  elder,  son  of  Zebedee,  was  put  by 
him  to  a  martyr's  death ;  and  Peter  escaped  his  hand  only  by 
the  intervention  of  a  miracle.^^ — Moreover,  he  was  an  enemy 
not  of  the  Christians  only.  The  heathen  cities  also  within 
his  territories  hated  him  on  account  of  his  Jewish  policy,  as 
is  proved  by  the  unconcealed  jubilation  with  which  the  news 
of  his  death  was  received  by  the  Caesareans  and  Sebasteans.^'^ 

That  Agrippa's  Pharisaic  piety  was  a  real  conviction  of  the 
heart  is,  in  view  of  his  earlier  life,  not  in  the  least  probable. 
He  who  had  spent  fifteen  years  in  gaiety  and  debauchery  is 
not  one  of  whom  it  could  be  expected  that  in  the  evening 
of  his  days  he  should  from  hearty  conviction  assume  the 
Pharisaic  yoke.  Besides  this,  we  have  the  most  certain 
proofs  that  the  king's  Jewish  piety  was  maintained  only 
within  the  limits  of  the  Holy  Land.  When  he  went  abroad 
he  was,  like  his  grandfather,  a  liberal  latitudinarian  patron 
of  Greek  culture.  Thus,  for  example,  Berytus  had  much  to 
tell  of  the  pagan  magnificence  which  he  there  cultivated.  He 
had  erected  there  at  his  own  expense  a  beautiful  theatre,  an 
amphitheatre,  baths,  and  piazzas.  At  tlie  opening  of  the 
building,  games  and  sports  of  all  sorts  were  performed,  and 
among  the  rest  in   the  amphitheatre  there  was  a  gladiatorial 

Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i.  2  Aufl.  1881  (p.  398  f. ;  Commagene  ;  p.  403  f.  : 
Emesa  ;  p.  369  :  Lesser  Armenia  ;  p.  359  f.:  Pontus  ;  p.  400  f. :  Chalcis)  ; 
also  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  n.  1662.  On  the  dynasty  of  Commagene  see 
especially  :  Mommsen,  "  Die  Dynastie  von  Commagene  "  in  Mitthdlungen 
des  deutschen  arclmeologischen  Institutes  in  Athen,  Bd.  i.  1876,  pp.  27-29. 
(See  vol.  i.  pp.  184,  185,  of  the  present  work.)  On  the  kings  of  Pontus, 
the  treatises  of  Sallet  and  Waddington  named  by  Marquardt,  Bomische 
Staatsverwaltung,  i.  360,  note  7.     On  Herod  of  Chalcis,  see  Appendix  I. 

36  Acts  xii.  1-19. 

3^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  1. — The  li^xazriuol  are  soldiers  of  Samaria 
(Sebaste),  who  lay  in  garrison  in  Caesarea.     Ccjnipare  above,  p.  53. 


§  18.    HEROD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-44.  161 

coinljat,  at  which  1400  malefactors  were  made  to  slaughter 
one  auother.^^  Also  at  Caesarea  he  caused  games  to  be  per- 
formed.^^ There  also  statues  of  his  daughters  were  erected.**^ 
So,  too,  the  coins  which  were  stamped  during  Agrippa's  reign 
are  in  thorough  agreement  with  the  description  of  the  state 
of  matters  now  given.  Only  those  stamped  in  Jerusalem 
had  on  them  no  image,  while  of  those  that  were  minted  in 
other  cities  some  had  the  image  of  Agrippa,  others  that  of  the 
emperor.'*^     The  ofQcial  title  of  Agrippa  is  tlie  same  as  that 

3*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  5.— The  favour  shown  to  Berytus  is  explained 
hy  the  circumstance  that  it  was  a  Roman  colony.  Compare  above,  vol.  i. 
p.  430. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  2.  ^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  1. 

*^  Compare  on  the  coins  of  Agrippa  generally  :  Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num. 
iii.  491  sq.  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  medailles,  v.  567-569  ;  Lenormant, 
Tresor  de  Numismatique,  p.  126  sq.  pi.  Ix.  n.  3-7  ;  Cavedoni,  Biblische 
Numismatil;  i.  53  f.,  61-64  (ascribes  all  to  Agrij^pa  II.) ;  De  Saulcy, 
liecherches,  p.  147  sq.  ;  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatik,  ii.  35-37  ;  Levy, 
Geschichte  der  jiidischen  Miinzen,  p.  80  f.  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jeivish 
Coinage,  pp.  103-111  ;  De  Saulcy,  Etude  chronologique  de  la  vie  et  des . 
monnaies  des  wis  juifs  Agrippa  I.  et  Agrippa  II.  1869  (conipare  above, 
vol.  i.  p.  27)  ;  Reichardt  in  the  Wiener  Numismatische  Zcitschrift,  Bd.  iii. 
1871,  p.  83  if.  ;  Mommsen,  Wiener  Num.  Zeitschr.  iii.  1871,  p.  449  If.  ; 
Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  58-80  ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the 
Jews,  1881,  pp.  129-139  ;  Stickel,  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Falestina- 
Vereins,  vii.  1884,  p.  213. — Those  of  most  frequent  occurrence  among  the 
coins  of  Agrippa  are  those  without  an  image,  with  merely  emblems  (sun- 
shade 1  and  three  ears  of  corn),  which  almost  all  have  the  year-number  VI. 
and  the  simple  inscription  BACIAGCUC  APpiflA..  They  were  by  the 
older  numismatists  ascribed  to  Agrippa  II.,  but  since  De  Saulcy  have  been 
rightly  assigned  to  Agrippa  I.,  in  consequence  of  their  having  been  minted  at 
Jerusalem.  The  existence  of  examples  with  other  year-numbers  (V.,  VII., 
VIII.,  IX.)  is  very  questionable.  Compare  especially  De  Saulcy,  Numis- 
matic Chronicle,  1871,  p.  255;  "  J'ai  encore  recueilli  un  tres-grand  nombre 
de  monnaies  d' Agrippa  an  parasol,  cent  au  moins  !  Toutes  sans  exception 
sont  dat(5es  de  I'an  VI.  Je  persiste  done  plus  que  jamais  a  me  mefier  des 
autres  dates  qui  ont  ete  signalees." — Besides  those  coins  properly  so  called 
of  Agrippa  I.,  there  were  also  stamped  during  his  reign  :  (1)  In  Caesarea 
by  the  sea  {Kxiaxpien  n  ■yrpo;  1i(ioi.aru>  T^ifcsui),  coins  with  the  image  of 
Agrippa  and  the  superscription  BccaiMj;  /myecg  Ayp/^rxac  di'Kdx.tx.KTxp. 
(2)  In  Caesarea  Panias,  coins  with  the  image  of  Caligula  and  the  (more 
or  less  defective)  name  of  the  emperor,  or  without  his  name.  (3)  In 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  L 


162  THE  ROMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

of  the  other  Eoman  vassal  kings  of  that  time,     rrom  an 

inscription  we  know  that  his  family  had  been  adopted  into 

the  gens  Julia -j^"^    and  from  another  that  he  bore  the  title 

^aaiXev<;  /xiya^  ^LXoKaia-ap  €vcr6^r]<;  koI  ^i\op(ofiai,o<i}^     From 

a  survey  of  all  the  facts  it  is  evident  that  his  concessions  to 

Tiberias,  coins  with  the  image  of  Claudius,  and  on  the  reverse :  stti  jiaai'Ki. 
Ayc/TT.  Tt^ioiiuv.  (4)  And  besides  these  we  have  the  coins  referred  to  in 
the  above,  note  19,  in  remembrance  of  the  "  covenant "  between  Agrippa 
and  the  Eoman  people.  On  the  so-called  Agrippa  coin  in  Anthedon, 
see  Div.  II.  voL  i.  pp.  73-74,  and  Imhoof-BIumer  in  Sallet's  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Niimismatik,  Bd.  xiii.  1885,  p.  139  f. 

*^  On  the  inscription  at  Athens,  Corpus  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  361  =  Corpus 
Inscr,  Atticarum,  iii.  1,  n.  556,  his  daughter  Berenice  is  called  'lov'hix 
litpivsiKYi  ^aui'hiuoa.  y.iyct'KYi^  ^lov>.iov  ^AypiVTrct  fixai'hiu;  dv/XTiip. — There  is 
also  evidence  of  other  members  of  the  Herodian  family  bearing  the  Gentile 
name  of  the  Julians  ;  by  Agrippa  II.,  from  the  inscription  given  by  Le 
Bas  et  Waddington,  Inscrii^tions,  t.  iii.  n.  2112.  Agrippa  I.  had  a  son-in-law 
called  'lov'hio;  ' A.p'x,i'KD(,og  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  1  ;  Against  Apion,  i.  9). 
Probabl}'  also  the  Faioj  'lovT^iog  fixai'hiu;  'AAs|«i'3ooy  vio;  'AypiTrTru; 
rctfiiocg  Kxl  cci/riarpxTYjyo;  rsji  '  Aai'ct;  (Wood,  Discoveries  at  EphesxLS,  Inscrip- 
tions from  the  Great  Theatre,  p.  50,  note  5),  referred  to  in  an  inscription  at 
Ephesus,  belonged  to  the  Herodian  family. — Compare,  generally,  on  the 
frequent  occurrence  of  the  Gentile  name  of  the  Julians  among  the  Eomaii 
vassal  kings  of  the  days  of  the  empire  :  Renan,  Mission  de  Phe'nicie, 
p.  310  ;  Bohn,  Qua  condicione  juris  reges  sociipopuli  Romani fuerint,  Berol. 
1877,  p.  25  sq.  —  It  should  be  observed  that  the  name  Julius,  as  well- 
as  the  consular  rank  which  Agrippa  enjoyed,  implied  the  possession  of 
Roman  citizenship,  which  had  been  conferred  upon  the  Herodian  family 
as  early  as  in  the  days  of  Antipater,  the  father  of  Herod  the  Great.  See 
iirst  vol.  of  this  work,  p.  378. 

43  The  most  complete  form  of  the  titles  of  Agrippa  I.  and  Agrippa  II. 
has  been  given  us  in  the  interesting  inscriptions  which  Waddington  found 
at  Si'a,  half  a  league  from  Kanawat,  on  the  western  base  of  the  Hauran 
(Le  Bas  et  Wsiddmgton,  Inscriptions  Grecques  et  Latines,  t.  iii.  n.  2365).  It 
runs  as  follows  : — 

'Exi  fia.at'kic.);  pt.s'y a.'Ko'j  ' Aypt'T^'T^ot,  (frhOKUtaotpo;  ivailiov;  x.ot,\  (pi'hopup(,u\_i-'\ 
ov,  rci>  ix.  ficcffi'Aius  fisyx'hov  '' Aypl'Tziva,  (^tt^dKuiGxpo;  ivatjiovg  kxi  [if/-] 
'hopuy.ciiov,  '' Atpupiv;  din'hivdipo';  xccl  ^Aypi'Trvx;  viog  c)ividnKct.v. 

The  titles  (piKox.oi.LQUp  and  (pt'Kopupt.a.iog  occur  very  frequently  during 
that  period.  Numerous  examples  are  given  in  the  Index  of  the  Corpus 
Inscr.  Graec.  p.  165.  Compare  also  Bohn,  Qua  condicione  juris  reges, 
p.  14. — Most  precisely  and  perfectly  in  accordance  with  the  titles  of  the 
two  Agrippas  are  those  of  King  Sauromates  of  Bosporus,  Corpus  Inscr. 
.Graec.  n.  2123  and  2124  :  liaatT^ix  iiotai'hiuv  y.kyxv  Tiliipiov  'lov7\iov  ^.ctvp'j- 


§  18.    IlEROD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-44.  163 

Pharisaism  were  purely  matters  of  policy.  Upon  the  whole 
he  was  a  careful  imitator  of  the  old  Herod,  "only  milder 
in  disposition  and  somewhat  more  sly."  ^  Yet  even  the 
grandfather  felt  himself  obliged  to  make  concessions  to  the 
Pharisees.  Agrippa  was  in  this  matter  only  consistently 
following  out  his  general  lines  of  policy,  for  he  very  well 
knew  that  the  peace  which  he  loved  could  be  secured  in  no 
other  way. 

The  country  did  not  long  enjoy  his  rule.  After  he  had 
reigned  little  more  than  three  years,  if  we  reckon  from 
A.D.  41,  he  died  at  Caesarea  very  suddenly  in  a.d,  44.^^  The 
two  accounts  of  his  death  which  we  have,  in  Acts  xii.  19-23, 
and  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  2,  with  many  variations,  are  yet 

fA,a.T-fiv  0t7^ox,x.iaxpcc  k»\  (fi'Kooufieciov  iiKrifiYj.  Compare  also,  in  reference  to 
him,  Wilmanns,  Exempla  Inscr.  Lat.  n.  2689. 

^*  Keim  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  iii.  55. 

*^  The  date  of  Agrippa's  death  is  discussed  in  the  most  complete 
manner  by  Wieseler,  Chronologie  des  apostolischen  Zeitalters,  pp.  129-136. 
Agrippa  died  after  he  had  reigned  three  full  years  over  all  Palestine 
(Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  2  :  rpiTOv  Ss  'iro;  »vtu  liaai'hivouTi  rijg  o'hyi;  ^lovhotlx; 
-TTiTThYipuTo),  consequently  in  a.d.  44,  and  indeed,  soon  after  the  feast  of 
the  Passover  (Acts  xii.  3  ff.),  while  the  games  were  being  celebrated  at 
Caesarea  in  honour  of  the  emperor  (e/j  tyiv  KoitfTxpo;  T/,a'/j»,  v'Trsp  tvj;  Uelvov 
ocoT/iPtdi,  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  2).  By  these  games  Wieseler  under- 
stands those  regular  wrestling  matches  at  Caesarea  founded  by  Herod  the 
Great,  which  were  celebrated  every  fourth  year.  Upon  the  hypothesis, 
therefore,  that  they  began  on  the  12th  August,  he  places  the  death  of 
Agrippa  on  the  6th  August.  But  this  hypothesis  that  the  games  began 
on  1st  August  is  quite  an  arbitrary  assumption.  Indeed,  the  words  of 
Josephus  {i)7rsp  TYi;  iKitvov  aurnpia;)  jilainly  show  that  no  ix'gular  games 
are  here  intended,  but  some  extraordinary  entertainments,  and  point  to 
games  which  were  celebrated  at  Rome  in  honour  of  Claudius'  return 
from  Britain  in  the  spring  of  a.d.  44  (Dio  Cassius,  Is.  23),  and  afterward.s 
also  in  the  provinces.  Such  also  is  the  opinion  of  Anger,  De  tcmporum 
in  act.  ap.  ratione,  p.  40 ;  Hausrath,  Ncutestamcntliche  Zcitgeschichte, 
2  Auil.  ii.  278  f.  ;  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  p.  279  sq.  n.  1674.  The  regular 
games  of  Caesarea  celebrated  every  fourth,  not  every  fifth  year  (see  vol.  i. 
of  present  work,  p.  439),  would  come  round,  not  in  a.d.  44,  but  in  a.d.  43, 
since,  according  to  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvi.  5.  1,  they  were  instituted  in  the 
28t]i[  year  of  Herod  =  A.u.c.  744,  and  so  would  come  round  in  a.u.c.  796  = 
A.  P.  43. 


164  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

in  tliorongh  and  detailed  agreement  on  the  principal  points.''* 
The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  relates  that  in  Caesarea,  sitting  on 
the  judgment  -  seat  (/SjJ/xa)  dressed  in  his  royal  robes,  he 
delivered  an  oration  to  the  ambassadors  representing  the 
citizens  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  with  whom,  we  know  not  why, 
he  had  been  displeased.  While  he  was  speaking  the  people 
called  out :  It  is  the  voice  of  a  god,  and  not  of  a  man.  Im- 
mediately the  angel  of  the  Lord  smote  him,  because  he  gave 
not  God  the  glory ;  and  he  was  eaten  up  of  worms,  and  gave  up 
the  ghost.  According  to  Josephus,  he  was  present  at  Caesarea 
while  games  were  being  celebrated  there  in  honour  of  the 
emperor.  On  the  second  day  he  appeared  in  the  theatre 
in  a  robe  which  was  made  wholly  of  silver.  When  the  robe 
sparkled  in  the  sun,  the  flatterers  cried  out  to  him  declaring 
that  he  was  a  god  {Oeov  Trpoaayopevovre'i),  and  entreating  that 
he  would  have  mercy  upon  them.  The  king  allowed  himself 
to  be  carried  away  by  their  flattery.  Soon  thereafter  he  saw 
an  owl  sitting  upon  a  rope,  which  at  once  he  accejDted  as  a 
presage  of  a  speedy  death.^^  He  then  knew  that  his  hour  had 
come.  Immediately  a  most  severe  pain  arose  in  his  bowels. 
He  had  to  be  carried  into  the  house,  and  in  five  days  was  a 
corpse. — It  thus  appears  that  the  principal  points :  Caeserea 
as  the  scene  of  the  incident,  the  brilliant  robe,  the  flattering 
shout,  the  sudden  death — are  common  to  both  narratives, 
although  the  details  have  been  somewhat  diversified  in  the 
course  of  transmission. 

Agrippa    left,    besides    his    three     daughters    (Berenice, 

*^  The  rendering  of  the  story  of  Eusehius,  Hist.  eccl.  ii.  10,  is  in  all 
essential  points  in  thorough  agreement  with  that  of  Acts  and  Josephus, 
although  he  changes  the  owl  of  Josephus  into  an  angel.  Compare  also 
Ranisch,  De  Lucae  et  Josephi  in  morte  Herodis  Agrippae  consensu..  Lips. 
1745.  In  recent  times :  Gerlach,  Zeitschrift  fur  luth.  Theologie,  1869, 
pp.  57-62. — On  the  changing  of  the  owl  into  an  angel,  Heinichen, 
Eusebii  Scripta  historica,  iii.  654-656. 

*''  Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  7. — On  the  owl  as  a  bird  of  evil  omen,  see 
riiny,  Hist,  Nat.  x.  12,  34-35. 


§  18.    IIEROD  AGRIPPA  I.,  A.D.  37,  40,  41-44.  165 

Mariamme,  and  Drusilla),  only  one  son,  then  in  his  seven- 
teenth year,  whose  name  also  was  Agrippa.  The  Emperor 
Claudius  had  been  disposed  to  give  over  to  him  the  kingdom 
of  his  father;  but  his  advisers  restrained  him  from  carrying 
out  his  intentions.  And  so  again  the  whole  of  Palestine,  as 
formerly  Judea  and  Samaria  had  been,  was  taken  possession 
of  as  Eoman  territory,  and  its  administration  given  over  to  a 
procurator  under  the  supervision  of  the  governor  of  Syria/'* 
The  younger  Agrippa  continued  meanwhile  to  live  in 
retirement. 

•*8  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  1-2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6. — Bormaiin 
(De  Syriae  provinciae  Romanae  jpartihus  capita  nonnulla,  1865,  pp.  3-5) 
assumes  that  Palestine  during  the  period  a.d.  44-49  was  administered 
by  a  procurator  independent  of  the  legate  of  Syria  ;  but  in  a.d.  49  was 
attached  to  the  province  of  Syria,  because,  forsooth,  Tacitus,  Annals, 
xii.  23,  begins  his  narrative  of  the  events  of  the  year  49  with  the  words  : 
"  Itaraei  et  Judaei  defunctis  regibus,  Sohaemo  atque  Agrippa,  provinciae 
Suriae  additi."  But  it  is  evident  that  the  narrative  of  Tacitus  is  very 
summary,  and  brings  together  things  that  in  point  of  time  lay  quite  apart 
from  one  another.  Hence  such  a  conclusion  cannot  be  based  upon  his 
statement.  Just  in  a.d.  44  or  a.d.  45,  immediately  after  the  death 
of  Agrippa  I.,  the  legate  of  Syria,  Cassius  Longinus,  did  interfere  in  the 
affairs  of  Judea.  The  independence  of  the  procurator  of  Judea  was  there- 
fore no  greater  then  than  it  was  subsequently,  and  it  was  subsequently  no 
less  than  it  was  then.  Compare  generally  above,  p.  47 ;  and  especially 
against  Bormann,  Marquardt,  Eimiische  Staatsvencaltung,  Bd.  i,  2  Aufl. 
1881,  p.  411,  note  11, 


§  19.  THE  ROMAN  PROCUEATORS,  A.D.  44-66. 

Sources. 
JosEPHUS,  Antiq.  xx.  1  and  5-11  ;  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11-14.     Zonaras, 
Annales,  vi.  12-17  (summary  from  Josephus). 

Literature. 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vii.  412-426,  479-485. 
(jRatz,  Geschichte  der  Jvden,  4  Aufl.  iii.  pp.  361  if.,  426  ff.,  724  ff. 
HiTZiG,  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  588-594. 
ScHNECKENBURGER,  Zeitgeschichte,  pp.  215-224. 
Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  ii.  362  ff.,  iii.  331-374, 

423-426. 
Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  1865,  ad.  ann.  44-46. 

Gerlach,  Die  Edmischen  Statthalter  in  Syrien  und  Judcia,  1865,  p.  67  If. 
Gratz,  "  Chronologische  Pracisirung  der  Reihenfolge  der  letzten  romischen 

Landpfleger  in  Judaa,"  etc.  {Monatsschrift  fiir  Geschichte  und  Wissen- 

schaft  des  Judenthums),  1877,  pp.  401  ff.,  443  ff.).     Compare,  Geschichte 

der  Juden,   4   Aufl.    iii.    p.    724   if.,    where   the   treatise  from  the 

Monatsschrift  is  almost  entirely  reproduced. 
RoHDEN,  De  Palaestina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Romanis  qiiaestiones  selectae, 

Berol.  1885,  pp.  34-36. 
Kellner,  "  Die  romischen  Statthalter  von  Syrien  und  Judaa  zur  Zeit 

Christi  und  der  Apostel."     Zweiter  Artikel.     "  Die  kaiserlichen  Pro- 

curatoren  von  Judaa"  (Zeitschrift  fiir  katholischen  Theologie,   1888, 

p.  630  ff.). 
Menke's  Bibelatlas,  Bl,  V.  Special  Map  of  "  Judea  and   neighbouring 

countries  in  the  time  of  Felix  and  Festus." 

When  we  glance  over  the  history  of  the  Eoman  procurators, 
to  whom  once  more  the  government  of  Palestine  was  en- 
trusted, we  might  readily  suppose  that  all  of  them,  as  if  by 
secret  arrangement,  so  conducted  themselves  as  most  certainly 
to  arouse  the  people  to  revolt.     Even  the  best  among  them, 

16(5 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PROCURATORS,  A.D.  4-4-GG.  167 

to  say  nothing  at  all  of  the  others  who  trampled  right  and 
law  under  foot,  had  no  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  a  people 
like  the  Jews  required,  in  a  permanent  degree,  consideration 
for  their  prejudices  and  peculiarities.  Instead  of  exercising 
mildness  and  toleration,  they  had  only  applied  themselves 
with  inexorable  strictness  to  suppress  any  movement  of  the 
popular  life. — As  compared  with  those  who  followed,  the 
words  of  Josephus  are  true  regarding  the  first  two  procurators, 
that,  "  making  no  alterations  of  the  ancient  laws  and  customs, 
they  kept  the  nation  in  tranquillity."  ^ 

1.  The  first  procurator  whom  Claudius  sent  to  Palestine 
was  Cuspius  Fadus  (a.d.  44 — 1)?  Immediately  after  he  had 
entered  upon  his  office  he  had  an  opportunity  for  affirming 
his  determination  to  maintain  order.  When  he  arrived  in 
Palestine  the  inhabitants  of  Perea  were  in  a  state  of  open  war 
with  the  city  of  Philadelphia.'  The  conflict  had  arisen  over 
disputes  about  the  boundaries  of  their  respective  territories. 
Inasmuch  as  the  Pereans  were  the  parties  at  fault,  Fadus 
caused  one  of  the  three  leaders  of  the  party  to  be  executed 
and  the  other  two  to  be  banished  from  the  country. — But  that 
Fadus  with  all  his  uprightness  and  love  of  justice  had  no 
appreciation  of  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  the  Jewish 
people,  is  proved  by  his  demand  that  the  beautiful  robe  of 
the  high  priest,  which  in  earlier  times,  a.d.  6-36,  had  laid 
under  Eoman  keeping,  and  had  been  afterwards  given  up  by 
Vitellius  (see  above,  p.  88),  should  again  be  committed  to 
the  charge  of  the  Eomans.*  Thus,  without  any  occasion 
whatever,  by  petty  annoyances,  the  feelings  of  the  people, 
which  were  most  sensitive  in  matters  of  this  sort,  were 
outraged.  Fortunately,  Fadus  and  the  governor  of  Syria, 
Cassius  Longinus,  who  on  account  of  this  important  affair  had 

^  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6.  ^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  2. 

3  On  Pluladelphia,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  119-121. 
■♦  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  1.1. 


168  THE  EOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

gone  up  to  Jerusalem,  were  considerate  enough  as  to  at  least 
allow  a  Jewish  embassy  to  proceed  to  Home,  which  by  the 
mediation  of  the  younger  Agrippa  obtained  an  order  from 
Claudius  that  in  the  matter  of  the  garments  things  should 
continue  as  they  had  been/ 

More  serious  than  this  conflict  was  one  which  occurred  at  a 
later  period,  and  led  to  open  war  and  shedding  of  blood.  One 
who  pretended  to  be  a  prophet,  Theudas  by  name,  gathered  a 
large  multitude  of  followers  after  him,  with  whom  he  marched 
down  to  the  Jordan,  giving  them  the  assurance  that  he  by  his 
mere  word  would  part  the  stream  and  lead  them  across  on  dry 
land.  Tliis,  indeed,  was  only  to  be  a  proof  of  his  divine 
mission,  and  what  he  had  mainly  in  view,  the  contest  with 
Eome,  would  follow.  At  any  rate  this  was  how  the  matter 
was  regarded  by  Fadus.  He  sent  a  detachment  of  horsemen 
against  Theudas,  which  completely  defeated  him  and  slew  a 
portion  of  his  followers  or  took  them  prisoners ;  and  when 
Theudas  himself  had  been  apprehended,  they  struck  off  his 
head  and  carried  it  to  Jerusalem  as  a  sign  of  their  victory.^ 

^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx.  1.  1-2.  Compare  xv.  11.  4. — The  rescript  of 
Claudius  to  the  officials  of  Jerusalem,  in  whicli  this  decision  of  the 
emperor  is  communicated  to  them  (Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx.  1.  2),  bears  date  of 
28th  June  A.D.  45,  Claud,  trihunic.  j)otest.  V.,  in  the  consulship  of  Rufus 
and  Pompeius  Silvanus.  On  these  Consules  suffecii,  see  Klein,  Fasti 
considares,  p.  33. — Compare  also  :  Kindlmann,  "  Utrum  litterae,  quae  ad 
Claudium  Tiberium  imperatorem  apud  Joseph um  referuntur,  ad  eum 
referendae  pint  necne,  quaeritur.  Mahrisch-Neustadt,  Frogr.  1884.  This 
treatise  I  have  had  no  opportunity  of  examining. 

"  Joseph  us,  A7itiq.  xx.  5.  l=Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  ii.  11. — The  name 
Theudas  is  met  with  also  elsewhere  {Corp.  Inscr.  Grace,  n.  2684,  3563, 
3920,  5698  ;  Wetstein,  Nov.  Test,  on  Acts  v.  36  ;  Pape-Benseler,  iFoHer- 
buch  der  griech.  Eigennamen,  s.v.).  &ivd»;  is  a  contraction  for  QeoOoaio;, 
Bfo'SoToc,  Oiooapo;,  or  such  like  name  derived  from  dto;.  The  contraction 
for  20  into  sv  is  very  frequent  in  proper  names  connected  with  tffoV  and 
xXsof.  Even  in  rabbinical  works  we  find  DHin  (Buxtorf,  Lexicon 
Chaldaicum,  col.  2565  sq.  ;  Lightfoot,  Opera,  ii.  704  ;  Schoettgen,  Horae 
hebraicae,  i.  423).  But  the  name  of  the  physician  DIlTlj  Mishna,  Bechoroth 
iv.  4,  reads  according  to  the  best  manuscripts  DIlTin  (as  in  the  Cambridge 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PROCUEA.TORS,  A.D.  44-6G.  169 

2.  The  successor  of  Fadus  was  Tiberius  Alexander,  down 
to  A.D.  48,  descended  from  one  of  the  most  illustrious  Jewish 
families  of  Alexandria,  a  son  of  the  Alabarch  Alexander,  and 
nephew  of  the  philosopher  Philo.'  He  had  abandoned  the 
religion  of  his  fathers  and  taken  service  under  the  Eomans. 
During  the  period  of  his  government  Palestine  was  visited  by 
a   sore  famine.^      The  one  fact   of  any   imjiortance   that   is 

manuscrii:)t  and  cod.  de  Bossi,  138). — Our  rebel  cliief  Theudas  is  well 
known  from  the  reference  made  to  him  in  Acts  v.  36,  where  the  allusion 
to  him  occurs  in  a  speech  of  Gamaliel  delivered  a  considerable  time 
before  the  actual  ajipearance  of  Theudas.  Indeed,  according  to  the 
representation  of  the  narrative  of  the  Acts,  the  appearance  of  Theudas 
is  placed  before  that  of  Judas  of  Galilee  in  a.d.  6.  But  as  many  are 
unwilling  that  so  serious  an  error  should  be  attributed  to  the  author  of 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  several  theologians  have  assumed  the  existence 
of  two  different  rebels  of  the  name  of  Theudas.  But  such  an  assumption 
is  not  justified  in  consideration  of  the  slight  authority  of  the  Acts  in  such 
matters.  Compare  on  the  pro  and  con  of  this  controversy :  Sonntag, 
"  Theudas  der  Anfriihrer  "  (Studien  tmd  Kritilcen,  1837,  p.  622  ff.)  ;  Zuschlaf, 
Theudas,  Anfnhrer  eines  750  R.  in  Paldstina  erregten  Aufstandes,  Cassel 
1849  ;  Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis,  p.  90  f.  ;  Beitrage  zur  richtigen 
Wiirdigung  der  Evangeliev,  p.  101  ft".  ;  Winer,  Bealwcirterbuch,  ii.  609  f.  ; 
Keim  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  v.  510-513  ;  Kohler  in  Herzog,  Beal- 
Encyclopaedie,  1  Aufl.  xvi.  39-41  ;  K.  Schmidt  in  Herzog,  Beal-Encyclo- 
paedie,  2  Aufl.  xv.  553-557 ;  Zeller,  Die  Apostelgeschichie,  1854, 
pp.  132-137  ;  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  n.  903,  933,  1469.  The  Commentaries 
on  Acts  by  Kuinoel,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Overbeck,  Wendt,  Nosgen,  and 
others.  The  older  literature  is  given  in  Wolf,  Curae  pihilol.  in  Nov.  Test. 
on  Acts  V.  36. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  2,  xviii.  8.  1  —On  the  office  of  Alabarch,  see 
Div.  II.  vol  ii.  pp.  280,  281. 

^  Compare  in  regard  to  this  famine,  besides  Antiq.  xx.  5.  2,  also  Antiq. 
iii.  15.  3,  XX.  2.  6  ;  Acts  xi.  28-30  ;  Anger,  De  temporum  in  actis  aposto- 
lorum  ratione  (1833),  pp.  41-49  ;  Wieseler,  Chronologie  des  apostolischen 
Zeitalters,  pp.  156-161  ;  Karl  Schmidt,  Die  Apostelgeschichie,  Bd.  i.  1882, 
pp.  157-164. — Josephus  refers  the  famine  to  the  time  of  Tiberius  Alexander, 
but  states  that  it  had  its  beginning  in  the  days  of  his  predecessor:  stj 
TOVToi;  d)}  KXt  Toi/  /niyxu  7\i/^6v  xoerat  t^u  'lov^xi'xv  avuifiyi  ysuiaSxi.  The 
reading  t-Trl  tovtoi;  is  confirmed  by  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  ii.  12.  1.  In  the 
connection  in  which  it  occurs,  however,  it  is  certainly  not  to  be  rendered 
propter  haec  (as  Credner,  Einleitung,  p.  330,  does),  nor  even  by  ad  haec  nor 
post  haec  (as  Keim  does  in  his  Aiis  dcm  Urchristenthum,  p.  19,  note),  but 
hy  horum  temporibus.     On  this  incorrect  use  of  h-i  with  the  dative  instead 


170  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

recorded  about  him  is  that  he  caused  James  and  Simon,  tLe 
sons  of  Judas  of  Galilee,  to  he  crucified,  ostensibly  because 
they  were  entertaining  schemes  similar  to  those  of  their 
father.^ 

of  tlie  genitive,  see  WaU,  Clavis  librorum  V.  T.  apocryph.  s.v.  Ix/.  The 
narrative  of  the  Acts  is  in  agreement  with  this  when  it  refers  the  famine 
to  somewhere  about  the  time  of  Agrippa's  death  in  a.d.  44. — In  all  the 
three  passages  Josephus  names  Jiidea  only  as  the  district  affected  by  the 
famine  (xx.  5.  2  ;  tviv  'lovoxlxv;  iii.  15.  3:  r^v  x^j/soti/  i],u,av  ;  xx.  2.  6  : 
T'^u  TToXtv).  The  author  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  describes  it  as  extend- 
ing over  the  whole  world  (xi.  28  :  J|)'  oM»  tvid  ciKovf4,ivyiu),  which  is  a 
generalization  quite  as  unhistorical  as  that  about  the  census  of  Quirinius. 
Certainly  the  reign  of  Claudius  had  been  remarked  by  assiduae  sterilitates 
(Suetonius,  Claudius,  18).  Besides  the  famine  that  occurred  in  Palestine 
we  are  told  of  the  following  :  (1)  A  famine  in  Rome  in  the  beginning  of 
his  reign  (Dio  Cassius,  Ix.  11  ;  Aurel.,  Victor  Caesar,  4  ;  Coins  in  Eckhel, 
Dodr.  Num.  vi.  238  sq.) ;  (2)  Another  famine  in  Greece  in  the  8th  or 
9th  year  of  his  reign  (Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  152  sq.,  in  the 
Armenian  and  according  to  Jerome) ;  and  (3)  yet  another  famine  in 
Rome  in  the  11th  year  of  his  reign,  according  to  Tacitus,  Amuils,  xii.  43, 
or  according  to  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  in  the  10th  or  9th  year  ;  Orosius 
also,  vii.  6.  17,  giving  the  10th  year  as  the  date.  But  a  famine  that 
extended  over  the  whole  world  is  as  improbable  in  itself  as  it  is  un- 
supported by  the  statement  of  any  authority. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  2.— Tiberius  Alexander  served  at  a  late 
period  under  Corbulo  against  the  Parthians  (Tacitus,  Annals,  xv.  28), 
was  then  made  governor  of  Egypt  (Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  15.  1, 
18.  7,  iv.  10.  6  ;  Tacitus,  History,  i.  11,  ii.  74,  79  ;  Suetonius,  Vespasian, 
6),  and  was  the  most  distinguished  and  trusted  counsellor  of  Titus  at  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem  (J^Fars  of  the  Jews,  v.  1.  6,  vi.  4.  3).  His  full  name 
is  given  in  an  edict  which  he  issued  as  governor  of  Egypt :  "  Tiberius 
Julius  Alexander"  {Corpus  Inscr.  Grace,  n.  4957). — The  conjecture  of 
Bernays,  that  it  is  to  him  that  the  pseudo-Aristotelian  treatise  -Tnpl  x,6ai/.ou 
is  dedicated,  is  highly  improbable,  although  it  has  been  accepted  as  an 
established  fact  by  Mommsen,  Edmische  Geschichte,  v.  494,  566.  According 
to  Zeller,  that  work  is  actually  a  production  of  Aristotle,  and  he  to  whom 
it  is  dedicated  is  Alexander  the  Great.  See  the  literature  given  above  in 
vol.  i.  p.  63. — On  Tiberius  Alexander  compare  generally  :  Rudorff,  "  Das 
Edict  des  Tiberius  Julius  Alexander  "  (Rhcin  Museum,  1828,  pp.  64-84, 
133-190) ;  Franz,  Corpus  Inscr.  Gh-aec.  n.  4957  ;  Haakh  in  Pauly's 
Ueal-Encyclopacdie,  vi.  2  (1852),  p.  1943  f.  ;  Renier  in  the  Memoires  de 
V Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles- Lettres,  t.  xxvi.  1  (1867),  pp.  294-302  ; 
Lurabroso,  Eecherches  sur  Ve'conomie  politique  de  VEgypte  sous  les  Lagides 
(Turin  1870),  p.  216  sq. — The  family  of  Tiberius  Alexander  continued 


§  19.    THE  KOMAN  PROCURATORS,  A.D.  4-1-G6.  171 

Although  even  the  days  of  those  first  procurators  did  not 
pass  without  troubles  and  upheaval,  these  came  to  be  regarded 
as  altogether  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  excitement 
and  turmoil  that  followed.  Even  under  the  governorship  of 
the  next  procurator  Cumanus  popular  tumults,  not  without 
faults  on  both  sides,  broke  out  in  far  more  formidable 
proportions. 

3.  The  first  rebellion  against  which  Ventidius  Cumanus, 
A.D.  48-52,^°  had  to  contend  was  occasioned  by  the  coarse  in- 
solence of  a  Eoman  soldier.  This  man  had  the  presumption 
at  the  feast  of  the  Passover,  when  to  maintain  order  and 
preserve  the  peace  a  detachment  of  soldiers  was  always 
situated  in  the  court  of  the  temple,^^  to  insult  the  festive 
gathering  by  assuming  an  indecent  posture.  The  enraged 
multitude  demanded  satisfaction  from  the  procurator.  As 
Cumanus,  however,  attempted   first  of  all   to   hush   up    the 

also  in  later  times  in  the  service  of  the  Romans.  A  Julius  Alexander, 
perhaps  a  son  or  grandson  of  the  one  of  whom  we  have  been  sj^eaking, 
served  as  legate  under  Trajan  in  the  Parthian  war  (Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  30), 
was  consul  in  a.d.  117,  and  member  of  the  priestly  College  of  the  Arvales, 
A.D.  118-119.  The  Acts  of  the  Arvales  give  his  full  name  as  Tiberius 
Julius  Alexander  Julianus  (Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  2078,  2079  ;  com- 
pare also,  Henzen,  Acta  fratrum  Arvalimn,  Index,  p.  188).  One  Ti/Sipios 
''loi/'hio;  'A'hi^tx.uopo?,  commander  of  cohors  I  Flavia  and  agoranomos 
over  the  second  city  district  of  Alexandria,  in  the  21st  year  of  Antoninus 
Pius,  erected  a  statue  to  the  great  goddess  Isis  {Annali  delV  Instituto  di 
corrisp.  archeolog.  1875,  p.  15), 

^"  Ventidius,  according  to  Tacitus,  Annals,  xii.  54  ;  in  Josephus  called 
only  Cumanus. — The  date  of  Cumanus'  entrance  upon  office  may  be  dis- 
covered, though  only  approximately,  from  this,  that  Josephus  at  the  same 
time  reports  the  death  of  Herod  of  Chalcis  in  the  8th  year  of  Claudius 
=  A.D.  48  (Antiq.  xx,  5,  2),  Without  sufficient  ground  Wieseler,  Chrono- 
logie  des  apostolischen  Zeitalters,  pp,  68,  126  f,,  fixcii  the  date  of  Cumanus' 
entrance  upon  his  office  as  late  as  a.d.  50  ;  whereas,  on  the  other  hand, 
Anger,  iJe  temporum  in  adis  apostolorum  ratione,  p.  44  ;  Gerlach,  Die 
rumische  Statthalter,  p,  71  ;  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  vii.  415  ;  Hitzig, 
Geschichte  dcs  Volkes  Israel,  ii,  589  ;  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  n,  1719  ;  Griitz, 
Monaisschrift,  1877,  pp,  402-408  —  Geschichte  tier  Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii. 
pp.  725-728  ;  Rohden,  De  Palaestina,  p,  35,  assume  the  date  a.d.  48. 

'^  Compare  JFars  of  the  Jetvs,  v.  5.  8  ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  11. 


172  THE  KOMAX-HEIIODIAN  AGE. 

matter,  he  too  was  assailed  with  reproachful  speeches,  until  at 
length  he  called  for  the  intervention  of  the  armed  forces. 
The  excited  crowds  were  utterly  routed ;  and  their  overthrow 
was  so  complete  that,  according  to  Josephus'  estimate,  in  the 
crush  which  took  place  in  the  streets  in  consequence  of  their 
flight,  20,000  (!)  men  lost  their  lives.^' 

The  fault  in  this  case  lay  with  the  Eomans,  but  in  the 
next  upheaval  the  occasion  was  given  by  the  Jewish  people 
themselves.  An  imperial  official  called  Stephanus  was 
attacked  on  a  public  road  not  far  from  Jerusalem,  and 
robbed  of  all  his  belongings.  As  a  punishment  for  this  the 
villages  which  lay  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  spot  where 
the  deed  was  committed  were  subjected  to  a  general  pillage. 
It  was  through  a  pure  mischance  that  out  of  this  pillage 
further  mischief  was  very  nearly  occasioned  ;  for  a  soldier, 
before  the  eyes  of  all,  amid  contumelious  and  reproachful 
speeches  tore  up  a  Thorah  roll  which  he  had  found.  In 
order  to  obtain  revenge  and  satisfaction  for  such  profanity,  a 
mass  deputation  visited  Cumanus  at  Caesarea,  demanding  the 
punishment  of  the  offender.  This  time  the  procurator  saw 
it  to  be  advisable  to  give  way,  and  so  sentenced  the  offender 
to  be  put  to  death.^^ 

Far  more  bitter  and  bloody  was  a  third  collision  with  the 
people  under  Cumanus,  which  though  it  did  not  indeed  cost 
him  his  life,  yet  led  to  his  loss  of  office.  Certain  Galilean 
Jews,  who  on  their  way  to  the  feast  at  Jerusalem  had  to  pass 
through  Samaria,  had  been  murdered  in  a  Samaritan  village. 
When  Cumanus,  who  had  been  bribed  by  the  Samaritans, 
took  no  steps  to  secure  the  punishment  of  the  guilty,  the 
Jewish  people  took  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  revenge. 
Under  the  leadership  of  two  Zealots,  Eleasar  and  Alexander, 
a    great   multitude    of    armed    men    made    an    attack    upon 

^2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  3  ;  TVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  1. 
^»  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  4  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  2. 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PEOCURATORS,  A.D.  44-G6.  173 

Samaria,  hewed  down  old  men,  women,  and  children,  and  laid 
waste  the  villages.  But  then  Cumanus  with  a  portion  of  his 
military  force  fell  upon  the  Zealots ;  many  were  slain,  others 
were  taken  prisoners.  Meanwhile  ambassadors  from  the 
Samaritans  appeared  before  Ummidius  Quadratus,  governor  of 
Syria,  and  lodged  a  complaint  with  him  about  the  robber  raid 
of  the  Jews.  At  the  same  time,  however,  a  Jewish  embassy 
also  came  to  Quadratus,  and  accused  the  Samaritans  and 
Cumanus,  who  had  accepted  bribe  from  them.  Quadratus, 
therefore,  went  himself  to  Samaria  and  made  a  strict  in- 
vestigation. All  the  revolutionists  taken  prisoners  by 
Cumanus  were  crucified  ;  five  Jews,  wlio  were  proved  to  have 
taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  struggle,  were  beheaded  ;  but 
the  ringleaders  both  of  the  Jews  and  of  the  Samaritans  were 
sent  along  with  Cumanus  to  Eome  in  order  to  answer  for 
their  conduct  there.  The  Jews  were  indebted  to  the  inter- 
cession of  the  younger  Agrippa,  who  happened  then  to  be  in 
Eome,  for  their  success  in  their  securing  their  riglits.  The 
decision  of  Claudius  was  to  this  effect,  that  the  ringleaders  of 
the  Samaritans,  who  had  been  discovered  by  him  to  be  the 
guilty  parties,  should  be  executed,  while  Cumanus  was  to  be 
deprived  of  his  office  and  sent  into  banishment.'* 

1*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  6.  1-3  ;  IVars  of  the  Je^cs,  ii.  12.  3-7. — There  is 
a  divergence  in  regard  to  essential  points  between  this  representation  of 
Josephus  and  that  given  by  Tacitus,  Annals,  xii.  54.  According  to  the 
Roman  historian,  Cumanus  was  only  procurator  of  Galilee,  while  during 
the  same  period  Felix  had  the  administration  of  Samaria,  and  indeed  of 
Judea  also  (Felix  .  .  .  jam  pridem  Judaeae  impositus  .  .  .  aemulo  ad 
deterrima  Ventidio  Cumano,  cui  pars  provinciae  habebatur,  ita  divisae, 
ut  huic  Galilaeorum  natio,  Felici  Samaritae  parerent).  Felix  and 
Cumanus  were  equally  to  blame  for  the  bloody  conflicts  that  took  place. 
But  Quadratus  condemned  only  Cumanus,  and  even  allowed  Felix  to 
take  part  in  the  trial  as  judge. — It  is  really  impossible  to  do  away  with 
the  contradiction  between  Tacitus  and  Josephus  ;  for  Josephus  leaves  no 
<loubt  of  this,  that,  according  to  his  understanding  of  the  matter,  Cumanus 
was  the  only  governor  in  the  territory  of  the  Jews,  and  that  Felix  only 
went  to  Palestine  as  his  successor     Compare  especially  the  definite  state- 


t  >  ^ 


174  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

4.  At  the  request  of  the  high  priest  Jonathan,  one  of  the 

Jewish  aristocracy  whom  Quadratus  had  sent  to  Eome/^  the 

Emperor  Claudius  transferred  the  administration  of  Palestine 

to  one  of  his  favourites,  the  brother  of  the  influential  Pallas, 

whose  name  was  Felix  (a.d.  52-60).^^     This  man's  term  of 

office    constitutes    probably  the  turning-point  in  the  drama 

which  had  opened  with  A.D.  44  and  reached  its  close  in  the 

bloody  conflicts  of  a.d.  70.     During  the  days  of  the  first  two 

ment  that  the  high  priest  Jonathan,  who  was  in  Rome  at  the  time  of  the 
deposition  of  Cumanus,  had  besought  the  emperor  that  he  shouki  send 
Felix  (see  note  15).  But  it  seems  a  matter  scarcely  to  be  questioned  that 
the  very  detailed  narrative  of  Josephus  deserves  to  be  preferred  to  the 
indeterminate  remarks  made  by  Tacitus.  So  also  thinks  Wurm,  Tiibinger 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Theologie,  1833,  1  Heft,  pp.  14-21;  Anger,  De  temporum 
in  adis  apostolonim  ratione,  pp.  88-90  ;  Wieseler,  Ghronologie  des  aposto- 
lischen  Zeitalters,  p.  67  ;  Winer,  Eeahuorterhich,  art.  "  Felix  ; "  Lewin, 
Fasti  sacri,  n.  1777. — In  favour  essentially  of  Tacitus  :  Nipperdey, 
Anmerhungen  zu  Tacitus  Annates,  xii.  54  ;  Gratz,  3Ionatsschrift,  1877, 
p.  403  fi.  =  GescUcMe  der  Juden,  Bd.  iii.  4  Aufl.  pp.  725-728;  Rohden, 
Be  Palaestina  et  Arabia,  p.  35  ;  Kellner,  Zeitschrift  fiir  katholischen  TJieo- 
logie,  1888,  p.  639  f. 

15  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  6.  Compare  Antiq^.  xx.  8.  5  :  A.'nn- 
aufiivog  iKilvov  TTxpci  roil  Kxiaxpo;  ■7rif4,$Sr,vcii  tsjj  'lov^xixg  eTri'rpoTrot/. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  8  ;  Suetonius, 
Claudius,  28. — That  Felix  entered  upon  his  office  in  a.d.  52  is  probable 
for  this  reason,  that  Josephus  immediately  after  making  that  statement 
mentions  that  Claudius  after  the  completion  of  his  twelfth  year  (t^j-  dp^vn 
lulix.ot.rov  hog  sj'S*?  i7ii7'hy\pux.ui),  i.e.  after  the  24th  January  A.D.  53, 
bestowed  upon  Agrippa  II.,  Batanea  and  Trachonitis  (Antiq.  xx.  7.  1). 
This  indeed  leaves  the  year  53  open  as  a  possible  date,  which  some 
actually  adopt.  But  in  favour  of  52  is  the  fact  that  Tacitus,  Annals, 
xii.  54,  relates  the  deposition  of  Cumanus  among  the  events  of  this  year  ; 
no  doubt  with  the  assumption  that  Felix  had  been  already  before  this, 
contemporary  with  Cumanus,  carrying  on  the  government  of  a  portion  of 
Palestine.  Although,  indeed,  this  assumption  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as 
correct  (see  note  14),  yet  the  year  52  must  be  firmly  adhered  to  as  the 
time  of  the  deposition  of  Cumanus. 

Compare  on  Felix  generally  :  C.  W.  F.  Walch,  De  Felice,  Judaeae 
procuratore,  Jenae  1747  ;  Haakh  in  Pauly's  Real-Encxjdopaedie,  iii.  443  f. ; 
Winer,  licalwiirterluch,  i.  368  f.  ;  Paret  in  Herzog's  lieal-Encyclopaedie, 
1  Aufi.  iv.  354  f.  ;  K.  Schmidt,  Herzog,  2  Aufl.  iv.  518  f.  ;  Kellner  in 
Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchcnkxikon,  2  Aufl.  iv.  1311  ff".  ;  Overbeck  in 
Sclieukel's  Bihellexikon,  ii.  263  ft'. 


§  10.    THE  ROMAN  PKOCURATOllS,  A.D.  44-GO.  175 

procurators  things  had  continued  relatively  quiet ;  under 
Cumanus,  indeed,  there  were  more  serious  uprisings  of  the 
people ;  yet  even  then  they  were  only  isolated  and  called 
forth  by  particular  occurrences  ;  under  Felix  rebellion  became 
permanent. 

He  was,  like  his  brother  Pallas,  a  freedman  of  the  imperial 
family,^^ — a  freedman  probably  of  Antonia  the  mother  of 
Claudius,  and  having  therefore  as  his  full  name,  Antonius 
Felix.^^  The  conferring  of  a  procuratorship  with  military 
command  upon  a  freedman  was  something  unheard  of,  and  is 
only  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  influence  which  the  freedmen 
had  at  the  court  of  Claudius.-^^     As  procurator  of  Palestine 

^^  Tacitus,  History,  v.  9  ;  Suetonius,  Claudius,  28. 

^8  Antonius  Felix,  according  to  Tacitus,  History,  v.  9. — This  name  and 
the  circumstance  that  Pallas,  the  brother  of  Felix,  was  a  freedman  of 
Antonia  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xviii.  6.  6),  favours  the  hypothesis  that  Felix 
also  was  a  freedman,  not  of  Claudius,  hut  of  his  mother  Antonia  (see 
Nipperdey  on  Tacitus,  Annals,  xi.  29  and  xii.  54). — That  Felix  also  Lore 
the  name  Claudius  (so  e.g.  Winer,  Realworterbuch,  art.  "  Felix,"  and 
Rohden,  De  Palaestina  et  Arabia,  p,  35)  cannot  be  proved  from  the 
original  documents  ;  for  in  Josephus,  A7itiq.  xx.  7.  1,  as  well  as  in  Suidas, 
Lexicon,  s.v.  K'haCltog,  instead  of  K'Kxvliov  <t>tiXtxx  we  should  read  KXetv- 
oio;  ^Yi'hiKx  (scil.  7r£,«s-£/,  resp.  iTrsfTTms'j).  The  reading  of  the  manuscript 
in  the  Suidas  passage  is  indeed  K'hcc-Jdiou  ;  but  the  conjecture  KAaiio/oj  is 
rightly  favoured  by  Bernhardy,  and  has  been  adopted  by  Bekker  into 
the  text.  Compare  in  general  on  the  name  of  Felix,  Walch,  De  Felice, 
pp.  2-7. 

1^  Suetonius,  Claudius,  28,  gives  prominence  to  it  as  something  un- 
usual :  "  Felicem,  quern  cohortibus  et  alis  provinciaeque  Judaeae  prae- 
posuit."  Compare  in  addition,  Hirschfeld,  Sitzungsberichte  der  Berliner 
Akademie,  1889,  p.  423. — Besides  the  freedman  it  is  well  known  that  in 
the  latter  years  of  the  reign  of  Claudius,  a.d.  49-54,  his  wife  Agrippina 
also  exercised  an  unwholesome  influence.  The  Palestinian  coins  also  of 
the  13th  and  14th  years  of  Claudius  afford  evidence  of  his  powerful 
influence,  since  on  them  her  name  {'lovT^ix  ' kypiivKivot)  ap2)ears  alongside 
of  that  of  her  husband  (Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  iii.  498 ;  Mionnet,  Descrip- 
tion de  me'dailles,  v.  554  ;  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatih,  i.  66,  ii.  52  ; 
De  Saulcy,  Rccherchcs  sur  la  Numismaiique  Judaique,  p.  149  ;  Madden, 
Histonj  of  Jewish  Coinage,  p.  151  sq.  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismaiique  de  la 
Tcrre  Sainte,  p.  76  sq.  ;  Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  p.  190  sq. ; 
Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jeics,  p.   184  sq.  ;  Stickel,  Zcitschrift  dcs  dcutschen 


176  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Felix  proved  worthy  of  his  descent.  "  With  all  manner  of 
cruelty  and  lust  he  exercised  royal  functions  in  the  spirit  of 
a  slave  ;  "  in  these  words  Tacitus  sums  up  his  estimate  of  the 

20 

man. 

Felix  was  three  times  married.      All  the  three  wives,  of 

whom  two  are  known  to  us,  belonged  to  royal  families.^^     The 

one  was  a  granddaughter  of  the  triumvir  Marc  Antony  and 

Cleopatra,    and    by  this    marriage    Felix   was    brought   into 

relationship  with  the  Emperor  Claudius.^^     The  other  was  the 

Jewish    princess  Drusilla,   the  daughter  of   Agrippa  I.  and 

sister  of  Agrippa  11. ;  and  the  way  in  whicli  the  marriage  with 

her  was  brought  about  serves  to  confirm    the    estimate    of 

Tacitus   quoted  above.      Drusilla  at    the    time    when    Felix 

entered  upon  his  office  was  fourteen  years  of  age.^^     Soon 

after  this  she   was   married   by   her  brother  Agrippa   II.   to 

Azizus,  king  of  Emesa,  after  the  marriage  with  the   son  of 

King  Antiochus  of  Commagene,  to  whom  she  had  been  before 

betrothed,  had  been  broken  off  because  he  refused  to  submit 

to  circumcision.^*      Soon   after   her  marriage   Felix    saw   the 

Palastina-Vereins,  vii.  1884,  p.  213). — Probably  also  a  town  on  the  east  of 
the  Jordan  is  named  after  her,  namely,  one  lying  between  the  Mount 
Sartaba  and  the  Hauran  :  Agrippina,  xrD''"iJX-  This  is  the  reading  of 
tlie  Mishna,  Eosh-Hashana  ii.  4,  according  to  the  Cambridge  manuscript 
edited  by  Lowe.  A  Hamburg  manuscript  and  the  editio  •princeps  have 
Agropina ;  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  and  the  cod.  de  Bossi,  138:  Gripina ; 
the  common  printed  text  :  Groinna.  The  place  is  named  only  in  that 
one  passage  in  the  Mishna.  Tlie  Greek  form  would  be  Ay/!/x7r<»«f,  after 
the  pattern  of  Tifisptu;  from  K^lStD- 

^'^  History,  v.  9  :  "per  omnem  saevitiam  ac  libidinem  jus  regium  servili 
ingenio  exercuit." 

-1  Suetonius,  Claudius,  28,  calls  him  trium  reginarum  inaritum. 

22  Tacitus,  History,  v.  9:  "Drusilla  Cleopatrae  et  Antonii  nepte  in 
matrimonium  accepta,  ut  ejusdem  Antonii  Felix  progener,  Claudius  nepos 
esset." — The  name  Drusilla  is  introduced  through  a  confusion  with  the 
other  wife  of  Felix. 

2*  As  appears  evidently  from  Antiq.  xix.  9.  1,  according  to  which 
Drusilla,  the  youngest  of  the  daughters  of  Agrippa  I.,  was  six  years  old 
at  the  time  of  his  death. 

2*  Josephus,  Ayitiq.  xx.  7.  1. 


§  19.    THE  KOMAN  PROCURATORS,  A.D.  44-66.  177 

beautiful  queen,  became  inflamed  with  passion,  and  determined 
to  possess  her.  By  the  help  of  a  magician  of  Cyprus  called 
Simon,  he  prevailed  on  her  to  marry  liim.  In  defiance  of  the 
law,  which  strictly  forbade  the  marriage  of  a  Jewess  with  a 
pagan,  Drusilla  gave  her  hand  to  the  Eomau  procurator. ^^ 

The  public  career  of  Felix  was  no  better  than  his  private 
life.  As  brother  of  the  powerful  and  highly  favoured  Pallas, 
"  he  believed  that  he  might  commit  all  sorts  of  enormities 
with  impunity."  ^^ — It  can  be  easily  understood  how  under 
such  a  government  as  this  the  bitter  feeling  against  liome 
grew  rapidly,  and  the  various  stages  of  its  development  were 
plainly  carried  out  to  the  utmost  extent  under  Felix  and  by 
his  fault." 

First  of  all,  on  account  of  his  misgovernment  the  Zealots, 
who  entertained  so  fanatical  a  hatred  of  the  Eomans,  won 
more  and  more  sympathy  among  the  ranks  of  the  citizens. 
How  far  Josephus  had  grounds  for  styling  them  simply 
robbers  may  remain  undetermined.  In  any  case,  as  their 
following  from  among  the  people  shows,  they  were  not 
robbers  of  the  common  sort ;  and  their  pillaging  was  con- 
fined wholly  to  the  property  of  their  political  opponents. 
Felix,  who  was  not  very  scrupulous  about  the  means  he  used, 
contrived  to   get   Eleasar,   the   head   of  the  party,   into   his 

25  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  2.  Compare  Acts  of  the  Apostles  xxiv.  24. 
Since  Azizus  died  in  the  first  year  of  Nero  (Antiq.  xx.  8.  4),  the  marriage 
with  Felix  must  have  taken  place  in  the  time  of  Claudius,  in  a.d.  53  or  54. 
Compare  Wieseler,  Chronologie  des  ajMstolischen  Zeitalters,  p.  80  f. — Drusilla 
bore  a  son  to  Felix  called  Agrippa,  who,  "  together  with  his  wife  "  (ai>u  rri 
yvjociKi,  it  is  certainly  not  Drusilla,  but  the  wife  of  Agrippa  that  in 
meant),  perished  in  an  irruption  of  Vesuvius  {Antiq.  xx.  7.  2). — Compare 
on  Drusilla,  besides  the  articles  in  Winer,  Herzog,  and  Scheukel,  also 
Gerlach,  Zeitschrift  fiir  luth.  Theologie,  1869,  p.  68  f. 

-''  Tacitus,  Annals,  xii.  54  :  "  Cuncta  malefacta  sibi  impune  ratus  tanta 
potontia  subnixo." 

2'  This  appears  most  distinctly  from  the  account  given  in  Wars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  13.  2-6,  which  is  much  more  lucid  and  clear  than  that  given  in 
the  Antiq.  XX.  8.  5-6. 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  M 


178  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE 

hands  by  means  of  treachery,  and  sent  him,  together  with 
those  of  his  adherents  whom  he  had  already  in  prison,  to 
Eome.  "  But  the  number  of  the  robbers  whom  he  caused  to 
be  crucified  was  iucalcuhable,  as  also  that  of  the  citizens 
whom  he  arrested  and  punished  as  having  been  in  league 
with  them."  '^ 

Such  preposterous  severity  and  cruelty  only  gave  occasion 
to  still  further  troubles.^^  In  the  place  of  the  robbers  of 
whom  Felix  had  rid  the  country,  the  Sicarii  made  their 
appearance,  a  still  more  fanatical  faction  of  the  patriots,  who 
deliberately  adopted  as  their  special  task  the  removal  of  their 
political  opponents  by  assassination.  Armed  with  short 
daggers  (sicae),  from  which  they  received  their  name,^°  they 
mixed  among  the  crowds  especially  during  the  festival  seasons, 
and  unobserved  in  the  press  stabbed  their  opponents  (tou? 
Biacjiopov^,  i.e.  the  friends  of  the  Eomans),  and  feigning  deep 
sorrow  when  the  deed  was  done,  succeeded  in  thereby  draw- 
ing away  suspicion  from  themselves.  These  political 
murders  were  so  frequent  that  soon  no  one  any  longer  felt 
safe  in  Jerusalem.  Among  others  who  fell  victims  to  the 
daggers  of  the  Sicarii  was  Jonathan  the  high  priest,  who,  as 
a  man  of  moderate  sentiments,  was  hated  by  the  Sicarii  as 
well  as  by  the  procurator  Felix,  whom  he  often  exhorted  to 
act  more  worthily  in  the  administration  of  his  office,  lest  he 
(Jonathan)  should  be  blamed  by  the  people  for  having 
recommended  the  emperor  to  appoint  him  governor.  Felix 
'wished  to  have  the  troublesome  exhorter  put  out  of  the  way, 
and  found  that  this  could  be  most  simply  accomplished  by 
means  of  assassination,  to  which  the  Sicarii,  although  other- 
wise the  deadly  foes  of  Felix,  readily  lent  themselves.^^ 

28  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  2  ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  5. 

2®  Tacitus,  Annals^  xii.  54  :    "  intenipestivis  remediis  delicta  accen- 
debat." 

^°  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  10. 

•^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  3  ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  5. — The  Sicarii 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PROCURATORS,  A.D.  44-66.  179 

With  these  political  fanatics  there  were  associated  religious 
fanatics  "not  so  impure  in  their  deeds,  but  still  more  wicked 
in  their  intentions."  Advancing  the  claim  of  a  divine  mission, 
they  roused  the  people  to  a  wild  enthusiasm,  and  led  tlie 
credulous  multitude  in  crowds  out  into  the  wilderness,  in 
order  that  there  they  might  show  them  "  the  tokens  fore- 
shadowing freedom  "  {arjixela  iXev6epLa<;) — that  freedom  which 
consisted  in  casting  off  the  Roman  yoke  and  setting  up  the 
kingdom  of  God,  or,  to  use  the  language  of  Josephus,  in 
innovation    and    revolution.       Since   religious    fanaticism    is 

are  also  referred  to  during  the  war,  when  tliey  had  in  their  possession 
the  fortress  of  Masada.  See  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  6,  iv.  7.  2,  9.  5,  vii. 
8.  1  ff.,  10.  1,  11.  1.  The  author  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  was  also 
aware  of  their  existence  as  a  political  party  (Acts  xxi.  38  :  toi);  Tsrpoi- 
Ki(7-/,i>^!ov;  ol'jopx;  raiu  a  i x,  a,  p  i o v). — In  Latin  sicarius  is  the  common  desig- 
nation for  a  murderer.  Thus,  for  example,  the  law  passed  under  Sulla 
against  murderers  is  called  "  lex  Cornelia  de  Sicariis ''  (Pauly's  lieal- 
iJncyclopaedie,  iv.  969,  and  generally  the  article  "  Sicarius  "  in  the  same 
Encydopaedie,  vi.  1.  1153  f ).  It  also  occurs  in  the  Mishna  in  this  same 
general  sense  :  Bikkurim  i.  2,  ii.  3  ;  Gittin  v.  6  ;  Machsliirin  i.  6.  In 
none  of  these  passages  is  the  term  Sicarii  used  to  designate  a  political 
party.  In  the  passage  Machsliirin  1.  6  the  story  told  is  this,  that  on  one 
occasion  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  hid  their  fig-cakes  in  water  from 
fear  of  the  D''-ip''D.  In  the  other  passages  a  case  is  supposed  in  which  a 
robber-murderer  has  violently  appropriated  to  himself  a  piece  of  land. 
It  is  asked  what  is  to  be  done  in  this  case  with  reference  to  the  taxes 
{Bikkurim  1.  2,  ii.  3),  and  whether  one  would  be  able  by  process  of  law  to 
buy  from  the  robber-murderer  such  a  piece  of  land  {Gittin  v.  6).  In 
reference  to  this  last  point  it  is  said  that  since  the  war,  which  here 
clearly  means  the  war  of  Hadrian,  it  had  been  decreed  that  the  purchase 
would  be  valid  only  when  the  property  had  been  first  obtained  from  the 
lawful  possessors  and  then  from  the  robber  who  had  taken  it  by  force, 
but  not  when  it  had  been  bought  first  from  the  robber  and  then  from 
the  legal  owners.  Here  we  are  to  understand  by  the  Sicarii  rather  non- 
Jewisli  than  Jewish  robber-murderers.  Compare  generally  :  Gratzj| 
Geschichte  der  Juden,  iv.  422  f ,  who  wrongly  makes  the  Sicarii  a  Jewish 
political  party  ;  Derenbourg,  Historic  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  280,  475  sqq.  ; 
Levy,  Ncuhebraischcs  JVorterbuch,  iii.  518. — The  correct  form  D''"lp''D  = 
sicarii,  is  found  in  Machshirin  i.  6  (e.g.  in  the  Cambridge  manuscript 
edited  by  Lowe).  But  it  is  deserving  of  remark  that  in  the  other 
passages  the  best  texts,  e.g.  the  Cambridge  manuscript,  constantly  have 
p.p''1p''D,  sicaricon,  and  that  indeed  as  a  mas.  sing.  =  "  the  murderer." 


180  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

always  the  most  powerful  and  the  most  persistent,  Josephus 
is  certainly  right  when  he  says  tliat  those  fanatics  and 
deceivers  contributed  no  less  than  the  "  robbers  "  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  city.  Felix  also  recognised  clearly  enough  the 
dangerous  tendency  of  the  movement,  and  invariably  broke 
in  upon  all  such  undertakings  with  the  sword.^^ — The  most 
celebrated  enterprise  of  this  sort  was  the  exploit  of  that 
Egyptian  to  whom  Acts  xxi.  38  refers.  An  Egyptian  Jew 
who  gave  himself  out  for  a  prophet,  gathered  around  him  in 
the  wilderness  a  great  crowd  of  people,  numbering,  according 
to  Acts,  4000,  according  to  Josephus,  30,000,  with  whom  he 
wished  to  ascend  the  Mount  of  Olives,  because  he  promised 
that  at  his  word  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  would  fall  down  and 
give  them  free  entrance  into  the  city.  Then  they  would  get 
the  Eoman  garrison  into  their  power  and  secure  to  them- 
selves the  government.  Felix  did  not  give  the  prophet  time 
to  perform  his  miracle,  but  attacked  him  with  his  troops, 
slew  and  scattered  his  followers  or  took  them  prisoners.  But 
the  Egyptian  himself  escaped  from  the  slaughter  and  dis- 
appeared."'^ 

The  result  of  tliis  unfortunate  undertaking  was  temporary 
strengthening  of  the  anti-Eoman  party.  The  religious  and 
the  political  fanatics  (ot,  7077x69  kol  XrjarpiKoi)  united  together 
for  a  common  enterprise.  "  They  persuaded  the  Jews  to 
revolt,  and  exhorted  them  to  assert  their  liberty,  inflicting 
death  on  those  that  continued  in  obedience  to  the  Eoman- 
government,  and  saying  that  such  as  willingly  chose  slavery 
ought  to  be  forced  from  such  their  desired  inclinations  ;  for 
they  parted  themselves  into  different  bodies,  and  lay  in  wait 

^2  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  4 ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  6. 

*^  Joseplius,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  5  ;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  6  :  0  Is  A/yt/xr/oj- 
uvTo;  S<9fBoa«f  ex.  rijj  ,ucixy}i  cKpetu'Ai  iyivsTo.  Undoubtedly  the  people 
Ijelieved  in  a  wonderful  deliverance  and  escape,  and  hoj^ed  for  a  return, 
to  which  even  Acts  xxi.  38  contains  a  reference. — Compare  also  Eusebius, 
Jlist.  eccl.  ii.  21. 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PROCURATORS,  A.D.  -14-06.  181 

lip  and  down  the  country,  and  plundered  the  houses  of  the 
great  men,  and  slew  the  men  themselves,  and  set  the  villages 
on  fire ;  and  this  till  all  Judea  was  filled  with  their 
madness."  ^* 

Thus  did  the  misgovernment  of  Felix  in  the  end  bring 
about  this  result,  that  a  large  portion  of  the  people  from  this 
time  forth  became  thoroughly  roused,  under  the  constant 
strain  of  this  wild  reign  of  terror,  to  wage  war  against  Rome, 
and  rested  not  until  at  last  the  end  was  reached. 

Besides  these  wild  movements  of  the  popular  agitators, 
internal  strifes  and  rivalries  among  the  priests  themselves  led 
to  the  increase  of  confusion.  The  high  priests  were  at  feud 
with  the  other  priests,  and  in  consequence  of  the  illegal 
arrangements  which  prevailed  in  Palestine  under  Felix' 
government,  they  could  even  go  the  length  of  sending  their 
servants  to  the  threshing-floor,  and  carrying  away  by  force 
the  tithes  which  belonged  to  the  other  priests,  so  that  many 
of  these  unfortunate  priests  actually  died  for  want.^^ 

In  the  last  two  years  of  Felix  occurred  also  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  Apostle  Paul  at  Caesarea,  of  wliich  an  account 
is  given  in  Acts  xxiii.,  xxiv.  We  are  familiar  with  the 
story  of  the  personal  interview  which  the  apostle  had  with 
the  Eoman  procurator  and  his  wife  Drusilla,  at  which  the 
apostle  did  not  fail  to  speak  to  botli  of  that  which  it  was 
specially  fit  that  they  should  hear :  "  of  righteousness  and  of 
temperance,  and  of  judgment  to  come."  ^® 

While  Paul  lay  a  prisoner  at  Caesarea,  a  conflict  arose 
there  between  the  Jewish  and  Syrian  inhabitants  of  the  city 
over  the  question  of  equality  in  citizen  rights  (IcroTroXiTeia). 
The  Jews  laid  claim  to  the  possession  of  certain  advantages 
and  privileges,  since  Herod  was  the  founder  of  the  city.  The 
Syrians   were   naturally    unwilliug   that  any  such  preference 

s*  Joseplius,  JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  G;  Antiq.  xx.  8.  G. 

2^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx,  8.  8.  ^''  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  xxiv.  24  f. 


182  THE  ROMAN-IIEKODIAN  AGE. 

should  be  given  to  the  Jews.  Tor  a  long  time  both  parties 
fought  with  one  another  in  riots  on  the  public  streets.  At 
last  on  one  occasion,  when  the  Jews  had  obtained  an  advant- 
age, Felix  stepped  in,  reduced  the  Jews  to  order  by  military 
force,  and  gave  up  some  of  their  houses  to  be  plundered  by  the 
soldiers.  But  when,  nevertheless,  the  disorders  still  continued, 
Felix  sent  the  most  prominent  of  both  parties  to  Eome,  in 
order  that  the  question  of  law  might  be  decided  by  the 
emperor.^'^  Before,  however,  the  matter  had  been  settled, 
Felix,  probably  in  A.D.  60,  was  recalled  by  Nero.^^ 

^^  Josepliup,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  7  ;  JFars  of  the  Jexos,  ii.  13.  7. 

^^  On  the  date  of  the  recall  of  Felix  and  of  Festus'  entrance  upon  office, 
Bee  the  thoroughgoing  researches  of  Wurm,  Tiibinger  Theologische  Zeit- 
schrift,  1883,  1  Heft,  pp.  8-25  ;  Anger,  De  temporum  in  actis  apostolorum 
ratione,  pp.  88-106  ;  Wieseler,  Chronologie  des  apostoUschen  Zeitalters,  pp. 
66-99  ;  Wieseler  in  Herzog's  Real-Encydopaedie,  1  Aiifl.  xxi.  553-558 ; 
Beitrdge  zur  richtigen  Witrdigung  der  Hvangelien,  pp.  322-328  ;  Wieseler, 
Zur  Geschichte  der  neutcstamentlichen  Schrift  {\880),  p.  93  ff.  ;  an  anonymous 
paper,  "  St.  Paul  and  Josephus,"  in  the  Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  new 
series,  vol.  vi.  1854,  pp.  166-183  ;  Lehmann,  Studieii  und  Kritiken,  1858, 
pp.  313-330  ;  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  p.  72  sqq.  ;  J.  Chr.  K.  v.  Hofmann,  Die 
heilige  Schrift  neuen  Testaments  zusammenhangend  untersucht,  Thl.  v.  1873, 
pp.  13-16;  Gratz,  Monatsschrift,  1877,  p.  443  S.  =  Geschichte  der  Juden, 
4  Aufl.  iii.  p.  729  ff.  ;  Aberle,  Zur  Chronologie  der  Gefangenschaft  Pauli 
(Theologische  Quartalschrift,  1883,  pp.  553-572;  Kellner,  art.  "Felix"  in 
Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlexikon,  2  Aufl.  iv.  1311  ff.  (1886) ;  Kellner  in 
the  Katholik,  1867,  1  Halfte,  pp.  146-151  ;  Kellner,  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Katholisch-Theologie,  1888,  pp.  640-646;  Schanz,  "Das  Jahr  der  Gefan- 
gennahme  des  lieiligen  Apostels  Paulus  "  (Historisches  Jahrhuch  der  Gorres- 
Gesellschaft,  1887,  pp.  199-222,  with  supplement  by  Kellner,  pp.  222-224  ; 
Wandel,  Zeitschrift  fiir  kirchlichen  Wissenschaft  und  kirchlichen  Lehen,  1888, 
p.  169  ff.  ;  V.  Weber,  Kritische  Gcschichte  der  Exegese  des  9.  Kapitels  des 
Edmerbriefes,  1889,  pp.  177-197. — An  exact  and  certain  determination  of 
the  year  in  which  Felix  was  recalled  is  clearly  impossible.  Most  of 
recent  investigators  assume  A.D.  60  as  the  most  probable  date  (so  Wurm, 
Anger,  Wieseler,  the  anonymous  writer  in  the  Journal  of  Sacred  Literature, 
Lewin,  Hoffmann,  Aberle,  Schanz,  Wandel).  Some  go  a  year  or  two 
farther  back  (Griitz,  a.d.  59  ;  Lehmann,  a.d.  58).  Only  Kellner  and  V. 
Weber,  after  the  example  of  some  earlier  scholars  (Bengel,  Siiskind, 
Rettig,  on  whom  see  Wieseler,  Chronologie  des  apostol.  Zeitalters,  p.  72), 
place  the  recall  of  Felix  in  the  very  beginning  of  Nero's  reign  :  Kellner 
in  November  a.d.  54  j  Weber  in  the  summer  of  a.d.  55.     The  grounds  for 


§  19.    THE  llOMAN  PEOCUKATORS,  A.D.  44-CG.  183 

5.  As  successor  of  Felix,  Kero  sent  Porcius  Festus,  A.D.  60- 

tliis  last  hypothesis  are  :  (1)  In  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius,  according  to 
the  Armenian  text,  it  is  said  that  the  recall  of  Felix  took  j^lace  in  the 
last  year  of  Claudius,  a.d.  54  (Euseb.  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  152) ;  in 
the  Chronicle  of  Jerome  it  is  placed  in  the  second  year  of  Nero  (Euseb. 
Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  155).  (2)  When  Felix  after  his  recall  was 
accused  in  Rome  by  the  Jews,  Pallas  secured  his  acquittal  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xx.  8.  9).  Pallas  had  therefore  at  this  time  still  great  influence  ; 
but  he  had  clearly  fallen  into  disfavour  in  the  beginning  of  Neros  reign, 
in  A.D.  55  (Tacitus,  Annals,  xiii.  14).  (3)  The  office  of  the  procurators 
came  to  an  end  with  the  death  of  the  emperor  unless  it  were  renewed  by 
his  succe.ssor.  In  answer  to  these  statements  it  is  to  be  remarked  :  (1) 
The  statements  in  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius  are  often  quite  arbitrary,  and 
60  prove  nothing.  Moreover,  the  Armenian  translation  of  the  Clironicle 
can  hardly  contain  the  original  text  of  Eusebius,  since  Eusebius  himself  in 
his  Ecclesiastical  History  represents  Felix  as  officiating  under  Nero  (ii.  20. 
1,  22.  1).  (2)  Josephus  jiuts  almost  everything  that  he  relates  of  the 
proceedings  of  Felix  under  the  reign  of  Nero  (Antiq.  xx.  8.  1-9  ;  TVars  of 
the  Jews,  ii.  12.  8-14,  1).  Felix  must  therefore  have  exercised  his  office 
for  at  least  some  years  under  Nero.  If,  therefore,  Pallas  was  in  favour 
with  Nero  at  the  time  of  Felix'  deposition,  he  must  then  have  been 
restored  to  favour.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  making  such  an  assumption, 
since  we  also  know  from  Tacitua  that  before  the  expiry  of  a.d.  55  he  had 
been  found  not  guilty  of  charges  that  had  been  brought  against  him 
(Tacitus,  Annals,  xiii.  23).  (3)  The  third  argument  made  use  of  by 
Kellner  falls  to  the  ground  before  the  statement  of  Josephus,  that  Felix 
officiated  as  procurator  for  a  long  while  under  Nero,  and  must  therefore 
have  been  confirmed  by  him  in  office. — We  can  only  fix  with  any  degree 
of  certainty  uj)on  the  terminus  ad  quem  of  Felix'  recall.  It  occurred 
at  any  rate  in  the  summer,  since  the  Apostle  Paul,  who,  not  long  after  the 
departure  of  Felix,  was  sent  by  ship  to  Rome,  arrived  in  Crete  about  the 
time  of  the  Great  Day  of  Atonement  in  October  (Acts  xxvii.  9).  But  this 
summer  cannot  well  have  been  later  than  that  of  a.d.  60.  Seeing  that 
the  second  successor  of  Felix,  Albinus,  arrived  in  Palestine  late  in  the 
Slimmer  of  a.d.  G2,  were  we  to  assume  that  Felix  left  early  in  the  summer 
of  a.d.  61,  we  should  be  able  to  assign  only  one  year  to  Festus,  which  in 
consideration  of  the  incidents  recorded  as  occurring  in  his  time  {Antiq.  xx. 
8.  9-11)  is  evidently  too  short.  Very  strange  indeed  is  the  argument  in 
favour  of  A.D.  61  drawn  from  Antiq.  xx.  8.  11.  Because,  forsooth,  there  in 
connection  with  an  incident  that  occurred  some  time  after  Festus'  entrance 
upon  office,  Poppea  is  spoken  of  as  the  wife  of  Nero,  who  was  not  married 
to  her  before  a.d.  62  (Tacitus,  Annals,  xiv.  60),  it  has  been  maintained 
that  Festus'  entrance  upon  office  cannot  be  placed  earlier  than  a.d.  61. 
But  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  us  from  setting  down  that  occurrence  to  a 
period  more  than  a  year  after  Festus'  entrance  upon  office.     Moreover, 


184  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

62/^  a  man  who,  though  disposed  to  act  righteously,  found 
himself  utterly  unable  to  undo  the  mischief  wrought  by  the 
misdeeds  of  his  predecessor. 

Soon  after  Festus'  entrance  upon  office  the  dispute  between 
the  Jewish  and  Syrian  inhabitants  of  Caesarea  was  decided  in 
favour  of  the  Syrians  by  means  of  an  imperial  rescript.  The 
Jewish  ambassadors  at  Eome  had  not  been  able  to  press  their 
charges  against  Felix,  because  Pallas  took  the  side  of  his 
brother.  On  the  other  hand,  the  two  Syrian  ambassadors 
succeeded  by  bribery  in  winning  over  to  their  interests  a 
certain  man  called  Beryllus,  who  was  Nero's  secretary  for 
his  Greek  correspondence,^"  and  by  this  means  obtained  an 
imperial    rescript,    by    which    even    that    equality   with  the 

the  marriaj:!e  of  Nero  witlx  Poppea  did  not  take  place  till  somewhere  about 
the  time  of  Festus'  death,  perhaps  even  somewhat  later.  Although  that 
event  had  not  occurred  during  Festus'  lifetime,  we  can  quite  understand 
Josephus  proleptically  describing  Nero's  concubine  as  his  wife. — Should 
we  then  accept  the  year  60  as  the  termintis  ad  quern,  it  is,  on  the  other 
hand,  not  advisable  to  go  much  further  back  ;  for  two  years  before  the 
departure  of  Felix  the  imprisonment  of  Paul  begins.  But  at  the  time  of 
Paul's  apprehension  Felix  is  described  as  already  in  possession  of  his 
office  ix.  TToXKuv  Wuv  (Acts  xxiv.  10).  If  we  place  the  apprehension  of 
Paul  in  the  year  58,  Felix  was  then  already  six  years  in  office.  Much 
less  it  could  not  have  been.  Also  the  chronology  of  the  life  of  Paul  in 
other  particulars  does  not  require  that  we  place  the  apprehension  of  the 
apostle  earlier.  There  is  at  least  a  possibility  of  assuming  the  year  57, 
and  so  it  is  evidently  possible  to  assign  the  removal  of  Felix  to  A.r).  59. 
It  is  most  correct  to  say  with  "Wurm,  at  the  earliest  in  a.d.  58,  at  the 
latest  in  a.d.  61,  most  probably  in  a.d.  60. 

39  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  9  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  1. — Compare 
on  Festus  :  Winer,  Eeahcmierbuch,  i.  372  f.  ;  Klaiber  in  Herzog's  lieal- 
Ji'ncyclopaedie,  1  Aufl.  iv.  394 ;  Overbeck  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexicon,  ii. 
275  ff. 

^^  Instead  of  the  name  Beryllus  given  by  all  the  manuscripts  of  Antiq. 
XX.  8.  9,  the  editions  of  Josephus  since  those  of  Hudson  and  Havercamp 
read  Biirrus.  This  conjecture,  upon  which  some  have  built  important 
chronological  conclusions,  is  particularly  foolish,  for  this  reason,  that  tlie 
description  given  (Tra/oayiyyof  ds  ivto;  ?,»  rov  'Nipuvoc,  tk^iv  t/iv  i-!:]  ruu 
''EXhYiuiKuv  li^ioTdhuu  vs7r/(Tr£f,ttsfoj)  does  not  suit  Burrus,  the  well-known 
praefeclus  praetorio,  with  whom  Josephus  is  quite  well  acquainted  as  such 
{Antig.  XX.  8.  2). 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PROCURATORS,  A.D,  4-1-G6.  185 

Syrians,  with  which  before  they  had  not  been  satisfied,  was 
now  taken  away  from  the  Jews,  and  the  "  Hellenes  "  declared 
to  be  the  lords  of  the  city.  The  embittered  feelings  excited 
by  this  decision  among  the  Jews  of  Caesarea  burst  forth  a 
few  years  later,  in  a.d.  66,  in  violent  revolutionary  move- 
ments, wliich  Joseph  us  regards  as  the  beginning  of  the  great 
war."^ 

Festus,  after  repeated  hearings,  caused  the  Apostle  Paul, 
whom  Felix  had  left  in  prison  (Acts  xxiv.  27),  at  the  apostle's 
own  demand  as  a  Fioman  citizen  to  be  judged  before  the 
emperor,  to  be  sent  to  Eome  (Acts  xxv.,  xxvi.,  xxvii.  1,  2  ; 
compare  also,  in  addition,  pp.  59.  74  of  the  present  work). 

The  trouble  in  connection  with  the  Sicarii  continued  under 
Festus  just  as  great  as  it  had  been  under  Felix.  Durino-  his 
government  also  a  deceive?',  so  at  least  Josephus  designates 
him,  led  the  people  into  the  wilderness,  promising  redemption 
and  emancipation  from  all  evils  to  those  who  should  follow 
him.  Festus  proceeded  against  him  with  the  utmost  severity, 
but  was  unable  to  secure  any  lasting  success.^^ 

Details  in  regard  to  a  conflict  between  the  priests  and 
King  Agrippa  II.,  in  which  Festus  took  the  side  of  Agrippa, 
will  be  given  under  the  section  that  treats  of  the  history  of 
that  king. 

After  he  had  held  office  for  a  period  of  scarcely  two  years, 

■•i  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  9  ;  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  4. — The  two 
representations  of  Josephus  are  inconsistent  with  one  another  in  certain 
particulars.  AccordiuL;  to  Antiq.  xx.  8.  9,  the  ambassadors  of  the  Jews  of 
Caesarea  did  not  go  to  Rome  to  make  their  complaint  against  Felix  until 
after  the  entrance  of  Festus  upon  his  office.  According  to  IFars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  13.  7  fin.,  however,  the  ambassadors  of  both  parties  had  been 
sent  by  Felix  himself  to  Eome,  which  is  probable  for  this  reason,  that 
even  according  to  Antiq.  xx.  8.  9  the  ambassadors  of  the  Syrians  were  also 
in  Rome. — According  to  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  14.  4,  it  would  seem  as  if 
the  decision  of  the  emperor  had  not  been  given  before  a.d.  GG.  But  this 
is  not  possible,  since  Pallas,  who  died  in  a.d.  62  (Tacitus,  Annals,  xiv.  Go), 
played  an  important  jiart  in  the  proceedings. 

*2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  10 ;  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14  1. 


186  THE  KOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

Festus  died  while  administering  liis  procuratorsliip,  and  two 
men  succeeded  him,  one  after  the  other,  who,  like  genuine 
successors  of  Felix,  contributed,  as  far  as  it  lay  in  their  power, 
to  intensify  the  bitterness  of  the  conflict,  and  hurry  on  its 
final  bloody  conclusion. 

In  the  interval  between  the  death  of  Festus  and  the 
arrival  of  his  successor,  in  a.d.  62,  utter  anarchy  prevailed  in 
Jerusalem,  which  was  turned  to  account  by  the  high  priest 
Ananus,  a  son  of  that  elder  Ananus  or  Annas  who  is  well 
known  in  connection  with  the  history  of  Christ's  death,  in 
order  to  secure  in  a  tumultuous  gathering  the  condemnation 
of  his  enemies,  and  to  have  them  stoned.  His  arbitrary 
government  was  not  indeed  of  long  duration,  for  King 
Agrippa,  even  before  the  arrival  of  the  new  procurator,  again 
deposed  him  after  he  had  held  office  only  for  three  months.^^ 
James,  the  brother  of  Jesus  Christ  (6  aSeX.(/)o<?  'Iijaov  rov 
Xeyofievov  Xpiarov),  is  said  to  have  been  among  those  executed 
by  Ananus.  So  at  least  the  words  run  in  our  present  text 
of  Josephus ;  and  the  words  had  been  read  even  by  Eusebius 
in  his  copy  of  Josephus  precisely  as  they  occur  in  oar 
manuscripts.**  There  is  considerable  ground,  however,  for 
suspicion  of  Christian  interpolation,  especially  as  Origen  read 
in  Josephus  another  passage  regarding  the  death  of  James,  in 
which  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  the  temple  is  described 
as  a  divine  judgment  in  consequence  of  the  execution  of 
James.  This  passage  occurs  in  some  of  our  manuscripts  of 
Josephus,  and  ought  therefore  certainly  to  be  regarded  as  a 
Christian  interpolation  which  has  been  excluded  from  our 
common  text.*^     Also  in  the  account  given  by  Hegesippus  of 

*^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  1. 

**  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccL  ii.  23.  21-24;  literally  the  same  as  Josephus, 
Antiq.  XX.  9.  1. 

*^  Origen  makes  reference  three  times  to  that  passage  in  Josephus  : — 
(1)  Comment,  in  Matth.  torn.  x.  c.  17  (on  Matt.  xiii.  55)  :  "  So  high  was  the 
reputation  of  this  James  among  the  people  for  his  righteousness,  that 


§  19.    THE  TlOMAN  PKOCUllATORS,  A.D.  41-66.  187 

the  execution  of  James  it  is  brought  into  close  connection 
with  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  The  year  62  cannot  by 
any  means  be  accepted  as  the  date  of  his  death."*^ 

Joseplius  in  his  Antiquities,  when  he  is  explaining  the  cause  of  the 
destruction  of  the  temple,  says,  )c»rix,  [/.vivtu  hav  txvtoi,  avrol;  d-zrt'JTYiKivat, 
"htoi  roe,  d;  ' Ixxajiov,  to»  dOi'Kl^ov  'I>7(70i5  tou  >.iyo^ivnv  'Kpiazoi',  lii  u.vtu-j 
TiToKuYiuivu,.  .  .  .  Aiyit  Se,  on  Kcil  6  'Kix.og  rxvroe.  si/6^i!^s  (tix  rou  loty-ufioi 
■TTi'TrovSivix.t."  (2)  Contra  Celsum,  i.  47:  'O  S'  ctvro;  .  .  .  ^yi-uu  rviv  uhiuu 
T'?,;  Toiiv  '  Ispo/TO'Avfiuu  Trruaiu;  kocI  t^;  tou  uuov  jcccdoiipiaiu;  .  .  .  CPri^l  retvrct 
avufie/iYjusvini  Toi;  ^iovOxtoi;  kxt'  iK^iKnaiv  ^Ixku^'jv  tov  'hiK.ctiov,  o;  vj'j  eiosXcpuf 
'I*j(70y  TW  "hiyo^'ivdv  Xo/ffro?,  i'i:ithvi7s:ip  (hkxic/toctou  ccvzov  ovrx.  d'^iKTiiyxy. 
(3)  Contra  Celsum,  ii.  13  fin. :  Tiro:  x.uSsl'hi  r'/iv  ' lipovau'hiif^'  ug  f/Av  ^lmY,Tro: 
yoxCPi:,  B/«  ^IcinUjiou  rov  Oikxiov,  rou  uit'h<p6i/  'I/iaov  roS  "Kiyofiiuov  "Kpiarov. — 
In  the  same  style  as  Origen,  contra  Celsus,  i.  47,  and  presumably  following 
him,  the  passage  is  quoted  in  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  ii.  23.  20.  From 
Eusebius  are  derived  the  short  statements  in  Jerome,  De  viris  illustr.  c.  2 
and  13  ;  adversus  Jovinianum,  i.  39  (Opera,  ed.  Vallarsi,  ii.  301).  The 
Greek  translation  of  Jerome,  De  viris  illustr.,  is  reproduced  by  Suidas, 
Lexicon,  s.v.  'imn'T^og. — Hilgenfeld,  Einleitung  in  das  N.  T.  p.  52C,  regards 
this  passage  of  Joseplius  as  genuine,  after  the  example  of  some  older 
critics  ! 

*^  Eusebius  has  preserved  for  us  {Hist.  eccl.  ii.  23.  11-18)  a  literal 
transcript  of  the  account  given  by  Hegesippus.  According  to  him,  James 
was  cast  down  from  the  pinnacle  of  the  temple,  then  stoned,  and  at  last 
beaten  to  death  by  a  fuller  {yvctdnvg)  with  a  fuller's  club.  The  narrative 
concludes  with  these  words:  K«(  iv6vg  OviHTSdoiocvog  ■;ro\topKit  uvrov;. 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  in  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  ii.  1.  4,  and  Epiphanius, 
Haer.  78.  14,  base  their  statements  upon  Hegesij^pus.  The  close  con- 
nection in  time  between  the  execution  of  James  and  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  is  also  emphasized  by  Eusebius  in  his  own  exposition  {Hist, 
eccl.  iii.  11.  1)  :  /itsroi  rviu  IxKOifiov  [^ctprvpav  x.cf.\  tjjv  otiir iko,  yivoi^'ivnu 
a.'huniv  rrt;  'lipovaxX'/i^u..  Though  much  that  is  legendary  is  contained  in 
the  narrative  of  Hegesippus,  it  is  nevertheless,  from  a  chronological  point 
of  view,  at  least  as  deserving  of  consideration  as  the  passage  in  Joseplius, 
Antiq.  xx.  9. 1,  which  is  open  to  the  suspicion  of  interpolation. — It  should, 
however,  be  remarked,  that  the  casting  down  from  a  height  before  the 
stoning,  is  a  regular  injunction  of  the  Jewish  law  (Mishna,  Sanhedrin 
vi.  4). — Compare  generally  on  the  year  of  the  death  of  James,  and  on  the 
genuineness  of  the  statement  in  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  1  ;  Clericus,  Ars 
critica,  p.  iii.  sec.  1,  c.  14  ;  Credner,  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  pp. 
580-582  (against  the  genuineness) ;  Eothe,  Die  Anfange  dcr  christliche 
Kirche  und  Hirer  Verfassung,  pp.  274-276  (similar  to  Credner)  ;  Gieseler, 
Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  i.  (Edin.  1840)  pp.  95-98  ;  Koessiiig,  "l^isscriatio 
de  anno  quo  mortem  obierit  Jacobus  frater  Domini,  Heidelb.  1857  ;  Gust. 


188  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

6.  The  testimony  of  Josephus  in  regard  to  the  new 
procurator  Albinus,  a.d.  6  2-64,*'^  is  to  the  effect  that  there  was 
no  sort  of  wickedness  that  could  be  mentioned  which  he  had 
not  a  hand  in.  The  leading  principle  of  his  procedure  seems, 
however,  to  have  been :  To  get  money  from  whomsoever  he 
might  obtain  it.  Public  as  well  as  private  treasures  were 
subjected  to  his  plunderings,  and  the  whole  people  had  to 
suffer  oppression  under  his  exactions.^^  But  he  also  found  it 
to  his  advantage  to  seek  money  as  bribes  for  his  favour  from 
both  political  parties  in  the  country,  from  the  friends  of  the 
Eomans,  as  well  as  from  their  opponents.  From  the  high 
priest  Ananias,  inclined  to  favour  the  Romans,  as  well  as 
from  his  enemies,  the  Sicarii,  he  accepted  presents,  and  then 
allowed  both  of  them  without  restraint  to  do  as  they  liked. 
He  made,  indeed,  a  pretence  of  opposing  the  Sicarii;  but  for 

Boettger,  Die  Zeugnisse  des  Flavins  Josephus  von  Johannes  dem  Tdufer,  von 
Jesu  CJiristo  und  von  Jakobus,  dem  Bruder  des  Herrn,  Dresden  1863  ; 
Gerlach,  Die  Weissagungen  des  Alien  Testaments  in  den  Schriften  des  Flavins 
Josephus,  1863,  p.  117  ff.;  Ebben,  Genuinum  esse  Flavii  Josephi  de  Jacobo 
fratre  Jesu  testimonum,  Cleve  1864 ;  J.  Chr.  K.  v.  Hofmann,  Die  heillge 
Schrift  neuen  I'estaments  zusammenhangend  untersucht,  Thl.  vii.  3  Abtli. 
1876,  p.  4  f. ;  Wieseler,  Jahrbiicher  fiir  deutsche  Theologie,  1878,  pp.  99-109  ; 
Volkmar,  Jesus  Nazarenus,  1882,  pp.  345-348  ;  Wandel,  Zeitschrift  fiir 
kirchlichen  Wissenschaft  und  kirchlichen  Leben,  1888,  pp.  142-144  ;  Kellner, 
"Der  wahre  Todestag  [und  das  Todesjahr]  Jakobus  des  Alphaiden" 
(Katholik,  1888,  erste  Halfte,  pp.  394-399). 

^''  The  date  of  Albinus'  entrance  upon  his  office  may  be  discovered 
from  TVars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  5.  3.  According  to  the  statement  given  there, 
Albinus  was  already  procurator  when,  at  the  time  of  the  Eeast  of  Taber- 
nacles, four  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  and  more  than  seven 
years  and  five  months  before  tlie  destruction  of  the  city,  a  certain  man, 
Jesus,  son  of  Ananos,  made  his  appearance,  prophesying  misfortune. 
These  two  indications  of  time  carry  us  to  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  a.d.  62. 
Hence  Albinus  entered  upon  his  office,  at  the  latest,  in  the  summer  of 
A.D.  62. — Our  Albinus  is  very  probably  identical  with  Lucceius  Albinus, 
who,  under  Nero,  Galba,  and  Otho,  was  procurator  of  Mauritania,  and, 
during  the  conflicts  between  Otho  and  Vitellius,  was,  in  a.d.  69,  put  to 
death  by  Vitellius'  party  (Tacitus,  History,  ii.  58-59).  Compare  Pauly's 
Ueal-Fncydopaedie,  iv.  1158  ;  Rohden,  De  Palaestina  et  Arabia,  p.  36. 

*^  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  1. 


§  19.    THE  ROMAN  PROCURATOKS,  A.D.  44-C6.  189 

money  any  one  who  might  be  taken  prisoner  could  secure  his 
release.  "  Nobody  remained  in  prison  as  a  malefactor,  but  he 
who  gave  him  nothing."  ^^  The  Sicarii,  indeed,  found  out 
another  means  for  securing  the  liberation  of  those  of  their 
party  who  had  been  taken  prisoners.  They  were  in  the  habit 
of  seizing  upon  adherents  of  the  opposite  party  only.  Then 
at  the  wish  of  the  Eoman  party,  by  whom  also  he  was  bribed, 
Albinus  would  set  free  as  many  of  the  Sicarii  as  they  would 
of  their  opponents.  Once  on  a  time  the  Sicarii  seized  the 
secretary  of  the  ruler  of  the  temple,  Eleasar,  a  son  of  Ananias,^'' 
and  in  return  for  the  liberation  of  the  secretary  they  secured 
the  restoration  of  ten  of  their  own  comrades.^^  Under  such  a 
government  the  anti-Eoman  party  gained  footing  more  and 
more,  or,  as  Josephus  puts  it,  "  the  boldness  of  those  desirous 
of  change  became  more  and  more  obtrusive."  ^^  And  seeing 
that,  on  the  other  hand,  their  opponents  also  had  full  scope, 
utter  anarchy  soon  prevailed  in  Jerusalem.  It  was  a  war  of 
all  against  aU.  Ananias,  the  high  priest,  behaved  in  the  most 
outrageous  manner.  He  allowed  his  servants  quite  openly  to 
take  away  from  the  threshing-floors  the  tithes  of  the  priests, 
and  those  who  opposed  them  were  beaten.^^  Two  noble 
relatives  of  King  Agrippa,  called  Costobar  and  Saul,  also  tried 
their  hand  at  the  robber  business,^^  and  with  them  was 
associated  the  man  who  had  committed  to  him  the  maintain- 
ing of  law  and  order,  even  the  procurator  Albinus  himsell'.^^ 
In  such  times  it  was  indeed  nothing  calculated  to  excite 
surprise  when  on  one  occasion  a  high  priest,  Jesus,  son  of 
Damnaos,  engaged  in  pitched  battle  in  the  streets  with  his 

*^  Joseplius,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  2  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  1. 

^^  Instead  of 'Ayat/ou  we  should  undoubtedly  read  ' Kyx-nov.  Compare 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  2,  20.  4  ;  Derenbourg,  Uistoire  de  la  Falestine, 
p.  248,  note  1. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  3.         ^^  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  1. 

'^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  2.  **  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  4. 

*^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  1. 


190  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

successor,  Jesus,  son  of  Gatnaliel,  because  he  had  no  wish  to 
give  up  to  him  the  sacred  office.^® 

When  Albinus  was  recalled,  in  order  to  do  a  pleasure  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  capital,  and  also  to  make  the  work  of 
his  successor  as  heavy  as  possible,  he  left  all  the  prisons 
empty,  having  executed  the  ordinary  malefactors,  and  set  at 
liberty  all  the  other  prisoners.  "  Thus  the  prisons  were  left 
empty  of  prisoners,  but  the  country  full  of  robbers."  " 

7.  The  last  procurator,  Gessius  Florus,  a.d.  64—66,^^  was 
at  the  same  time  also  the  worst.  He  belonged  to  Clazomenae, 
and  had  through  the  influence  of  his  wife  Cleopatra,  who  was 
a  friend  of  the  Empress  Poppea,  obtained  the  procuratorship 
of  Judea.  For  the  utter  baseness  which  characterized  his 
administration  of  his  office,  Josephus  can  scarcely  find  words 
sufficiently  strong  to  express  his  feelings.  In  comparison 
with  him,  he  thinks  that  even  Albinus  was  extraordinarily 
law  honouring  (St/catoTaro?).  So  unbounded  was  his  tyranny, 
that  in  view  of  it  the  Jews  praised  Albinus  as  a  benefactor. 
Whereas  Albinus  wrought  his  wickednesses  at  least  in  secret, 
riorus  was  impudent  enough  to  parade  them  openly.  The 
robbing  of  individuals  seemed  to  him  quite  too  small.  He 
plundered  whole  cities,  and  ruined  whole  communities.  K 
only  the  robbers  would  share  their  spoil  with  him,  they  would 
be  allowed  to  carry  on  their  operations  unchecked. ^^ 

^^  Joseplms,  Aniiq.  xx.  9.  4.  '*''  Josephus,  Anttq.  xx.  9.  5. 

^^  Seeing  that  Florus,  according  to  Antiq.  xx.  11.  1,  had  entered  upon 
the  second  year  of  his  administration  when,  iu  May  a.d.  66  {JFars  of  tite 
Jexcs,  ii.  14.  4),  the  war  broke  out,  he  must  have  entered  upon  his  olBce  iu 
A.D.  64. — The  name  Gessius  Florus  is  also  attested  by  Tacitu-s,  History, 
V.  10.  In  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius  it  is  corrupted  into  TioTtoc:  (p'Kiipo: 
(the  Greek  form  as  given  in  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  637  ;  in  the  Latin 
rendering  of  Jerome  [Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  157],  Cestius 
Florus) ;  in  the  Armenian  translation  it  is  further  converted  into  Cestius 
filius  Flori  (Euseb.  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  156,  on  the  14th  year  of 
Nero). 

*'•*  Josi'phus,  Antiq.  xx.  11.  1  ;   IVars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  14.  2. 


§  10.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGRIPPA  II.,  A.D.  50-100.  191 

By  such  outrages  the  measure  which  the  people  could 
endure  was  at  last  filled  up  to  the  brim.  The  combustible 
materials  which  had  been  gathering  for  years  had  now  grown 
into  a  vast  heap.  It  needed  only  a  spark,  and  an  explosion 
would  follow  of  fearful  and  most  destructive  force. 


Supplement.     Agrippa  II.,  a.d.  50-100. 

Literature. 

EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vii.  273,  421,  422,  432,  and  elsewhere;  viii.  18. 

Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  ad  ann.  44-69  (see  in.  the  same  work,  Index,  p.  390). 

Winer,  Eealivorterbuch,  i.  485. 

Keim  in  Schenkel's  BibellexiJion,  iii.  56-65. 

Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  252-254. 

Hamburger,  Eeal-Encyclopaedie,  Abth.  ii.  artikel  "  Agrippa." 

De  Saulct,  Etude  chronologique  de  la  vie  et  des  monnaics  des  rois  juifs 

Agrippa  I.  et  Agrippa  II.  1869  (see  vol.  i.  of  the  work,  i).  27). 
Gerlach,  Zeitschrift  fur  lutherisclien  Theologie,  1869,  pp.  62-68. 
Brann,    "  Biographic  Agrippa's   II."   (Monatsschrift  fiir   Geschichte  und 

TFissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  xix.  1870,_pp.  433-444,  529-548  ;    xx. 

1871,  pp.  13-28). 
Baerwald,  Josephus  in  Galilda,  sein  Verlialtniss  zu  den  Parteien  insheson- 

dere  zu  Justus  von  Tiberias  und  Agrippa  II.,  Breslau  1877. 
Gratz,  "  Das  Lebensende  des  Konigs  Agrippa  II."  u.s.w.  (Monatsschrift, 

1877,  p.  337  ff.);  "Agrippa  II.  und  der  Zustand  Judiia's  uach  deui 

Untergange  Jerusalems"  (Monatsschrift,  1881,  p.  481  it). 
The  inscriptions  referring  to  Agrippa  II.  are  collected  from  Waddington 

in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  1873,  pp.  248-255. 

On  an  addition  to  this  list  see  vol.  i.  of  this  work,  p.  30. 

Agrippa  II.,  son  of  Agrippa  I.,  whose  full  name,  as  given  on 
coins  and  inscriptions,  was  Marcus  Julius  Agrippa,^  seems  like 
almost  all  the  members  of  the  Herodian  family,  to  have  been 
educated  and  brought  up  in  Home.  There,  at  least,  we  find 
him  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death  in  a.d.  44,  when  Claudius 

1  Compare  on  the  coins  of  Agrippa  generally :    Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num. 
iii.  493-496  ;    Mionnet,  Description   de  me'dailles,  v.  570-576  ;   Supplevu 


192  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

wished  to  appoint  him  as  successor  to  his  father.*  That  the 
emperor,  at  the  instigation  of  his  counsellors  on  the  plea  of 
Agrippa's  youth,  did  not  carry  out  this  purpose  has  been 
already  narrated  above.  The  youth  remained  for  a  while  at 
Eome,  and  found  there  abundant  opportunities  of  being  useful 
to  his  countrymen  by  making  use  of  his  influence  and  connec- 
tions with  the  court.  Notable  instances  of  his  successful 
intervention  are  those  of  the  dispute  about  the  high  priest's 
robe  ^  and  the  conflict  waged  during  the  time  of  Cumanus.* 
To  him  also  it  was  mainly  due  that  Cumanus  did  not  escape 
the  punishment  he  deserved.  With  this  last-mentioned  inci- 
dent we  are  already  brought  down  to  a.d,  52.  But  even 
before  this  there  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  by  Claudius,  in 
compensation  for  the  loss  of  his  father's  territories,  another 
kingdom,  though,  indeed,  a  smaller  one.  After  the  death  of 
his  uncle,  Herod  of  Chalcis,  whose  life  and  history  are  given 

viii.  280  sq.;  Lenormant,  Tresor  de  Numismatique,  pp.  127-130,  pi. 
Ix.-lxii.;  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatik,  i.  53  f.,  61-64,  ii.  38  f.;  Levy, 
Gescliichte  der  jiidiscken  Miinzen,  p.  82  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jeivish  Coinage, 
pp.  113-133  ;  De  Saulcy,  Etude  chronologique,  1869  (see  above  in  the 
general  list  of  literature) ;  Reichardt  in  the  Wiercer  Numismatische  Zeit- 
schrift,  Bd.  iii.  1871,  p.  83  ff.;  Mommsen,  TFeiner  Num.  Zeitschr.  1871,  p. 
449  ff.;  Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  101-139;  Madden, 
Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881,  pp.  139-169  (containing  the  most  complete  list). 
The  name  Marcus  on  a  coin  of  the  time  of  Nero  :  BxaiT^io;  (sic)  Mup-'.ov 
'' Aypiv-TTov  (Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  146).  In  accordance  with  this, 
probably  an  inscription  at  Helbon,  not  far  from  Abila,  of  Lysanias,  may 
be  filled  out  in  the  following  manner :  'E-ri  fixai'Kio;  y.iya.'Kw  M«f  xo[w 
.  .  .  *  Aypi'TT'Trot,  (piT^oJKiiiactpos  kxI  WiT^opcofioiiuv  {sic),  Le  Bas  et  Waddington, 
Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n.  2552.  The  name  Julius  on  an  inscription  at  El-Hit, 
north  of  the  Hauran  :  'Ex*  (icc(Ti'hiu[s  .  .  .  'louJT^i'uv  'Ayp/xx«,  Le  Bas  et 
Waddington,  Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n.  2112.  The  reference  of  the  inscription 
to  Agripim  II.  is  not  indeed  certain,  but  it  is  highly  probable.  See  Zeit- 
schrift  filr  wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  1873,  p.  250.  Even  without  this 
witness  the  name  Julius  might  db  priori  be  assumed  for  Agrippa  II.,  since 
the  whole  family  had  borne  it.     See  above,  p.  162. 

2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  9.  2. 

^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  1.  2  ;  xv.  11.  4.     Compare  above,  p.  167. 

*  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  6.  3.     Compare  above,  p.  173. 


§  19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGPJPPA  II.,  A.D.  50-100.  193 

in  detail  in  Appendix  I.,  he  obtained,  though  not  probahly  just 
at  once,  but  only  in  a.d.  50,  his  kingdom  in  the  Lebanon, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  what  that  prince  also  had  had,  the 
oversight  of  the  temple  and  the  right  to  appoint  the  high 
priests.^  Of  this  latter  right  he  frequently  available  himself 
by  repeated  depositions  and  nominations  of  high  priests  down 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  in  a.d.  GQ.  Probably  after  this 
gift  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  Agrippa  continued  still  to 
reside  for  a  while  in  Eome,  where  we  meet  with  him  in 
A.D.  52,  and  only  after  this  date  actually  entered  upon  the 
government  of  his  kingdom. 

He  can  only  seldom,  or  perhaps  not  even  once,  have  revisited 
Palestine,  when,  in  A.D.  53,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  Claudius, 
in  return  for  the  relinquishment  of  the  small  kingdom  of 
Chalcis,  he  received  a  larger  territory,  namely,  the  tetrarchy 
of  Philip,  including  Batanea,  Trachonitis,  and  Gaulanitis,  and 
the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias,  consisting  of  Abila  and  the  domains 
of  Varus.^     This  territory,  after  the  death  of  Claudius,  was 


^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  2  ;  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  1.  Compare  Antiq. 
XX.  9.  7  :  ^'E'TTiTrianvTO  inro  K'AunZiou  Kxitrccpo;  t'/jv  iir-ti^i'hitxv  tov  iepov. 
There  is  indeed  no  mention  of  the  conferring  of  the  right  of  appointing 
tlie  high  priests,  but  only  of  the  practical  exercise  of  that  right.  Compare 
below,  §  23.  IV.  That  the  gift  of  the  kingdom  was  not  made  before  a.d. 
50,  may  be  concluded  from  JFars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  14.  4,  according  to  which 
Agrippa  had  readied  the  seventeenth  year  of  his  reign  when,  in  the 
month  Artemisios  (Ijjar)  of  a.d.  66,  the  war  broke  out.  His  seventeenth 
year  therefore  began,  if  we  count  the  reign  of  Agrippa  II.  as  Jewish 
king,  according  to  Mislma,  Bosh-hashana  i.  1,  from  1st  Nisan  to  1st 
Nisan,  on  the  1st  Nisan  of  a.d.  66,  and  his  first  year  at  the  earliest  on 
l.st  Nisan  a.d.  50,  but  probably  somewhat  later.  Compare  Wieseler, 
Chronological  Synopsis,  p.  48,  note  2  ;  Chronologie  des  Apostolischen  Zeitalters, 
p.  68. 

«  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  8.  To  the  tetrarchy 
of  Lysanias  undoubtedly  belongs  also  Helbon,  not  far  from  Abila  Ly- 
sanias, where  the  inscription  referred  to  in  note  1  was  found.  Of  the 
iTraoyja.  Ouxpov  Josephus  gives  us  an  explanation  in  his  Life,  c.  xi.  ;  for 
the  Varus  there  referred  to,  the  Noarus  of  JJ'ars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  6,  whom 
Josephus  describes  as  inyovo;  2o£,«<ot/  rov  Tirspl  to*  Aijictvov  nrpupxavvTo;,  is 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  n.  N 


194  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

still  further  enlarged,  through  Nero's  favour  for  him,  by  the 
addition  of  important  parts  of  Galilee  and  Perea,  namely, 
the  cities  of  Tiberias  and  Tarichea,  together  with  the  lands 
around  belonging  to  them,  and  the  city  Julias,  together  with 
fourteen  surrounding  villages/ 

most  probably  to  be  identified  with  our  Varus.  Then,  again,  his  father 
Soenius  will  be  no  other  than  the  Soenius  who,  at  the  end  of  a.d.  38, 
obtained  from  Caligula  rviv  ruv  ^Irvpcciuv  tuv  ' Kpotjiav  (Dio  Cassius,  lix.  12), 
which  territory  he  governed  till  his  death  in  a.d.  49,  when  it  was  in- 
corporated in  the  province  of  Syria  (Tacitus,  Annals,  xii.  23).  It  may 
therefore  be  assumed  that  to  his  son  Varus  a  portion  of  the  territory  on 
the  Lebanon  had  been  left  for  a  time,  and  that  this  is  the  i%-ot,p-)(,i*  Oiixpov 
which  Claudius  "bestowed  upon  Agrippa. — Seeing  then  that  Agrippa 
obtained  the  new  territory  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  Claudius  (that  year 
including  from  24th  January  A.r».  53  till  the  same  day  in  a.d.  54),  after 
he  had  ruled  over  Chalcis  for  four  years  (ovuxariixToci  zocvr-fi^  h-n  rhaotpot), 
and  seeing  that  further  his  fourth  year,  according  to  the  reckoning  we 
have  accepted  above,  began  on  1st  Nisan  a.d.  53,  the  gift  must  have  been 
bestowed  toward  the  end  of  a.d.  53. 

'^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  4  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  13.  2.  In  the  latter 
passage  Abila  is  spoken  of  as  still  in  Perea.  Compare  on  this  point  Div. 
II.  vol.  i.  p.  105.— At  what  time  this  gift  was  bestowed  cannot  be  with  any 
certainty  determined.  On  the  later  coins  of  Agrippa  the  years  of  his 
reign  are  reckoned  according  to  an  era  which  begins  with  a.d.  61.  It  is 
possible  that  this  era  has  its  distinctive  basis  in  this,  that  Agrippa  had 
in  that  year  obtained  the  enlarged  territory  from  Nero.  This  is  the 
view  of  Keim  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  iii.  58  ;  but  Wieseler  opposes  it 
in  CTironologie  des  Apostolischen  Zeitalters,  pp.  90-92.  Then  the  abstraction 
t)f  portions  of  Galilee  and  Perea  spoken  of  have  taken  place  immediately 
after  the  removal  of  Felix  and  Festus'  entrance  upon  office.  This 
perhaps  is  the  meaning  of  a  passing  allusion  in  Josephus,  according  to 
which  Tiberias  remained  under  Roman  rule  fiix,pi  'I>^A/xoj  Trpohrufiiuov 
rii;  ^lovlecta;  {Life,  ix.).  Yet  this  /^ixpi  does  not  of  itself  mean  "down  to 
the  end  of  Felix's  term  of  office."  The  hypothesis  is  therefore  uncertain 
tliat  it  also  marks  an  era  of  Agrippa  beginning  in  a.d.  56.  We  might 
also  take  as  the  basis  for  this  the  enlargement  of  territory  by  Nero.  This 
is  the  opinion  of  Griitz,  Monatsschrift,  1877,  pp.  344-349.  He  assumes  as 
the  basis  of  this  era  of  a.d.  61  the  rebuilding  of  Caesarea  Philippi  under 
the  name  of  Neronias  ;  which,  however,  is  improbable,  for  this  reason, 
tliat  this  incident  might  have  been  the  beginning  of  a  new  system  of 
chronology  for  the  city  Neronias  but  not  for  Agrippa.  The  era  of  a.d. 
01  can  be  determined  with  certainty  according  to  certain  coins  on  which 
the  26th  year  of  Agrippa  is  made  to  synchronize  with  the  12th  consulship 


§  19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGRIPPA  IL,  A.D.  50-100.  195 

Of  Agrippa's  private  life  there  is  not  much  that  is  favour- 
able to  report.  His  sister  Berenice,*  who,  from  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Herod  of  Chalcis  in  a.d.  48,  was  a  widow  (see  under 
Appendix  L),  lived  from  that  date  in  the  house  of  her  brother, 
and  soon  had  the  weak  man  completely  caught  in  the  meshes 
of  her  net,  so  that  regarding  her,  the  mother  of  two  children, 
the  vilest  stories  became  current.  When  the  scandal  became 
public,  Berenice,  in  order  to  cut  away  occasion  for  all  evil 
reports,  resolved  to  marry  Polemon  of  Cilicia,  who,  for  this 
purpose,  was  obliged  to  submit  to  be  circumcised.  She  did 
not,  hov/ever,  continue  long  with  him,  but  came  back  again  to 
her  brother,  and  seems  to  have  resumed  her  old  relations  with 


of  Doraiti:in,  Dom.  Cos.  xii.  (in  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  157  sq.),  and 
according  to  another,  on  which  the  25th  year  of  Agrippa  is  also  made  to 
synchronize  with  the  12th  consulship  of  Domitian  (in  Madden,  Coins  of 
the  Jews,  ]>.  157).  De  Saulcy  believes  indeed  that  it  is  not  the  25th  and  2Gth 
years  of  Agrippa  that  are  there  meant,  but  the  25th  and  26th  years  of  an 
era  belonging  to  the  city  of  Caesarea  Philippi.  See  iltiule  chronologique, 
1869,  and  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  p.  315.  But  the  date  is  given 
thus  :  f^i  (ia,.  kyp.  tr.  ice,  which  can  only  mean,  under  King  Agrippa  in 
his  25th  year,  etc.  Seeing  then  that  the  12th  consulship  of  Domitian 
belongs  to  a.d.  86,  the  26th  year  of  Agrippa  began  also  in  that  year,  and 
consequently  the  era,  according  to  which  he  reckons,  began  in  a.d.  61. — 
An  era  beginning  five  years  earlier  is  witnessed  to  by  two  coins  and  an 
inscription.  The  two  coins  bear  the  date  hov;  ai  rov  x.a.1  &S  (the  figure 
which  represents  the  number  VI.).  See  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p. 
146.  The  eleventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Agrippa,  according  to  the  one 
era,  is  therefore  identical  with  the  sixth  year  according  to  the  other 
era.  Both  of  these  eras  are  made  use  of  upon  an  inscription  found  at 
Sanamen  on  the  Hauran :  hovg  x^'  lov  Kotl  X/S'  fimoiT^ias  'Ay^/Vxa 
{Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Paldstina-Vereins,  vii..  1884,  p.  121  f.  =  Archdol.- 
epigr.  Mittheilungen  aus  Oesterreich,  viii.  1884,  p.  189  f.).  There,  too, 
the  one  era  begins  five  years  before  the  other.  Seeing  then  that  we 
may  there  fairly  assume  that  among  the  various  eras  of  Agrippa  the 
latest  was,  in  later  times,  the  one  most  commonly  used,  and  seeing 
that,  also  according  to  the  coins  of  a.d.  86,  the  era  usually  employed  is 
that  of  A.D.  61,  the  one  era  must  have  begun  in  a  d.  56  and  tlie  other  in 
A.D.  61. 

8  Compare  on  Agrippa  and  Berenice,  Pauly's  Real-Encydopaedie,  i.  2, 
2  Aufl.  p.  2352  ;  Hausrath  in  Schenkel's  Bihellexikon,  i.  396-399. 


196  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

him.     At  least  this  somewhat  later  came  to  be  the  common 
talk  of  Eome.^ 

In  the  matter  of  public  policy  Agrippa  was  obliged  to  give 
up  even  the  little  measure  of  independence  which  his  father 
sought  to  secure,  and  had  unconditionally  to  subordinate  him- 
self to  the  Eoman  government.  He  provided  auxiliary  troops 
for  the  Parthian  campaign  of  a.d.  54;^°  and  when,  in  a.d.  60, 
the  new  procurator  Festus  arrived  in  Palestine,  he  hastened, 
along  with  his  sister  Berenice,  surrounded  with  great  pomp 
{ixeTCL  iroK\,rj<i  (^avraaia<i),  to  offer  him  a  welcome.^^  His 
capital  Caesarea  Philippi  was  named  by  him  Nerouias  in 
honour  of  the  emperor,  and  the  city  of  Berytus,  which  his 
father  had  adorned  with  magnificent  specimens  of  pagan  art, 
was  still  further  indebted  to  his  liberality/^  His  coins,  almost 
without  exception,  bear  the  names  and  images  of  the  reigning 
emperor:  of  Nero,  Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Domitian.  Like 
his  father,  he  also  caused  himself  to  be  styled  ^aaCKev^  fieya<i 

That  upon  the  whole  he  was  attached  to  the  Eoman  rather 
than  to  the  Jewish  side  is  made  very  evident  from  an  incident 
which,  in  yet  another  direction,  is  characteristic  of  his  indol- 

^  Joseplms,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  3  ;  Juvenal,  Satires,  vi.  156-lGO  : — 

" adamas  notissimus  et  Berenices 

In  digito  factus  pretiosior  ;  hunc  dedit  olim 
Barbaras  incestae,  dedit  hunc  Agrippa  sorori, 
Observant  ubi  festa  mero  pede  sabbata  reges, 
Et  vetus  indulget  senibus  dementia  porcis." 
^**  Tacitus,  Annalf:,  xiii.  7. 
11  Acts  of  the  Apostles  xxv.  13,  23. 

1^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  4.  The  name  of  the  city  Neronias  is  also  on 
the  coins  (Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  iii.  343  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  me'dailles, 
V.  315  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  116,  117  ;  De  Saulcj, 
Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  pp.  316,  318  ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the 
Jews,  pp.  145,  146.  That  the  capital  was  not  Tiberias,  therefore,  certainly 
Neronias,  is  quite  clear  from  Josephus,  Life,  c.  ix. 

1^  He  is  so  named  in  an  inscription  given  by  Waddington,  n.  2365  (see 
above,  p.  162) ;  also  compare  n.  2552. 


§19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGRIPPA  II.,  A.D.  50-100.  197 

ence  and  general  feebleness.  When  he  paid  a  visit  to 
Jerusalem,  he  was  wont  to  occupy  the  house  that  had 
formerly  been  the  palace  of  the  Asmoneans.^*  This  building, 
lofty  even  in  its  original  form,  he  caused  to  be  considerably 
heightened  by  the  addition  of  a  tower,  in  order  that  from  it 
he  might  overlook  the  citadel  and  the  temple,  and  to  observe 
in  his  idle  hours  the  sacred  proceedings  in  the  temple.  This 
lazy  onlooker  was  obnoxious  to  the  priests,  and  they  thwarted 
liis  scheme  by  building  a  high  wall  to  shut  off  his  view. 
Agrippa  then  applied  for  assistance  to  his  friend,  the  procura- 
tor Festus,  and  he  was  very  willing  to  give  him  any  help  he 
could.  But  a  Jewish  deputation,  which  went  on  its  own 
authority  about  the  business  to  Rome,  managed  by  means  of 
the  mediation  of  the  Empress  Poppea  to  obtain  permission  to 
keep  up  the  wall,  so  that  Agrippa  was  obliged  forthwith  to 
abandon  his  favourite  diversion. ^^ 

Notwithstanding  his  unconditional  submission  to  Rome, 
Agrippa  yet  sought  also  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  the 
friends  of  Judaism,  His  brothers-in-law,  Azizus  of  Emesa 
and  Polemon  of  Cilicia,  were  required  on  their  marriage  with 
his  sisters  to  submit  to  circumcision.''*  The  rabbinical  tradi- 
tion tells  of  questions  pertaining  to  the  law  which  were  put 
by  Agrippa's  minister  or  by  the  king  himself  to  the  famous 
scribe  Rabbi  Elieser.^^  Yea  on  one  occasion  we  find  even 
Berenice,  a  bigot  as  well  as  a  wanton,  a  Nazarite  in  Jeru- 
salem.^^ Judaism  was  indeed  as  little  a  matter  of  heart 
conviction   with   Agrippa  as    it    had   been  witli    his   father. 

^*  This  palace  lay,  according  to  Antiq.  xx.  8.  11  and  Wars  of  the  Jeics, 
ii.  16.  3,  on  the  so-called  Xystus,  an  open  plain,  from  which  a  bridge  led 
directly  to  the  temple  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  6,  2). 

^5  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  8.  11.  i«  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1,  3. 

1^  Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  252-254  ;  Griitz,  Monats- 
schrift,  1881,  pp.  483-493.  Tradition  names  sometimes  Agrippa's  minister, 
Eometimes  Agrippa  himself  as  the  party  in  question. 

•"^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  15.  1, 


193  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

The  difference  was  only  this,  that  as  a  matter  of  policy  the 
father  took  up  decidedly  the  side  of  the  Pharisees,  whereas 
the  son  with  less  disguise  exhibited  his  utter  indifference. 
When  it  is  told  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  how  Agrippa  and 
Berenice  desired  out  of  curiosity  to  see  and  hear  the  Apostle 
Paul,  while  the  king  could  make  no  other  reply  to  the 
apostle's  enthusiastic  testimony  on  behalf  of  Christ  than  : 
"  With  little  wouldest  thou  win  me  over  to  be  a  Christian," 
and  therewith  allows  the  matter  to  pass  away  from  his  mind, 
we  can  see  not  only  that  he  was  free  from  all  fanaticism,  but 
also  that  he  had  no  interest  whatever  in  the  deeper  religious 
questions  of  the  time." 

His  interest  in  Judaism  extended  only  to  external  matters, 
and,  indeed,  only  to  merely  trifling  and  insignificant  points. 
In  order  to  support  the  temple  when  its  foundations  had 
begun  to  sink,  and  to  raise  the  buildings  twenty  cubits  higher, 
he  caused,  at  great  expense,  wood  of  immense  size  and  fine 
quality  to  be  imported  from  the  Lebanon.  But  the  wood,  owing 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  in  the  meantime,  was  never  put  to 
that  use,  and  subsequently  served  for  the  manufacture  of  engines 
of  war.^"  He  allowed  the  psalm-singing  Levites,  when  they 
made  the  request  of  him,  to  wear  the  linen  garments  which 
previously  had  been  a  distinctive  badge  of  the  priests.  For 
such  an  offence  against  the  law,  the  war,  as  Josephus  thinks, 

19  On  the  meaning  of  the  words  of  Agrippa  in  Acts  xxvi.  28,  see 
especially  Overbeck  on  the  passage.  They  were  certainly  not  used 
ironically,  but  in  thorough  earnest.  "The  king  confesses  that  with  the 
few  words  that  he  had  spoken  Paul  had  made  him  feel  inclined  to  become 
a  Christian."  But  then  his  indifference  is  shown  in  this,  that  he  does 
nothing  further  in  the  matter. — It  should  not  indeed  be  left  unrecorded 
that  instead  of  yeviadxt  very  good  manuscripts  (xAB)  read  voiiiaoit,  and 
instead  of  "miSng  one  manuscript  (A)  has  tts/^jj,  which  would  give  the 
translation  :  "  With  little  thinkest  thou  to  make  me  a  Christian."  But 
TTiidy  is  too  weakly  supported,  and  unless  we  could  adopt  that  reading  the 
■xoiyiaui  would  be  untranslatable. 

2"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jercs,  v.  1.  6  ;  Antiii.  xv.  11.  3. 


§  19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGRIPPA  H.,  A.D.  50-100.  199 

was  a  just  punishment.^'  Wlien,  in  the  time  of  Albinus,  the 
building  of  the  temple  of  Herod  was  completed,  in  order  to 
secure  employment  for  the  multitudes  of  builders,  Agrippa  had 
the  city  paved  with  white  marble.^^  "  And  thus  at  least  as 
costume  maker,  wood-cutter,  pavier,  and  practical  inspector  of 
the  temple, did  he  render  his  services  to  the  sinking  Jerusalem."" 
When,  in  the  spring  of  a.d.  66,  the  revolution  broke  out, 
Agrippa  was  in  Alexandria,  where  he  had  gone  to  pay  his 
respects  to  the  governor  of  that  place,  Tiberius  Alexander, 
while  his  sister  Berenice  remained  in  Jerusalem  in  con- 
sequence of  a  Nazarite  vow."*  Agrippa  then  immediately 
hasted  back,  and  both  brother  and  sister  did  all  in  their 
power  to  avert  the  threatening  storm.  But  all  in  vain. 
Open  hostilities  were  now  begun  in  Jerusalem  between  the 
war  and  the  peace  parties,  and  the  king's  troops,  which  he  had 
sent  to  lielp,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  peace  party.  When 
this  latter  party  had  been  defeated,  and  among  other 
buildings,  the  palaces  of  Agrippa  and  Berenice  had  fallen 
victims  to  the  popular  fury,*''  he  became  the  decided  choice  of 
that  party.  Unhesitatingly  throughout  the  whole  war  he 
stood  on  the  side  of  the  liomans.  Even  when  Cestius  Gallus 
undertook  his  unfortunate  expedition  against  Jerusalem,  King 
Agrippa  was  found  in  his  following  with  a  considerable 
number  of  auxiliary  troops."^  As  the  further  course  of  the 
revolt  proved  favourable  to  tlie  Jews  he  lost  a  great  part  of 
his  territory.  The  cities  Tiberias,  Tarichea,  and  Gamala 
joined  the  revolutionary  party  ;  but  the  king  remained 
unflinchingly    faithful    to    the    Roman    cause."       After    the 

21  Joseph  us,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  6. — Tlie  conibinations  which  Gratz  (Monats- 
schrift,  1886,  p.  97  f.)  makes  in  this  connection  are  more  than  douhtfuh 
2-  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  9.  7. 
23  Keim  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexikon,  iii.  r)9. 

^*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  15.  1.  "^  Ibid.  ii.  17.  6. 

"  Ibid.  ii.  18.  9,  19.  3. 
^''  Further  details  regarding  Agrippa's  conduct  during  the  war  are  given 


200  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

conquest  of  Jotapata,  in  the  summer  of  a.d.  67,  he  enter- 
tained tlie  commander-in-chief  Vespasian  in  the  most  magni- 
ficent manner  in  his  capital  of  Caesarea  Philippi,"^  and  was 
able  soon,  after  he  had  been  slightly  wounded  at  the  siege  of 
Gamala,'^  to  take  possession  again  of  his  kingdom  ;  for  at  the 
end  of  the  year  67  the  whole  of  the  north  of  Palestine  was 
again  subject  to  the  Eomans. 

When,  after  the  death  of  Nero,  which  occurred  on  9  th 
June  A.D.  68,  Titus  went  to  Eome  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
new  emperor  Galba,  he  took  Agrippa  with  him  also  for  the 
same  purpose.  On  the  way  they  received  tidings  of  Galba's 
murder,  which  took  place  on  15th  January  a.d.  69.  While 
Titus  now  returned  with  as  great  speed  as  possible  to  his 
father,  Agrippa  continued  his  journey  to  Eome,  where  for  a 
time  he  continued  to  reside.^"  But  after  Vespasian  had  been, 
on  30th  July  a.d.  69,  elected  emperor  by  the  Egyptian  and 

in  Keim,  Bibellexikon,  iii.  60-63. — Agrippa  was  not  present  in  Palestine 
during  the  interval  between  the  defeat  of  Cestius  Gallus  and  the  advance 
of  Vespasian.  He  gave  over  the  administration  of  his  kingdom  to  a 
certain  Noarus  or  Varus,  and,  when  this  man  began  to  indulge  in  tlie 
most  despotic  and  high-handed  procedure,  to  a  certain  Aequus  Modius 
(Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  6  ;  Life,  c.  xi.  and  xxxvi.,  compare  also  xxiv.). — 
Of  the  three  cities  named  (Tiberias,  Tarichea,  Gamala),  Gamala  was  of 
special  importance  as  a  strong  fortress.  It  was  at  first  held  faithfully  for 
the  king  by  Philip,  an  officer  of  Agrippa  (Life,  c.  xi.).  But  when  Philip 
was  recalled  by  Agrippa  the  city  went  over  to  the  side  of  the  rebels  (Life, 
xxxv.-xxxvii.  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20.  4,  6,  ii.  21.  7).  Agrippa  then 
ordered  Aequus  Modius  to  recapture  Gamala  (Life,  xxiv.).  But  even  a 
seven  months'  siege  failed  to  secure  this  end  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  2). 
Another  officer  of  Agrippa  fought  against  Josephus  {Life,  Ixxi.-lxxiii.). — 
Agrippa  remained  in  Berytus  till  the  spring  of  a.d.  67  {Life,  xxxvi.,  Ixv., 
ed.  Bekker,  p.  342,  32),  then  waited  in  Antioch  along  with  his  troops  the 
arrival  of  Vespasian's  army  ( Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  2.  4),  advanced  with 
Vespasian  to  Tyre  {Life,  Ixxiv.)  and  Ptolemais  {Life,  Ixv.,  ed.  Bekker,  p. 
340,  19-25,  and  c.  Ixxiv.),  and  seems  now  to  have  taken  up  his  quarters 
more  generally  in  Vespasian's  camp  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  4.  2,  9.  7-8, 
10.  10,  iv.  1.  3). 

2*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  9.  7.  ^^  Ihid.  iv.  1.  3. 

2"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  2  ;  Tacitus,  History,  ii.  1-2. 


§  19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGRIPPA  II.,  A.D.  50-100.  201 

Syrian  legions,  Berenice,  who  had  been  throughout  a  hearty 
supporter  of  the  Flavian  party,  urged  her  brother  to  return 
without  delay  to  Palestine  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  new  emperor.^^  From  this  time  forward  Agrippa  is  to  be 
found  in  the  company  of  Titus,  to  whom  Vespasian  had 
entrusted  the  continued  prosecution  of  the  war.^^  When 
Titus,  after  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  gave  magnificent  and 
costly  games  at  Caesarea  Philippi,  King  Agrippa  was 
undoubtedly  present,  and  as  a  Eoman  joined  in  the  rejoicings 
over  the  destruction  of  his  people.^^ 

After  the  war  had  been  brought  to  an  end  Agrippa,  as  a 
faithful  partizan  of  Vespasian,  was  not  only  confirmed  in  the 
possession  of  the  kingdom  which  he  had  previously  governed, 
but  had  also  considerable  additions  made  to  his  territories, 
though  we  have  no  more  detailed  account  of  the  precise 
boundaries  of  his  domains.^*  Josephus  mentions  only  inci- 
dentally tbat  Arcaia  (Area,  at  the  north  end  of  the  Lebanon, 
north-east  of  Tripolis)  belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa,^^ 

31  Tacitus,  History,  ii.  81.  32  jj^-^  ^^  ^ 

33  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  2.  1. 

3*  Photius  in  his  Bihliotheca,  cod.  33,  gives  the  following  extract  about 
Agrippa  from  Justus  of  Tiberias  :  'Ti-oe.pi'hot.fii  j^i>  rvjv  oipx,viv  M  Kt^xvoiov, 
rivt,vi6rt  OS  iTTi  'biipui/o;  xai  tr/  i^oi.'h'Kov  vtto  Obta'Tr ua lotvov,  n'hiVTec  oi  tTH 
Tphw  Tpocioivov. 

35  Josejihus,  Wars  of  the  Jeics,  vii.  5.  1.  Josephus  there  tells  how  tliat 
Titus,  on  the  march  from  Berytus  to  Antioch,  came  upon  the  so-called 
Sabbath-river,  which  flows  ^ko?  '  ApKxi»?  t'^c  'Ayp/V^ot  (ixm'Aetccg  x.xi 
'  Fiie.(pxvct,i»;.  A  city  therefore  is  intended  which  lay  north  of  Berytus, 
and  so  undoubtedly  the  same  Arcae  which  according  to  the  old  itiner- 
aries lay  between  Tripolis  and  Antaradus,  16  or  18  Eoman  mihs 
north  of  Tripolis  and  32  Eoman  miles  south  of  Antaradus  (18  mil. 
pass. :  Itinerarium  Antonini,  edd.  Parthey  et  Binder,  1848,  p.  68  ;  16 
nnil.  pass. :  Itinerarium  Burdigalense,  edd.  Parthey  et  Binder,  p.  275  = 
Itinera  Uierosolymitana,  edd.  Tobler  et  Molinier,  i.  1879,  p.  14;  they 
agree  in  giving  the  distance  from  Antaradus  at  32  mil.  pass.).  The 
name  is  retained  to  the  present  day  in  that  of  a  village  at  the  nortli 
end  of  the  Lebanon  on  the  spot  indicated  in  the  itineraries.  In  ancient 
times  the  city  was  very  well  known.  The  Arkites  are  named  in  the 
list  of  peoples  in  Gen.  x.  17  CPIV)-      Josephus,  Antiq.  i.  6.  2,  calls  it: 


202  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

We  are  tlierefore  obliged  to  conclude  that  his  new  possessioua 
stretched  very  far  to  the  north.     The  omission  on  the  part  of 

'Apx-viv  riiv  iv  ra  Ai(i»v<f).  Quite  distinct  from  this  is  the  Arce  mentioned 
in  Antiq.  v.  1.  22,  which  lay  much  farther  south.  In  Antiq.  viii.  2.  3, 
Niese  reads,  indeed,  ^Anti ;  but  for  this  Antiq.  ix.  14.  2  has  'ApKri.  Pliny, 
Hist.  Nat.  V.  18.  74,  and  Ptolemy,  v.  15.  21,  simply  mention  the  name. 
Stephen  of  Byzantium  remarks :  'Apy.Yi,  toXi;  <i>oivix.n:,  ii  vvv  ' ApKott 
x.ot.'Kovy.ii/n.  Jerome  explains  Gen.  x.  17  thus:  "Aracaeus,  qui  Areas 
condidit,  oppidum  contra  Tripolim  in  radicibus  Libani  situm"  {Quaest. 
Hebr.  in  Genesin,  Opera,  ed.  Vallarsi,  iii.  321).  In  the  days  of  the 
empire.  Area  was  specially  known  as  the  birthplace  of  Alexander 
Severus  (Laraprid.  Alexander  Severus,  c.  1,  5,  13  ;  Aurel.  Victor,  Caesar, 
c.  24).  It  was  there  also  called  Caesarea  (Lamprid.  Aleooander  Severus,  c. 
13:  "Apud  Arcam  Caesaream;"  Aurel.  Victor,  Caesar,  c.  24:  "Cui 
duplex,  Caesarea  et  Area,  nomen  est").  On  coins  this  name  occurs  as 
early  as  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurelius  {Kotiaotpiwj  ruu  tv  ru  Ai^ctvu  or  K«s/- 
aapstoc;  Ai(ict.vov).  From  the  time  of  Heliogabalus,  if  not  even  earliei^  it 
is  ranked  on  the  coins  as  a  Roman  colony :  "  Col.  Caesaria  Lib(ani)." 
An  inscription,  found  by  Renan  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Botrys,  refers  to 
a  dispute  about  a  boundary  between  the  Caesarians  and  the  Gigartenians, 
Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  iii.  n.  183  =  Renan,  Mission  de  Phenicie,  p.  149  :  "  Fines 
positi  inter  Caesarenses  ad  Libanum  et  Gigartenos  de  vico  Sidonior[um] 
jussu  .  .  .).  From  this,  however,  it  should  not  be  concluded  that  their 
regular  frontiers  touched  one  another.  See  Mommsen's  remarks  in  Corp. 
Inscr.  Lat,  and  those  of  Renan  in  his  work  referred  to.  The  situation 
of  Gigarta  may  be  determined  from  the  order  of  enumeration  in  Pliny, 
Hist.  Nat.  V.  78:  "Botrys,  Gigarta,  Trieris,  Calamos,  Tripolis."  Tlie 
plural  form  ' Apx-at,  used  by  Stephen  of  Byzantium,  is  also  confirmed  by 
the  itineraries,  by  Jerome,  Socrates  {Hist.  eccl.  vii.  36),  and  Hierocles 
{Sjinecdemus,  ed.  Parthey,  p.  43). — Compare  generally,  Belley,  M^moires  de 
VAcad/mie  des  inscriptions  et  belles-lettres,  first  series,  vol.  xxxii.  1768, 
pp.  685-694 ;  Ritter,  Erdhunde,  xvii.  1.  808  ff.,  842  ;  Robinson,  Later 
Researches  in  Palestine;  Forbiger,  Handbuch  der  alien  Geographie,  ii. 
672  ;  Pauly's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  i.  2,  2  Aufl.  p.  1423  f.  ;  Kuhn,  Die 
stadtische  und  bilrgerliche  Verfassung  des  romischen  Reichs,  ii.  331  f. ; 
Gesenius,  Thesaurus,  p.  1073 ;  Winer,  Realworterbuch,  i.  86  ;  Baudissin, 
art.  "Arkiter"  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyclopaedie,  2  Aufl.  i.  645  f . ;  Knobel, 
Die  Volkertafel  der  Genesis,  1850,  p.  327  f.  ;  Renan,  Mission  de  Phenicie, 
p.  115  sq.  ;  Furrer,  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Paldstina-Vereins,  viii.  1885, 
p.  18  ;  Neubauer,  La  geographic  du  Talmud,  p.  299. — On  the  coins  : 
Belley,  M^moires  de  lAcadimie,  xxxii.  (1768)  ;  Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num. 
iii.  360  -  362  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  me'dailles,  v.  356  -  358  ;  Suppl. 
viii.  255-257  ;  De  Saulcy,  Annuaire  de  la  Socide  francaise  de  Num.  et 
d'ArchMogie,  iii,  2,  1869,  pp.  270-275  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la 
Terra  Sainte,  pp.  117-120. 


§  19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGPJPPA  II.,  A.D.  50-100.  203 

Joseplius  in  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  3.  5,  to  refer  to  these  northern 
possessions,  can  be  accounted  for  only  by  the  hypothesis  that 
at  the  time  of  the  composition  of  that  work  this  extension  of 
territory  had  not  yet  taken  place.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
Josephiis  does  not  refer  to  them  there,  because  in  that 
passage  he  does  not  propose  to  describe  the  whole  kingdom 
of  Agrippa,  but  only  those  districts  which  were  inhabited 
more  or  less  by  Jews  (compare  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  2).  Of  the 
southern  possessions  certain  portions  seem  at  a  later  period 
to  have  been  taken  away  from  Agrippa.  At  least,  at  the 
time  when  Josephus  wrote  his  Antiquities,  i.e.  in  a.d.  93—94, 
the  Jewish  colony  of  Bathyra  in  Batanea  no  longer  belonged 
to  the  territory  of  Agrippa.^^ 

In  A.D.  75  the  brother  and  sister,  Agrippa  and  Berenice, 
arrived  in  Eorae,  and  there  those  intimate  relations  begun  in 
Palestine  between  Berenice  and  Titus  were  resumed,  which 
soon  became  a  public  scandal.^  The  Jewish  queen  lived 
with  Titus  on  the  Palatine,  while  her  brother  was  raised  to 
the  rank  of  a  praetor.  It  was  generally  expected  that  there 
would  soon  be  a  formal  marriage,  which  it  is  said  that  Titus 
had  indeed  promised  her.  But  the  dissatisfaction  over  the 
matter  in  Eome  was  so  great  that  Titus  found  himself  under 
the  necessity  of  sending  his  beloved  one  away.^**     After  the 

'8  Josephus,  Antiq.  xvii.  2.  2.  In  the  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  3.  5,  Batanea 
IS  reckoned  as  still  belonging  to  the  territory  of  Agrippa. 

^'  Even  Titus'  return  to  Palestine  on  receiving  intelligence  of  Galba's 
death  was  ascribed  by  his  defamers  to  his  longing  for  the  society  of 
Berenice  (Tacitus,  History,  ii.  2). 

^*  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  15 ;  Suetonius,  Titus,  7 :  "  Insignem  reginae 
Berenices  amorem  cui  etiani  nuptias  poilicitus  ferebatur."— Berenice  had 
even  already  publicly  assumed  the  name  of  Titus'  wife  (x«»t«  tjIyi  u;  x.ai 
yvvvj  envroii  ovox  ixoiii,  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  15).  Any  suspected  of  havint^ 
intercourse  with  her  were  rigorously  punished  by  Titus.  Aurel.  Victor, 
Epit.  10  :  "  Caecinain  consularem  adhibitum  coenae,  vixdum  triclinio 
egressum,  ob  suspicionem  stupratae  Berenices  uxoris  suae,  jugulari  jussit." 
— Compare  also  Hausrath,  Neutestavientliche  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  iv. 
52-55. 


204  THE  ROMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

death  of  Vespasian,  on  23rd  June  a.d.  79,  she  returned  once 
more  to  Eoine ;  but  Titus  liad  come  to  see  that  love  intrigues 
were  not  compatible  with  the  dignity  of  an  emperor,  and  so 
left  her  unnoticed.^^  When  she  found  herself  thus  deceived 
she  retui'ned  again  to  Palestine. 

Of  her  later  life,  as  well  as  of  that  of  Agrippa,  we  know 
practically  nothing.  We  know  indeed  only  this,  that  Agrippa 
corresponded  with  Josephus  about  his  History  of  the  Jewish 
War,  praised  it  for  its  accuracy  and  reliability,  and  purchased 
a  copy  of  it.*" 

Numerous  coins  of  Agrippa  confirm  the  idea  that  his  reign 
continued  to  the  end  of  that  of  Domitian.  The  many 
inaccuracies  which  are  found  on  these  coins  with  reference  to 
the  imperial  title  have  caused  much  trouble  to  numismatists. 
Yet,  in  reality,  these  inaccuracies  are  in  various  directions 
highly  instructive.^^ 

2^  Dio  Cassius,  Ivi.  18  ;  Aurel.  Victor,  Epit.  10 :  "  Ut  subiifc  pondus 
regium,  Berenicen  nuptias  suas  sperantem  regredi  domum  .  .  .  praecepit." 
Suetonius,  Titus,  7  :  "■  Berenicen  statim  ab  urbe  dimisit,  invitus  invitam." 
— Aurelius  Victor  and  Suetonius  speak  only  of  a  dismissal  of  Berenice 
after  the  enthronement  of  Titus  ;  for  even  in  Suetonius  "statim"  can  be 
understood  only  in  this  sense.  But  Dio  Cassius  clearly  makes  a  distinc- 
tion between  the  two  occurrences  :  the  involuntary  dismissal  before  his 
succession  to  the  throne,  and  the  non-recognition  of  Berenice  after  that 
event. — On  her  travels  between  Palestine  and  Rome,  Berenice  seems  to 
have  gained  for  herself  a  certain  position  in  Athens  which  the  council 
and  people  of  the  Athenians  have  made  memorable  by  the  following 
inscription  {Corp.  Inscr.  Grace,  n.  361  =  Corp.  Tnscr.  Atticarum,  iii.  1,  n. 
556  ;  on  the  name  Julia,  see  above,  p.  162) : — 

'H  fiovT^yi  i]  si     Apsiov   'Tra.yov   x.etl 

"Kioiv   Jiipii/ii>cyiv  jioiai'Ktaijxu 
fAiyoihviu,     lov'hiov    AypiTTTToi  jiocat 
"Kiuc   dv/ctripoc   Kxt   fiiyaAco;/ 
^oeat'hiuv  evepytTon  rij;  xo- 
hta?  ex,yovov  .  .   . 
*"  Josephus,  Life,  Ixv.  ;  Against  Apion,  i.  9. 

*^  For  the  literature  on  the  coins,  see  above,  p.  192. — The  real  facts  of 
the  case  are  as  follows.  Besides  the  coins  of  the  time  of  Nero  (see  in 
regard  to  them  above,  pp.  193-194)  there  are  coins  of  Agrippa— (1)  of  the 


§  19.    SUPPLEMENT.       AGKIPPA  II.,  A.D.  50-100.  205 

According  to  the  testimony  of  Justus  of  Tiberias,'*^  Agrippa 
died  in  the  third  year  of  Trajan,  in  A.D.  100  ;  and  there  is  no 
reason    for    doubting    the   correctness    of    this    statement,   as 

years  of  liis  reign,  14,  18,  2G,  27,  29,  with  the  inscription,  h.vTox.p(x.{Topt) 
Ovia'xoe.(si{a.vefi)  Kxiaxpi  l.ificcjru  ;  (2)  of  the  years  of  Agrippa,  14,  18,  19, 
20,  26,  27,  29,  with  the  inscription,  AvTO>cp{u.r^p)  T/rof  Kxlaxp  2i/3«(7(roV) ; 
(3)  of  the  years  of  Agrippa,  14,  18,  19,  23,  24,  25,  26,  27,  29,  35,  with 
the  name  of  Domitian,  and  indeed  down  to  the  year  23  inclusive,  only 
Ao,uiTiciv6;  Kxiaoip,  in  the  year  24  with  the  addition  YspfcxviKog,  in  the 
year  35  :  Av-ojcpoc^ropx)  Ao^uiTici{i/ou)  Kaiaxpot  Tsc/i<,xvi(K6y).  For  the 
fullest  exhibition  of  the  evidence,  see  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881, 
pp.  148-159. — The  agreement  in  the  year  numbers  on  the  coins  of  all  the 
three  Flavians  puts  it  beyond  doubt  that  on  all  these  coins  the  same  era 
is  employed.  Hence  Agrippa  in  his  fourteenth  year  has  had  coins  stampetl 
at  the  same  time  bearing  the  name  of  Vespasian,  Titus,  Domitian.  But 
the  era  used  can  only  be  that  of  a.d.  61,  which  is  employed  on  the 
bilingual  coins  of  Agrippa  of  the  25th  and  26th  years  of  his  reign 
(=  Domitian.  Cos.  xii.,  i.e.  a.d.  86).  Compare  what  is  said  above  at 
p.  194.  From  these  data  the  following  results  may  be  deduced  :  (1)  The 
coins  of  the  years  26,  27,  and  29  were  stamped  after  the  deaths  of 
Vespasian  and  Titus  ;  nevertheless,  in  the  title  of  both  emperors  the 
term  '^diAiis"  is  wanting,  suppressed  probably  on  religious  grounds. 
(2)  The  coins  of  the  years  14  and  18  were  stamped  while  Vespasian  was 
still  living  ;  nevertheless  Titus  is  already  called  2£/3«(ttoV.  Thus, 
incorrect  as  it  is,  it  indicates  in  a  striking  manner  how  Titus  had  already 
gained  in  the  East  a  supreme  position.  He  was  regarded  even  then  as 
practically  co-regent.  (3)  The  title  given  to  Domitian  is  so  far  correct, 
since  he  is  called  on  the  coins  of  the  years  14-19  only  Kxtaxp,  and  on  the 
coins  of  the  year  24  (=  a.d.  84)  bears  the  title  YipfMnuixo:,  which,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  he  did  receive  in  A.D.  84.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  a 
great  mistake  to  omit  the  title  of  "S.ilixarog,  and  in  some  instances  also  the 
title  AvTOKpxrup  from  the  coins  of  the  years  23-25,  which  all  belong  to 
the  period  of  Domitian's  reign,  a.d.  83-95.  The  coins  therefore  show 
"that  in  Galilee  they  were  not  altogether  en  rapport  with,  the  mighty 
empire  of  this  world  "  (Mommsen).  Only  the  bilingual  coins  of  the  year 
26  have  the  correct  Latin  title  :  "  Imp(erator)  Caes(ar)  divi  Vesp.  f(ilius) 
Doraitian(us)  Au(gustus)  Ger(raanicus)." — Several  numismatists,  especially 
De  Saulcy  and  Madden,  partly  at  least  in  order  to  get  rid  of  these  result's, 
have,  in  the  most  extremely  arbitrary  manner,  assumed  for  these  coins 
from  three  to  four  different  eras.  The  correct  point  of  view  has  in  the 
mo.st  convincing  manner  been  indicated  by  Morumsen  (Wiener  Numis- 
matische  Zeitschrift,  iii.  1871,  pp.  451-457). 

*2  On  Photius,  Bibliotheca,  cod.  33,  see  vol.  i.  of  this  present  work,  pp. 
68-69. 


206  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Tillemont  and  many  modern  writers  have  done/'  Agrippa, 
it  would  appear,  left  no  children.^  His  kingdom  was 
undoubtedly  incorporated  in  the  province  of  Syria. 

■*^  Tillemont,  Historte  des  empereurs,  t.  i.  (Veni.se  1732)  pp.  646-648 
note  xli.  ;  Jost,  Geschichte  der  Israelitcn,  Bd.  ii.,  Anhang,  p.  103  f.  ;  Brann. 
Monatsschrift  fur  Geschichte  und  IVissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1871,  pp, 
26-28  ;  Gi'iitz,  Monatsschrift  fiir  Gesch.  u.  Wissensch.  des  Jud.  1877,  pp. 
337-352  ;  Briill,  Jahrbiicher  fur  jiidisclt.  Geschichte  iind  Literatur,  vii 
1885,  pp.  51-53.  —The  rea.son  why  some  would  reject  altogether  the  report 
of  Justus  as  given  by  Photius,  while  others  would  improve  it  by  an 
alteration  or  modification  of  the  text,  is  simply  this,  that  it  had  been 
assumed  that  the  Autobiography  of  Josephus  was  wiitten  immediately 
after  his  Antiquities,  in  a.d.  93  or  94.  In  that  case  then  Agrippa  must 
have  died  before  the  year  93  ;  for  when  Josephus  wrote  his  Auto- 
biography, Agrippa  was  already  dead  (Life,  Ixv.).  But  that  assumption 
is  altogether  untenable,  since  Josephus,  at  the  end  of  the  Antiquities, 
expresses  his  intention  of  continuing  the  work  in  another  way  than  he 
afterwards  actually  did  by  appending  the  Life.  On  this  question  see 
vol.  i.  of  this  work,  pp.  90-92. — The  coins  of  Agrippa  of  the  year  35  of 
his  reign  prove  that,  at  least  in  a.d.  95,  he  was  still  alive.  Compare  in 
regard  to  the  reckoning  of  the  date,  what  is  said  in  note  41.  The 
inscription  with  the  date  stou;  X^'  tov  jcuI  X/3'  /iuai^.sus  ' hypi-n-Trct,  if  we 
fix  the  latter  date  at  a.d.  61  (compare  above  at  note  7),  will  bring  us  to 
A.D.  92-93. 

^*  Whether  he  was  married  or  not,  we  do  not  know.  In  the  Talmud 
{hah.  Succa  27a)  the  story  is  told  of  the  steward  of  Agrippa  putting  a 
question  to  R.  Elieser,  which  seems  to  imply  that  the  questioner  had  two 
wives.  Founding  upon  this,  many  assign  to  Agrippa  two  wives,  assuming 
that  the  steward  put  the  question  in  the  name  of  the  king.  So,  for 
instance,  Derenbourg,  Historie  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  252-254,  and  Brann, 
Monatsschrift,  1871,  p.  13  f.  There  is,  however,  no  sufficient  foundation 
for  such  an  assumption.     See  Griitz,  Monatsschrift,  1881,  p.  483  f. 


§  20.  THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  66-73. 

Sources. 
JosEPHUS,   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14-vii.  ;  Life,  c.  iv.-lxxiv.      ZoNARAa, 

Annales,   vi.    18-29    (surauiary    from   Joseplius). — On   the   so-called 

Hegesippus,  see  above,  vol.  i.  pp.  100-102. 
On  the  non-extant  works  of  Vespasian,  Antonius  Julianas,  and  Justus  of 

Tiberias,  see  above,  vol.  i.  pp.  63-69. 
Rabbinical  traditions  in  Derenbourg,  pp.  255-295. 
On   the   coins  which   possibly   date   from   the  period   of  this   war,  see 

Appendix  IV. 

Literature. 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vii.  486-616. 
MiLMAN,  History  of  the  Jews,  books  xiv.,  xv.,  xvi.,  xvii. 
f4RATZ,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii.'  pp.  448-557. 
HiTZiG,  Geschichte  des  Volkcs  Israel,  ii.  594-629. 
Hausrath,  NexUestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  iii.  421-477. 
Ren  AN,  Antichrist. 
Pressens:^,  The  Early  Years  of  Christianity,  vol.  i.  pp.  399-406.     London 

1879. 
Schiller,  Geschichte  des  romischen  Kaiserreiches  unter  der  Eegierung   des 

Nero  (1872),  pp.  205-261.— Geschichte  der  romischen  Kaiserzeit,  Bd.  i. 

1883,  pp.  381-400. 
Mommsen,  Rdmische  Geschichte,  Bd.  v.  1885,  pp.  529-540. 
Lewin,  The  Siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus.     With  Journal  of  a  recent  Visit  to 

the  Holy  City,  and  a  general  Sketch  of  the  Topography  of  Jerusalem 

from  the  earliest  Times  down  to  the  Siege.     London  1863.— Compare 

Gdtt.  gel.  Anzeiger,  1864,  p.  721  ff. — Also,  Lewin,  Fasti  sacri,  London 

1865,  pp.  338-362. 
Morrison,  The  Jews  under  the  liovians.     In  "  History  of  the  Nations " 

series.     London  1890. 
Champagny,  Rome  et  la  Jude'e  au  temps  de  la  chute  de  Neron  (ans  66-72 

apres  Jesus-Christ),  2  (5d.  Paris  1865,   t.  i.  pp.  195-254;  t.  ii.   pp. 

55-200. 
T)K  Havlcy,  Les  derniers  jours  d£  Jerusalem.     Paris  1886.     Compare,  Co^/. 

gel.  Anzeiger,  1868,  p.  899  ff. 

207 


208  the  eoman-herodian  age. 

1.  The  Outbreak  and  Triumph  of  the  Eevolution,  a.d.  66. 

The  ostensible  occasion  for  the  outbreak  of  the  long  threatened 
revolt  was  given  by  a  deed  of  Florus  which  was  not  in  itself 
any  worse  than  many  others  committed  by  him,  but  to  the 
people  proved  more  intolerable  because  it  was  at  the  same 
time  an  outrage  upon  their  religious  sensibilities.  Whereas 
before  he  had  visited  only  the  citizens  with  his  plunderings, 
he  now  ventured  to  lay  his  hands  upon  the  treasury  of  the 
temple,  and  to  abstract  from  it  seventeen  talents.  The 
people's  patience  was  thus  tried  beyond  endurance.  They 
now  rose  in  a  great  tumult ;  a  couple  of  sarcastic  wits  hit 
upon  a  plan  for  throwing  contempt  upon  the  greedy  pro- 
curator by  sending  round  baskets  and  collecting  gifts  for  the 
poor  and  unfortunate  Florus.  When  the  governor  heard  of 
this  he  immediately  resolved  to  take  bloody  vengeance  upon 
those  who  had  thus  insulted  him.  With  a  detachment  of 
soldiers  he  marched  to  Jerusalem,  and  in  spite  of  the  weeping 
entreaties  of  the  high  priests  and  the  principal  inhabitants, 
he  gave  over  a  portion  of  the  city  to  be  plundered  by  his 
soldiers.  A  large  number  of  citizens,  including  among  them 
even  Eoman  knights  of  Jewish  descent,  were  seized  at 
random,  put  in  fetters,  and  then  crucified.  Even  the  humble 
pleadings  of  Queen  Berenice,  who  happened  to  be  present  in 
Jerusalem  at  that  time,  had  no  effect  in  moderating  the  fury 
of  the  procurator  and  his  soldiers.^ 

This  outrage  was  committed  on  the  16th  Artemisios  (Ijjar, 
May)  of  the  year  66.^ 

On  the  day  following  Florus  expressed  the  wish  that  the 

^  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  14.  6-9,  15.  1. 

2  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  15.  2  ;  comp.  ii.  14.  4;  Antiq.  xx.  11.  1 
(in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nero).  Though  Josephus  uses  the  Macedonian, 
names  of  the  months  we  are  really  to  understand  by  them  the  Jewish 
months,  which  only  approximately  correspond  to  the  months  of  the 
Julian  calendar.     See  further  details  in  Appendix  III. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAE  WITH  EOME,  A.D.  C6-73.  209 

citizens  should  go  out  to  give  a  formal  greeting  to  the  two 
cohorts  which  were  to  enter  the  city  from  Caesarea,  in  order 
thereby  to  give  a  public  proof  of  their  submissiveness  and  of 
their  penitent  disposition.  Although  the  people  were  not  by 
any  means  inclined  to  do  so,  the  high  priests  persuaded  them 
to  submit  to  this  indignity  lest  something  worse  should  befall 
them.  In  solemn  procession  the  people  went  out  to  meet 
the  two  cohorts,  and  gave  them  a  friendly  greeting.  But  the 
soldiers,  evidently  guided  by  the  instructions  of  Florus, 
refused  to  return  their  greeting.  Then  began  the  people  to 
murmur,  and  to  utter  reproaches  against  Florus.  The  soldiers 
then  seized  their  swords,  and  drove  the  people  back  amid 
incessant  slaughter  into  the  city.  Then  in  the  streets  a 
violent  conflict  raged,  in  which  the  people  succeeded  in 
securing  possession  of  the  temple  mount,  and  in  cutting  off 
the  connection  between  it  and  the  castle  of  Antonia.  Florus 
could  easily  see  that  he  was  not  strong  enough  to  subdue 
the  multitude  by  violence.  He  therefore  withdrew  to 
Caesarea,  leaving  behind  only  one  cohort  in  Jerusalem,  and 
announcing  that  he  would  hold  the  chief  men  of  the  city 
responsible  for  the  quiet  and  order  of  the  people.^ 

King  Agrippa  was  at  this  time  in  Alexandria.  When  he 
heard  of  the  disturbances  he  hastened  to  Jerusalem,  summoned 
the  people  to  an  assembly  on  the  Xystus,  an  open  space  in 
front  of  the  palace  of  the  Asmoneans,  in  which  Agrippa 
resided,  and  from  his  palace  addressed  the  people  in  a  Ion" 
and  impressive  speech,  in  order  to  urge  them  to  abandon  the 
utterly  hopeless,  and  therefore  unreasonable  and  disastrous 
struggle  on  which  they  were  entering.*     The  people  declared 

3  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  15.  3-6. 

*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  16.  1-5  ;  comp.  15.  1. — Tlie  statistical 
details  about  the  Roman  empire  which  Josephus  has  woven  into  this 
speech  of  A j:;rippa,  were  probably  borrowed  from  an  official  publication. 
Compare  Friedlander,  De  fonte  quo  Josephus  B.  J.  ii.  16.  4  usiis  sit. 
Eegimonti  (Index  Icctionum),  1873. 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  0 


210  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE, 

themselves  ready  to  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the  emperor 
They  began  again  to  build  up  the  galleries  between  the 
temple  mount  and  the  Antonia,  which  they  had  torn  down, 
and  they  collected  the  outstanding  taxes.  But  when  Agrippa 
insisted  that  they  should  again  yield  obedience  to  Florus,  this 
was  more  than  the  people  could  endure.  His  proposals  were 
rejected  with  contempt  and  scorn,  and  he  was  obliged  to  with- 
draw without  accomplishing  his  purpose  in  his  kingdom.^ 

Meanwhile  the  rebels  had  succeeded  in  gaining  possession 
of  the  fortress  of  Masada.  At  the  instigation  of  Eleasar,  son 
of  the  high  priest  Ananias,  it  was  now  also  resolved  to  dis- 
continue the  daily  offering  for  the  emperor,  and  no  longer  to 
admit  of  any  offering  by  those  who  were  not  Jews.  The 
refusal  to  offer  a  sacrifice  for  the  emperor  was  equivalent  to 
an  open  declaration  of  revolt  against  the  Eomans.  All 
attempts  of  the  principal  men,  among  the  chief  priests  as 
well  as  among  the  Pharisees,  to  induce  the  people  to  recall 
this  foolhardy  resolution  were  in  vain.  They  firmly  adhered 
to  the  decision  to  which  they  had  come.*^ 

When  the  members  of  the  peace  party,  to  which,  as  mijjht 
be  expected,  all  discerning  and  judicious  men  belonged, — the 
high  priests,  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Pharisees,  those 
related  to  the  house  of  Herod, — perceived  that  they  were 
incapable  of  accomplishing  any  good,  they  resolved  to  have 
recourse  to  violent  measures.  They  accordingly  made  appli- 
cation for  assistance  to  King  Agrippa.  He  sent  a  detachment 
of  3000  cavalry  under  the  command  of  Darius  and  Philip,  by 
whose  help  the  peace  party  gained  possession  of  the  upper 
city,  while  the  rebels  continued  to  hold  the  temple  mount 
and  the  lower  city.      A  bitter  strife  now  arose  between  tlie 

*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  1. 

*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  17.  2-4. — On  the  fortress  of  Masada, 
see  below  at  the  end  of  this  section. — On  the  daily  sacrifice  offered  for  the 
emperor,  see  the  Second  Division  of  the  present  work,  vol.  i.  pp  302-304. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROMK,  A.D.   CG-73.  211 

two  parties ;  but  the  royal  troops  were  not  strong  enough  to 
withstand  the  violent  rage  of  the  multitude,  and  were  obliged 
to  evacuate  the  upper  city.  In  order  to  take  vengeance 
upon  their  opponents,  the  rebels  set  fire  to  the  palaces  of  the 
high  priest  Ananias,  of  King  Agrippa,  and  Berenice.^ 

A  few  days  after  this,  in  the  month  Loos,  that  is,  Ab  or 
August,  they  also  succeeded  in  storming  the  citadel  of 
Antonia,  and  then  they  began  to  lay  siege  to  the  upper 
palace,  that  of  Herod,  in  which  the  troops  of  the  peace  party 
had  taken  refuge.  Here,  too,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
besieged  to  offer  any  effectual  resistance.  Consequently  the 
troops  of  Agrippa  were  only  too  glad  to  submit  on  the  con- 
dition of  being  allowed  to  pass  out  unhurt.  The  Eoman 
cohorts  had  betaken  themselves  to  the  three  strong  towers  of 
the  palace,  known  respectively  by  the  names  Hippicus, 
Phasael,  and  Mariamme,  while  all  the  rest  of  the  palace  was, 
on  6th  Gorpiaios,  that  is,  Elul  or  September,  set  on  fire  by  the 
rebels.^  On  the  following  day  the  high  priest  Ananias,  who 
had  hitherto  kept  himself  concealed,  was  apprehended  in  his 
luding-place  and  put  to  death.^  The  solitary  feeble  support 
which  still  remained  to  the  peace  party,  was  that  of  tlie 
Roman  cohorts  besieged  in  the  three  towers  of  the  palace  of 
Herod.       These,  too,   were  obliged  at  last  to   yield   to    the 

"  Josephus,  Warn  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  4-6. — The  troops  sent  by  Agiijipa 
were  iIito  Axpeiu  f-iiv  iTrTsrxpxv^  oTpxTYiycii  Ss  r^  'IxkI/^ov  (brhiTCTru  [Wars  of 
the  Jeivs,  ii.  17.  4:  fin.).  Philip  was  therefore  the  commander-in-chief. 
He  was  grandson  of  the  Babylonian  Zamaris,  who  in  the  time  of  Herod 
the  Great  had  founded  a  Jewish  colony  in  Batanea  (Antiq.  xvii.  2.  3). 
Compare  on  him  also,  JVars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  20.  1,  iv.  1.  10  ;  Life,  xi., 
XXXV.,  xxxvi.,  Ixxiv. — On  an  inscrijition  communicated  by  Waddingtun 
mention  is  made  of  a  AofiijOYi;  [A]oc/))j/oj  iTrxpxoi  fixaiKiu;  i^iycthw 
'' Kyoiinvce,  (Le  Bas  et  Waddington,  Inscriftions,  iii.  n.  2135),  who  is  pro- 
bably identical  with  our  Derius. 

^  Josephus,  Tlars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  7-8  ;  comp.  v.  4.  4. — The  leader  of 
Agrippa's  troops,  Philip,  was  subsequently  called  to  account  for  his 
conduct  (Josephus,  Life,  Ixxiv.). 

^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jens,  ii.  17.  9. 


212  THE  llOMAN-HERODIAX  AGE. 

superior  power  of  the  people.  Upon  laying  down  their  arms 
they  were  allowed  to  walk  out  uninjured.  But  the  rebels, 
who  were  now  masters  of  the  whole  city,  celebrated  their 
victory  by  general  slaughter.  The  Eoman  soldiers  were 
scarcely  gone,  leaving  their  weapons  behind  them,  when  they 
were  treacherously  fallen  upon  by  the  Jews,  and  were  cut 
down  to  the  last  man.^" 

While  thus  the  triumph  of  the  revolution  in  Jerusalem 
was  decided,  bloody  conflicts  took  place  also  in  many  other 
cities,  where  Jews  and  Gentiles  dwelt  together,  especially 
within  the  borders  of  Palestine.  Wlierever  the  Jews  were  in 
the  majority,  they  cut  down  their  Gentile  fellow-townsmen ; 
and  where  the  Gentiles  predominated,  they  fell  upon  the 
Jews.  The  influence  of  the  revolt  in  the  mother  country 
spread  even  as  far  as  Alexandria." 

At  last,  after  long  delay  and  preparation,  Cestius  G  alius, 
the  governor  of  Syria,  entered  upon  negotiations  for  the 
quieting  of  the  disturbances  in  Judea.  With  the  twelfth 
legion,  2000  chosen  men  from  other  legions,  six  cohorts,  and 
four  alac  of  cavalry,  besides  numerous  auxiliary  troops 
which  the  fi'iendly  kings,  including  Agrippa,  had  been 
obliged  to  place  at  his  disposal,  he  started  from  Antioch, 
inarched  through  Ptolemais,  Caesarea,  Antipatris,  Lydda, 
where  he  arrived  at  the  time  of  tlie  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in 
the  month  Tizri  or  October,  and  finally  through  Beth-horon 
to  Gabao  or  Gibeon,  50  stadia  from  Jerusalem,  and  there 
pitched  his  camp.'^     A  sally  made  by  the  Jews  from  Jeru- 

^^  Josepluis,  Trars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  10.  Compare  Merjillafh  Taanith, 
§  14 :  "  On  tlie  ITtli  Elul  the  Romans  withdrew  from  Jndea  and 
Jerusalem  "  (Derenbourg,  pji.  443,  445  ;  Hitzig,  ii.  p.  GOO). 

'^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  1-8  ;  Life,  vi. 

^'  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  9-10,  19.  \.—  T»(ia.u  is  the 
Gibeon  often  referred  to  in  the  Old  Testament,  identified  with  El-Jeb 
north-west  of  Jerusalem.  See  Winer,  lieahcorterbuch,  art.  "Gibeon;" 
Robinson,  Biblical  Eesearches  in  Palestine,  vol.  li.  pp.  136-138 ;  Guurin, 
Judee,  i.  385-391. 


I  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  6G-73.  213 

salem  put  the  Roman  army  into  a  position  of  great  danger, 
but  was  at  last  driven  back.^'  Cestius  then  advanced  nearer 
to  the  city,  and  laid  siege  to  the  so-called  Scopus,  7  stadia 
from  Jerusalem.  Four  days  later,  on  the  30th  Hyperbere- 
taios,  that  is,  Tizri  or  October,  he  took  possession  unopposed 
of  the  northern  suburb  Bezetha,  and  set  it  on  fire.^*  But 
when  he  ventured  upon  the  bolder  task  of  storming  the 
temple  mount  his  enterprise  failed.  He  thereupon  desisted 
from  all  further  attempts,  and  began  to  withdraw  without 
accomplishing  his  object.'"  Josephus  is  unable  to  explain 
the  causes  of  this  procedure.  Probably  Cestius  perceived 
that  liis  forces  were  insufficient  for  making  an  attack  with 
any  hope  of  success  upon  the  well  fortified  and  courageously 
defended  city.  With  what  determination  and  with  what 
dauntless  resolution  the  struggle  was  carried  forward  on  the 
part  of  the  Jews,  was  now  to  be  proved  to  the  Eoman 
governor  on  his  retreat.  In  a  ravine  near  Beth-horon, 
through  which  he  was  pursuing  his  journey,  he  found  him- 
self surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  Jews,  and  attacked 
with  such  force,  that  his  homeward  march  was  turned  into  a 
flight.  Only  by  leaving  behind  him  a  great  part  of  his 
ba"u:aj];e,  including  much  valuable  war  material,  which  sub- 
sequently  proved  of  great  service  to  the  Jews,  did  he  succeed 
in  reaching  Antioch   with  a  fragment   of  his  army.     Amid 

^3  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  19.  2. 

^■*  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  19.  4. — Scopus  is  also  referred  to  in 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  19.  7,  v.  2.  3,  3.  2  ;  Antiq.  xi.  8.  5:  stg  rovou  nud, 
'^et(plv  [so  the  best  manuscripts  read]  Myo/mi/ow  to  oi  oi/oftx  tovto  f^iToc- 
:ptp6fAiuov  its  Tvi'j  ''E'h'hnvix.viv  '■/'homoiv  l^x-o-zov  [so  the  best  manuscripts] 
a/jy-xiuii.  ps^  is  the  Aramaic  form  for  D^DiV>  as  the  place  is  called  in 
Mishna,  Pesachim  iii.  8.  Compare  also  Lif,ditfoot,  Centuria  Matthaeo 
praemissa,  c.  42  (Opera,  ii.  202).  From  this  point  a  beautiful  view  of  the 
uity  was  obtained  (Antiq.  xi.  8.  5  ;  JFars  of  thn  Jews,  v.  2.  3).— The 
suburb  Bezetha  is  also  referred  to  in  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  15.  5,  v.  4.  2, 
5.  8.  It  is  the  most  northerly  suburb  included  by  the  so-called  wall  of 
Af^rippa  (Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  4.  2). 

'*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  19.  5-7. 


214  THE  EOMAX-HERODIAN  AGE. 

great  rejoicings  the  returning  conquerors  entered  Jerusalem 
on  the  8  th  Dios,  that  is,  Marchesvan  or  Xovember.^*' 

In  presence  of  the  excitement  caused  by  victory  whicli 
now  prevailed  in  Jerusalem  all  peace  counsels  were  forcibly 
silenced.  After  such  decisive  successes  no  proposals  of 
compromise  would  be  listened  to.  Even  those  inclined  to 
oppose  were  driven  along  by  the  course  of  events.  Those 
who  were  inalienably  attached  to  the  Eomans  left  the  city. 
All  the  rest  were  drawn  into  their  own  ranks  by  the  rebels, 
partly  by  force,  partly  by  persuasion  (roixi  fiev  /Sia  Tov<i 
Be  ireiOoi)}^  They  now  set  about  organizing  the  rebellion  in 
a  regular  methodical  fashion,  and  made  preparations  for  the 
expected  onslaught  of  the  Eomans.  It  is  distinctively 
characteristic  of  the  later  period  of  the  war  that  the  men 
who  now  had  the  power  in  their  hands  belonged  exclusively 
to  the  higher  ranks.  The  chief  priests,  the  most  distinguished 
of  the  Pharisees,  were  those  who  directed  the  organization  of 
the  land  defences.  An  assembly  of  the  people,  which  was 
held  in  the  temple,  made  choice  of  commanders  for  the  pro- 
vinces. Two  men,  Joseph,  son  of  Gorion,  and  the  high  priest 
Ananus,  were  entrusted  with  the  defence  of  the  capital. 
To  Idumea  they  sent  Jesus,  son  of  Sapphias,  and  Eleasar,  son 
of  Ananias,  both  belonging  to  the  high  priestly  family. 
]JTearly  all  the  eleven  toparchies  into  which  Judea  was 
divided  had  their  own  commanders.  Finally,  to  Galilee  was 
sent  Josephus,  son  of  Matthias,  the  future  historian.^^ 

There  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  youthful  Josephus  had 

'^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeios,  ii.  19.  7-9. 

^^  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20.  1-3. 

18  Josejihus,  Wars  of  the  Jeios,  ii.  20.  3-4 ;  Life,  vii.  In  the  latter 
paj^sfige  Josephus  is  impudent  enough  to  declare  that  the  purpose  for 
which  he  was  sent  was  to  pacify  Galilee  (compare  also.  Life,  xiv.). — As 
had  been  already  shown,  the  conduct  of  the  revolt  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  people  of  Jerusalem  (to  koivov  tuv  ' lipooo'hvfiiruv.  Life,  xii.,  xiii., 
xxxviii.,  xlix.,  Hi.,  Ix.,  Ixv.,  Ixx.),  and  as  their  representative  the  Sanhedrim 
(to  avAooiov  tuu  '  lepcao'Aviiinuy,  Life,  xii.). 


§  20.  THE  GKEAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  6.3-73.     2  1  5 

thus  one  of  the  most  difficult  and  most  responsible  positions 
assigned  to  him,  for  it  was  just  in  Galilee  that  the  first 
attack  of  the  Eomans  might  be  expected.  Great  results 
could  scarcely  be  looked  for  in  the  conducting  of  warlike 
operations  from  a  young  man  only  thirty  years  of  age  ;  and 
he  owed  his  appointment  certainly  less  to  his  military 
capacities  than  to  his  friendship  with  the  most  distinguished 
personages.  It  was  indeed  a  strange  proceeding  to  send  a 
young  man,  who  in  addition  to  his  natural  ability  could  at 
most  only  point  to  his  rabbinical  learning,  to  enlist  an  army 
with  all  haste  from  among  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of 
Galilee,  and  with  it  to  hold  his  ground  against  the  attack  of 
veteran  legions  and  circumvent  the  tactics  of  experienced 
generals  !  If  we  are  to  believe  his  own  account,  he  set 
himself  at  least  with  zeal  to  the  solving  of  the  insoluble 
problem.  For  the  governing  of  Galilee  he  appointed,  in 
imitation  of  the  Sanhedrim  of  Jerusalem,  a  council  of  seventy 
men,  which  had  to  decide  on  difficult  points  of  law ;  while  for 
less  important  disputes  he  established  in  every  city  a  council 
of  seven  men.'^^  He  intended  to  prove  his  zeal  for  the 
law  by  destroying  the  palace  of  Tiberias,  which,  contrary  to 
the  law,  was  adorned  with  animal  images ;  but  in  this  he 
was  anticipated  by  the  revolutionary  party.'"  The  military 
part  of  his  task  he  endeavoured  to  carry  out  specially  by 
strengthening  the  fortifications  of  the  cities.  All  the 
more  important  cities  of  Galilee,  Jotapata,  Tarichea,  Tiberias, 
Sepphoris,  Gischala,  Mount  Tabor,  also  Gamala  in  Gaulanitis, 
and  many  smaller  towns  were  put  more  or  less  in  a  condition 
of  defence.^^     But  with  special  pride  he  boasts  of  his  labours 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20.  5  ;  Life,  xiv. 

20  Josephus,  Life,  xii. 

21  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20.  6  ;  Life,  xxxvii.  Compare  in 
addition  :  Ritter,  Erdhunde,  xvi.  757-771  ;  Robinson,  Biblical  liesearches, 
vol.  ii.  p.  387. — Among  the  above-named  seven  inii^ortant  places  Sejjphoris 
never  took  the  side  of  the  revolution,  hut,  so  long  as  it  was  without 


2  1  6  THE  ROMAX-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

in  organizing  the  army.  He  sought  to  bring  together  no  less 
than  100,000  men,  and  to  have  them  drilled  after  the 
Eoman  style.^^ 

While  Josephus  thus  prepared  for  war  with  the  Eomans,  a 
violent  opposition  arose  against  him  in  his  own  province, 
which  even  went  the  length  of  openly  drawing  the  sword 
upon  him.  The  soul  of  this  hostile  movement  was  John  of 
Gischala,  a  bold,  reckless  party  leader,  who  was  filled  with 
glowing  hatred  toward  the  Eomans,  and  had  resolved  to 
carry  on  the  struggle  against  them  to  the  uttermost.  But 
while  he  had  sworn  death  and  destruction  to  the  tyrants,  he 
was  himself  no  less  of  a  tyrant  within  his  own  circle.  It 
was  intolerable  to  him  to  brook  the  idea  of  having  others 
over  him.  Least  of  all  could  he  yield  obedience  to  Josephus, 
whose  tame  method  of  conducting  the  war  seemed  to  him  no 
better  than  friendship  for  the  Eomans.  Hence  he  used  every 
endeavour  to  get  the  man  so  hateful  to  him  set  aside,  and  to 
withdraw  the  allegiance  of  the  people  of  Galilee  from  him.^' 
His  suspicion  of  Josephus  was  indeed  not  altogether  without 

Roman  protection,  assumed  a  vacillating  position,  hence  even  expending 
care  on  its  fortifications  ;  and  then,  so  soon  as  Roman  troops  were 
available,  taking  sides  with  them.  For  further  details,  see  Div.  II., 
vol.  i.  p.  136. — Of  the  other  six  cities  or  fortresses,  three,  Tarichea, 
Tiberias,  and  Gamala,  belonged  to  the  territory  of  King  Agrippa,  and  in 
jjart  also  joined  the  side  of  the  revolution  only  after  internal  conflicts. 
See  particularly  on  Tiberias,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  143  f.  ;  on  Gamala,  the 
present  vol.  p.  200. — Gischala  took  up  a  distinct  position  of  its  own,  for 
there,  John,  son  of  Levi,  the  celebrated  revolutionaiy  hero  of  a  later 
period,  assumed  to  himself  the  government.  He  was  dissatisfied  with 
the  lukewarm  attitude  of  Josephus,  and  so  refused  to  make  over  to  him 
the  fortress  of  the  city,  but  took  the  command  of  it  himself  (JFars  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  20.  6  ;  Life,  x.,  xxxviii.).  See  especially  on  the  attitude  of 
Gischala,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  21.  7.  10;  Life,  x.,  xiii.,  xvi.-xviii.,  xx., 
XXV.,  xxxviii. — All  the  seven  places  here  mentioned  will  be  again  referred 
to  in  the  history  of  the  rearrangement  of  Galilee  by  the  Romans.  See 
icferences  to  them  also  in  geographical  works. 

22  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20.  6-8. 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  21.  1-2  ;  Life,  xiii. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAK  WITH  EOME,  A.D.  CG-73.  2l7 

foundation.  Joseplius  knew  the  Eoraans  too  well  to  enter- 
tain the  notion  that  the  rebellion  could  be  really  and  finally 
successful.  He  was  therefore  necessarily  only  half-hearted  in 
the  business  which  he  had  undertaken,  and  sometimes  un- 
wittingly allowed  this  to  appear.  On  one  occasion  certain 
youths  from  the  village  of  Dabaritta  had  robbed  an  official  of 
King  Agrippa,  and  taken  rich  spoil.  Josephus  caused  them 
to  hand  back  what  they  had  taken,  and  intended,  if  we  may 
believe  his  own  account  of  the  afftiir,  to  restore  them  to  the 
king  on  the  first  favourable  opportunity.  When  the  people 
perceived  that  this  was  his  intention,  the  suspicion  which 
John  of  Gischala  had  insinuated  against  him  was  increased, 
and  now  broke  out  into  open  rebellion.  In  Tarichea,  where 
Josephus  had  his  residence,  a  great  tumult  was  made.  They 
threatened  the  life  of  the  traitor.  Only  by  the  most  miser- 
able and  degrading  self-humiliation  and  the  exercise  of  low 
cunning  could  Josephus  ward  off  the  threatened  danger.^* 
Some  time  later  at  Tiberias,  he  escaped  the  assassins  sent 
against  him  by  John  of  Gischala  only  by  precipitate  flight. ^^ 
At  last  John  carried  matters  so  far  that  he  was  able  to 
obtain  in  Jerusalem  a  resolution  to  recall  Josephus.  Four  of 
the  most  distinguished  men  were  sent  for  this  purpose  to 
Galilee,  accompanied  by  a  detachment  of  soldiers  numbering 
2500  men,  in  order  to  carry  out  this  decision  by  force  if 
necessary.  But  Josephus  knew  how  to  frustrate  the  execu- 
tion of  this  decree,  and  the  four  ambassadors  were  again 
recalled.  When  they  refused  compliance  with  that  summons, 
he  had  them  apprehended  and  sent  them  back  to  Jerusalem. 
The  inhabitants  of  Tiberias  who  continued  in  revolt  were  sub- 
jugated by  force,  and  thus  for  the  time  peace  was  restored.^® 

2^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  21.  3-5  ;  Life,  xxvi.-xxx. 
**  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jeirs,  ii.  21.  6;  Life,  xvi.-xviii. 
-®  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jens,  ii.  21.  7  ;  Life,  xxxviii.— Ixiv.,  especially 
xxxviii.-xl.,  Ix.-lxiv 


218  THE  ROMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

When,  a  few  days  later,  the  inhabitants  of  Tiberias  again 
rose  in  revolt, — now,  indeed,  in  favour  of  Agrippa  and  the 
Eonians, — they  were  overcome  once  more  by  craft."' 

Meanwhile  in  Jerusalem  they  were  by  no  means  inactive. 
There,  too,  they  w^ere  making  preparations  for  meeting  the 
Romans.  The  walls  were  strengthened,  war  material  of  all 
sorts  was  collected,  the  youth  were  exercised  in  the  use  of 
arms.'^ 

Amid  such  preparations  the  spring  of  a.d.  67  came  round, 
and  with  it  the  time  when  the  attack  of  the  Eomans  was 
expected,  and  the  young  republic  would  have  to  pass  through 
its  fiery  ordeal. 

2.  The  War  in  Galilee,  a.d.  67. 

The  Emperor  Fero  had  received  in  Achaia  the  news  of  tlie 
defeat  of  Cestius.^^  Since  the  continuance  of  the  war  could 
not  have  been  committed  to  the  defeated  general, — he  seems 
indeed  soon  afterwards  to  have  died,^" — the  difficult  task  of 
putting  down  the  Jewish  rebellion  was  made  over  to  the 
well  -  proved  hands  of  Vespasian.     During  winter  Vespasian 

2"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeics,  ii.  21.  8-10  ;  Life,  xxxii.-xxxiv.— In 
his  autobiography  (Ixviii.-lxix.),  Josephus  relates  that  the  vp^.roi  tti; 
l5ov7^Y)g  of  Tiberias  once  at  a  later  period  sent  entreating  Agrippa  for  a 
garrison. — Tiberias,  as  might  be  expected  from  its  mixed  population,  and 
as  is  expressly  declared  in  the  Life,  ix.,  was  in  its  sympathies  partly 
Koman,  partly  anti-Roman,  so  that  it  is  found  sometimes  in  league  with 
Kin"  Agrippa,  sometimes  in  league  with  John  of  Gischala.  On  its 
precise  position,  however,  it  is  difficult  to  say  anything  with  confidence, 
since  the  statements  in  Josephus'  autobiography  are  all  made  with  a 
purpose.  On  the  general  question,  see  Div.  I.  vol.  i.  143  ;  and  on  Justus 
of  Tiberias,  see  present  work,  vol.  i.  pp.  65-69. 

28  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  22.  1. 

29  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20.  1,  iii.  1.  1. 

30  "  Fato  aut  taedio  occidit,"  says  Tacitus,  Hist.  v.  10.— In  the  winter 
of  A.D.  66-67,  Cestius  Gallus  was  still  in  tlie  province.  See  Josephus, 
Life,  viii.,  xliii.,  Ixv.,  Ixvii.,  Ixxi. 


§  20.    THE  GEEAT  WAR  WITH  HOME,  A.D.  GC-73.  219 

still  pushed  forward  the  preparations  for  the  campaign. 
While  he  himself  went  to  Antioch  and  there  marshalled  his 
army,  he  sent  his  son  Titus  to  Alexandria,  in  order  that  he 
miglit  bring  to  him  from  thence  the  fifteenth  legion.^^  Stj 
soon  as  the  season  of  the  year  allowed,  he  marched  from 
Antioch  and  advanced  to  Ptolemais,  where  he  meant  to 
await  the  arrival  of  Titus.  But  before  Titus  reached  that 
place,  ambassadors  from  the  Galilean  city  of  Sepphoris 
appeared  before  Vespasian  and  besought  him  to  give  them  a 
Roman  garrison.^"''     Vespasian   hasted  to  comply  with   their 

3^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jens,  iii.  1.  2-3. — According  to  the  common 
text  of  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  1.  3,  Titus  was  to  have  brought  two  legions 
from  Alexandria,  to  ts  vi^xTov  x.ot,l  to  Ziicurov.  But  of  the  return  of 
Titus  to  Vespasian  it  is  said,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  4.  2  :  kki  ix.u  (sujiply 
"  to  Ptolemais")  x.oe.rot.'hot.fiuv  rov  "Tvocripa.,  "hval  rolg  Ufix  uvtm  rocy/^ocfrii/,  '/,'j  Os 

T«    iTTlCfnUOTOl.TCC  TO   Tri/iCTTTOV   Kxl   TO   tiKXTOU,   ^illyVVH    X-Oil     TO    (i,)(,&lv     VTt'     CcilZ'.V 

-Tri'JTiy^utoiKotTov.  This  can  only  mean  that  to  the  two  legions  which  he 
found  with  his  father,  the  5th  and  the  10th,  he  added  tlie  15th,  which 
M-as  with  him.  With  this  also  agrees  the  fact  that  Titus,  according  to 
Suetonius,  Tit.  iv.,  was  during  the  war  commander  of  one  legion  {legioni 
praepositus),  that  is,  of  the  15th.  Accordingly  the  corrected  reading 
in  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  1.  3  will  he  :  to  -TnvriKcii.ihiica.Tov.  So  Renier, 
Me'moires  de  I'Acade'mie  des  inscript.  et  belles-lettres,  t.  xxvi.  1,  p.  298, 
note  8. — Mommsen  insists  (Rdmische  Geschichte,  v.  533)  that  the  Alex- 
andria referred  to  here  is  not  the  celebrated  Egyptian  city,  but  the 
Alexandria  situated  on  the  Gulf  of  Issus.  So,  too,  Pick  in  Sallet's 
Zeitxchrift  fiir  Numismatik,  xiii.  1885,  p.  200.  Mommsen's  chief  argument 
is  "  because  the  land  march  from  Alexandria  on  the  Nile  to  Ptolemais 
through  the  revolted  district  in  the  beginning  of  the  Jewish  war  could 
not  be  that  intended  by  Josephus."  But  of  the  coast  cities  only  Joppa 
was  among  the  insurgents,  and  even  the  case  of  Azotus  and  Jamnia  is 
doubtful.  See  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  76-79.  To  march  along  by  such  a 
course  was  by  no  means  so  dangerous  for  a  Roman  army  that  Josephus 
woidd  liave  been  obliged  to  call  attention  to  this.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  "Alexandria"  of  the  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  1.  3,  4.  2,  is  quite 
evidently  the  Egyptian.  Any  other  Alexandria  would  have  been  more 
particularly  distinguished  by  some  epithet. 

^-  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  iii.  2.  4. — Sepphoris  had  even  befoie 
the  ariival  of  Vespasian  possessed  a  Roman  garrison  {Life,  Ixxi.  ;  JVarsof 
the  Jeu's,  iii.  2.  4).  Whether  this  garrison  had  meanwhile  been  with- 
drawn, or  was  now  only  relieved  or  strengthened,  is  not  quite  clear. 
Compare  Div.  II.  vol  i.  p.  136. 


220  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

request.  A  detachment  of  6000  men  under  the  leadership 
of  Placidus  was  sent  as  a  garrison  to  the  city.  Thus  were 
the  Eomans,  without  drawing  a  sword,  in  possession  of  one  of 
the  most  important  and  one  of  the  strongest  points  in 
Galilee.^^  Soon  after  tliis  Titus  arrived  with  his  one  legion. 
The  army  now  at  the  disposal  of  Vespasian  consisted  of  3 
distinct  legions,  the  fifth,  tenth,  and  fifteenth,  23  auxiliary 
cohorts,  6  alae  of  cavalry,  besides  the  auxiliary  troops  of 
King  Agrippa,  of  King  Antiochus  of  Commagene,  of  Soemus 
of  Emesa,  and  of  Malchus  of  Arabia :  in  all  comprising 
somewhere  about  60,000  men.^* 

When  all  arrangements  had  been  made,  Vespasian  advanced 
from  Ptolemais  and  pitched  his  camp  on  the  borders  of 
Galilee.  Josephus  had  before  this  set  his  camp  at  the  village 
of  Garis,  twenty  stadia  from  Sepphoris  (Life,  Ixxi.),  in  order 
that  he  might  there  wait  the  attack  of  the  Eomans.  The 
warlike  qualities  of  his  army  were  soon  shown  in  a  very 
doubtful  light.  When  it  became  known  that  Vespasian 
was  approaching,  the  majority  of  the  Jewish  troops  became 
utterly  dispirited,  even  before  they  had  so  much  as  come  face 
to  face  with  the  Eomans ;  they  fled  hither  and  thither ;  and 
Josephus  found  himself  obliged  to  hasten  with  the  remnant 
to  Tiberias.^^  Without  drawing  a  sword,  Vespasian  had  thus 
obtained  possession  of  the  lowlands  of  Galilee.  Only  the 
strongholds  now  remained  for  him  to  take. 

Josephus  soon  held  communication  with  Jerusalem,  and 
insisted  that  if  they  wished  the  war  to  be  carried  on  they 
should  send  an  army  able  to  cope  with  the  Eomans,  a 
petition  which  now  indeed  came  too  late.^^     The  most  of  the 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  4.  1  ;  Life,  Ixxiv. — On  Placidus, 
who  had  been  in  Galilee  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Vespasian,  see  also 
Life,  xliii. 

^*  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jcios,  iii.  4.  2. 

•■'•^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  6.  2-3. 

'■'  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeus,  iii.  7.  2. 


§  20.    TIIK  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  C6-73,  221 

army  of  Josephus  had  taken  refuge  in  the  strong  fortress  of 
Jotapata.^^  Even  he  himself  entered  that  stronghold  on  the 
21st  (?)  Artemisios,  that  is,  Ijjar  or  May,  so  as  to  conduct 
the  defence  in  his  own  person.*^  On  the  evening  of  tlie 
immediately  following  day,  Vespasian  with  his  army  appeared 
before  the  city ;  and  then  began  the  celebrated  siege  of  the 
certainly  not  unimportant  stronghold,  described  with  a  self- 
glorifying  amplitude  of  details  by  Josephus.  The  first  attack 
led  to  no  result.  It  was  found  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  a 
regular  siege.  An  obstinate  struggle  made  the  issue  for  some 
time  doubtful.  What  on  the  one  side  was  accomplished  by 
art  and  the  experience  of  war,  was  accomplished  on  the  other 
by  the  courage  of  despair  and  the  skill  of  the  commander-in- 
chief.  For  although  Josephus  was  indeed  no  general  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  word,  he  was  a  past  master  in  little  tricks 
and  stratagem.  With  profound  satisfaction  the  vain  man 
tells  how  he  deceived  the  Eoman  generals  as  to  the  scarcity 
of  water  in  the  city  by  making  his  soldiers  hang  their  clothes 
dripping  with  water  over  the  battlements.  He  also  tells  how 
he  managed  to  procure  supplies  of  food  by  sending  his  men 
out  by  night  clothed  in  the  skins  of  beasts,  so  that  they  might 

2^  Jotapata  appears  in  the  Mislina  in  the  form  DSIV  (Arachin  ix.  6  ; 
the  Cambridge  manuscript  has  nSI''  with  Resh,  but  the  editio  j)rinceps 
and  the  cod.  de  Rossi,  138  :  nSlV,  Jodaphath,  also  AruchnDT"  with  Dalcth). 
It  is  there  spoken  of  as  an  ancient  city,  which  had  been,  even  in  Joshua's 
time,  surrounded  with  walls.  Compare  also  :  Neubauer,  Georjraphie  dii, 
Talmud,  p.  203  sq. — Its  situation  has  been  again  discovered  in  1847  by 
E.  G.  Schultz,  in  the  modern  Jefat,  due  north  of  Sepphoris.  See  E.  G. 
Schultz,  Zeitschrift  der  deutschen  morgenland.  Gesellschaft,  Bd.  iii.  1849, 
pp.  49  ff.,  59  ff.  ;  Kitter,  Erdkunde,  xvi.  764-768  ;  Robinson,  Biblical 
Researches,  iii.  p.  105  ;  Guerin,  Galilee,  i.  476-487  ;  The  Survey  of  Western 
Palestine,  Memoirs  by  Conder  and  Kitchener,  i.  289,  311-313  ;  and  also 
Sheet  V.  of  the  Large  English  Map.  On  the  siege,  compare  also  :  Parent, 
Hiege  de  Jotapata,  1866  (f[uoted  by  Renan  Der  Antichrist,  p.  220). 

3**  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  7.  3. — Since,  according  to  liars  of  the 
Jetvs,  iii.  7.  33  and  8.  9,  the  siege  lasted  forty-seven  days,  and  according  to 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  7.  36,  it  ended  on  the  1st  of  Panemos,  the  date  21st 
Artemisios  cannot  be  correct. 


222  THE  EOMAX-IIERODIAX  AGE 

pass  by  tlie  Eoman  sentinels.  He  further  relates  how  he 
broke  the  force  of  the  battering-ram  upon  the  wall  by  throw- 
ing out  bags  filled  with  chaff;  how  he  had  boiling  oil  thrown 
upon  the  soldiers,  or  boiling  fenugreek  poured  on  the  boards  of 
the  scaling  ladders,  so  that  those  advancing  on  them  slipped 
and  fell  back.  But  neither  by  such  arts  nor  by  the  boldness  of 
the  sallies,  in  one  of  which  Vespasian  himself  was  wounded, 
could  the  fate  of  the  city  be  averted.  After  the  besieged  had 
endured  the  utmost  extremity  of  suffering,  a  deserter  betrayed 
the  secret,  that  in  consequence  of  fatigue  the  very  sentinels 
could  no  longer  keep  themselves  awake  till  the  morning. 
The  Eomans  made  use  of  this  information.  AVith  perfect 
stillness,  Titus  one  morning  with  a  small  detachment  scaled 
the  wall,  cut  down  the  sleeping  watch,  and  pressed  into  the 
city.  The  legions  followed  in  his  track,  and  the  outwitted 
garrison  were  aware  of  the  entrance  of  the  Eomans  only  when 
they  no  longer  had  power  to  drive  them  back.  All  without 
exception  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Eomans,  armed  and 
unarmed,  men  and  women,  were  ruthlessly  slain  or  carried  off 
as  slaves  ;  the  city  and  its  fortifications  were  levelled  with  the 
dust.  It  was  on  the  1st  of  the  month  Panemos,  that  is, 
Tliamuz  or  July,  A.D.  67,  when  this  most  important  fortress 
of  Galilee  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Eomans. '^^ 

Josephus  with  forty  companions  had  taken  refuge  in  a 
well  which  discharged  itself  into  a  cave.  When  he  was 
discovered  there,  he  was  willing  to  surrender  to  the  Eomans, 
but  was  prevented  doing  so  by  his  companions.  These  only 
offered  him  the  choice  of  dying  along  with  them,  either  by 
their  hand  or  by  his  own.  By  some  sort  of  stratagem,  having 
persuaded  them  that  they  should  fall  upon  one  another  in  the 
order  determined  by  the  lot,  and  having  by  the  fortune  of  the 
lot  been  himself  reserved  to  the  last,  Josephus  managed  to 
extricate  himself  from  their  hands,  and  having  made  his  escape, 
^^  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  7.  4-36. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  GG-73.  223 

surrendered  himself  to  the  Eomans.*"  When  he  was  hrought 
before  Vespasian,  he  assumed  the  role  of  a  prophet,  and 
prophesied  to  the  general  his  future  elevation  as  emperor. 
This  had  for  him  at  least  this  result,  that  although  kept 
prisoner,  he  was  dealt  with  in  a  generous  manner.*^ 

On  the  fourth  day  of  Panemos,  Vespasian  advanced  from 
Jotapata  and  marched  next  past  Ptolemais  to  Caesarea,  where 
he  allowed  the  troops  some  rest/^  While  the  soldiers  were 
refreshing  themselves  after  the  exertions  of  the  siege,  the 
general  paid  a  visit  to  the  friendly  King  Agrippa  at  Caesarea 
Philippi,  and  took  part  there  in  extravagant  festivities  lasting 

■*"  Josephus,  IVars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  8.  1-8. 
.  ^1  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  8.  9  ;  Dio  Cassias,  Ixvi.  1  ;  Suetonius, 
J^'sjMsimi,  c.  5.  According  to  Zonaras,  Annates,  xi.  16,  Appian  also  in  the 
twenty-second  book  of  liis  Roman  History  tells  of  the  saying  of  the  Jewish 
otacle  with  reference  to  Vespasian. — Our  older  scholars  have  earnestly 
investigated  the  story  of  Josephus'  prophetic  gift.  Compare  Olearius, 
Fl.  Josephi  de  Vespasianis  ad  summum  imperii  fasiigiuvi  advehendis  vati- 
cinium,  1699  ;  Strohbach,  de  Josepho  Vesjiasia^io  imperium  praedicente, 
Lips.  1748.  There  may  be  some  truth  in  the  story.  Probably  Josephus 
has  wittingly  construed  a  couple  of  general  phrases  into  a  formal  pro- 
])hecy.  It  is  noteworthy  the  rabbinical  tradition  ascribes  this  same 
jirophecy  to  Rabbi  Jochanan  ben  Saccai.  See  Derenbourg,  p.  282. — 
Upon  this  Holwerda  (Verslagen  en  Medcdeelingen  der  koninkl.  Akademievan 
Wetcnschappen,  Afdeelincj  Letterkunde,  Tweede  Reeks  deel,  ii.  1872,  p.  137  sq.) 
has  made  the  remark  that  similar  oracles  were  addressed  to  Titus  and 
Vespasian  by  heathen  priests.  Thus  Sostratus,  the  priest  of  Aphrodite 
at  Paphos  in  Cyprus,  revealed  the  future  to  Titus  in  secret  conference 
when  he  inquired  of  the  oracle  there  and  sought  for  favourable  omens 
(Tacitus,  Hist.  ii.  4  :  "  petito  secreto  futura  aperit."  Still  more  distinctly, 
Suetonius,  Titus,  c.  5  :  "  aditoque  Paphiae  Veneris  oraculo,  dum  de 
navigatione  consulit,  etiam  de  imperii  spe  confirmatus  est").  The  priest 
Basilides  on  Carmel  declared  to  Vespasian  on  the  ground  of  the  sacrificial 
signs  :  "  quidquid  est,  Vespasiane,  quod  paras,  seu  domuin  extruere  sen 
]irolatare  agros  sive  ampliare  servitia,  datur  tibi  magna  sedes,  ingentes 
termini,  multuni  hominum"  (Tacitus,  i/ts<.  ii.  78.  Compare  Suetonius, 
Vespasian,  c.  5  :  "  Apud  Judaeam  Cariiieli  dei  oraculum  consulentem  ita 
cimtirmavere  soites,  ut  ([uidquid  cogitaret  volveretque  animo  quandibet 
magnum,  id  esse  proventurum  pollicerentur").  These  heathen  oracles, 
however,  belong  to  a  later  period  tlian  the  one  refericd  to  by  Josephus. 
^2  Josephus,  JIars  of  the  Jexcs,  iii.  !).  1. 


224  THE  KOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

for  twenty  days.  He  then  sent  the  legions  by  Titus  from 
Caesarea  by  tlie  sea  and  marched  against  Tiberias,  where, 
at  the  sight  of  the  Eoman  army,  the  people  of  their  own 
accord  opened  their  gates,  and  for  Agrippa's  sake  received 
honourable  treatment.''^  From  this  point  Vespasian  pursued 
liis  way  onward  to  Tarichea.'**     By  a  bold  stroke  of  Titus, 

*^  Joseplms,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  9.  7-8. 

**  Tcc-pixixi  or  Txptxict  (both  forms  of  spelling  are  met  with)  had  its 
name  from  the  curing  of  fish  which  was  carried  on  there  (Strabo,  xvi.  2. 
45,  p.  764).  It  is  first  mentioned  in  the  time  of  Cassius,  who,  during  this 
first  administration  of  Syria  in  B.C.  52-51,  took  the  city  by  force  of  arms 
(Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  7.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  8.  9),  and,  during  his 
second  administration,  again  visited  it.  He  wrote  to  Cicero  in  B.C.  43, 
"ex  castris  Taricheis,"  Cicero  ad  Familieres,  xii.  11.  —  According  to 
Josephus,  Life,  xxxii.,  it  lay  thirty  stadia  from  Tiberias  ;  according 
to  Wars  of  the  Jeirs,  iii.  10.  1,  it  was  situated  upon  the  lake  of  Gennezaret 
at  the  foot  of  a  hill  (vyrapsio;) ;  according  to  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  15.  11,  it 
lay  at  the  south  end  of  the  lake  (a  meridie  Tarichea).  It  is  therefore  to  be 
sought  on  the  site  or  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  present  Kerak  where 
the  Jordan  emerges  from  the  lake.  Thus  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches  in 
Palestine,  ii.  387  ;  Ritter,  Erdkundc,  xv.  1.  344  ff".  ;  Cless  in  Pauly's  Real- 
Encyclopaedie,  vi.  2,  1602  fF.  ;  Caspari,  Chronological  and  Geographical 
Introduction  to  the  Life  of  CJirist,  p.  78  ;  Conder,  Palestine  Exploration  Fund, 
Quarterly  Statements,  1878,  pp.  190-192  ;  Guerin,  Galilee,  i.  275-280 ; 
Kasteren,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xi.  1888,  pp.  215  fl".,  241  ff.— Many  recent 
writers  are  of  ojainion  that  the  statements  of  Josephus  require  us  to  seek 
Tarichea  to  the  north  of  Tiberias,  somewhere  about  the  site  of  the  present 
Mejdel.  So  Quandt,  Judda  und  die  Nachbarschaft,  1873,  p.  107  f.  ; 
Wilson,  Quarterly  Statements,  1877,  10-13  ;  Kitchener,  Quarterly  Statements, 
1878,  p.  79  ;  Furrer,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  ii.  1879,  pp.  55-57,  xii.  1889, 
])p.  145-148  ;  Gr'dtz,  Monatsschrift  fUr  Gcsch.und  Wissensch.  des  Judenthums, 
1880,  pp.  484-487;  Spiess,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  viii.  1885,  pp.  95-99  ; 
Frei,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  ix.  1886,  pp.  103-108  ;  6h\ma.Jin,  Die  Fortschritte 
der  OrtsJcunde  von  Paliistina,  1  Thl.  (Noiden  1887,  Progr.)  pp.  12-14. 
But  the  course  of  Vespasian's  march  described  by  Josephus  by  no  means 
proves  that  Tai'ichea  lay  to  the  north  of  Tiberias.  Vespasian  evidently 
went  from  Scythopolis,  therefore  from  the  south,  to  Tiberias  (Wars  of  the 
Jeios,  iii.  9.  7).  But  there  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  he  continued 
his  march  from  thence  still  in  a  northerly  direction.  Rather  after 
occuj)ying  Tiberias,  he  pitched  his  camp  at  Emmaus  "  between  Tiberias 
and  Tarichea,"  as  appears  from  a  comparison  of  Wars  of  the  Jetcs,  iv.  1.  3 
with  iii.  10.  1.  But  seeing  that  the  warm  springs  of  Emmaus  to  this  day 
lie  south  of  Tiberias,  it  is  evident  that  Vespasian,  after  the  occupation  of 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  66-73.  225 

this  city  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Eomans  in  the 
beginning  of  the  month  Gorpiaios,  that  is,  Elul  or  September.^® 
In  Galilee  there  now  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels 
only  Gischala  and  Mount  Tabor  (Itabyrion),  and  in  Gaulanitis 
the  important  and  strongly  fortified  Gamala.*®  To  the  last- 
Tiberias,  again  turned  toward  the  south.  It  is  thus  really  established 
by  the  statements  of  Josephus  that  Tarichea  lay  to  tlie  south  of  Tiberias. 
Those  who  place  Tarichea  to  the  north  of  Tiberias  must  also  place 
Emmaus  north  of  Tiberias,  and  then  in  consistency  they  must  deny  the 
identity  of  the  Emmaus  referred  to  by  Josephus  and  the  modern 
Hammam,  which  must  nevertheless  be  regarded  as  a  certain  fact. 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iii.  10.  Suetonius,  Titus,  4,  ascribes  to 
Titus  the  conquest  of  Tarichea  and  Gamala ;  the  latter  incorrectly. — After 
Tarichea  had  been  taken  by  surprise,  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
endeavoured  to  make  their  escape  in  a  boat  out  i;pon  the  lake.  Ves- 
pasian caused  them  to  be  pursued  on  rafts,  and  the  fugitives  all  met  their 
death,  either  by  the  sword  or  in  the  water.  It  has  been  conjectured  that 
this  is  the  "  Victoria  navalis,"  which  was  celebrated  by  coins  or  medals, 
and  in  the  triumphal  procession  was  made  noticeable  by  a  ship  {JVars 
jf  the  Jews,  vii.  5.  5  :  irdXhau  Vi  x.a.\  vvjsi  ihouro).  Compare  Eckhel, 
Dodr.  Num.  vi.  330  ;  Stange,  De  Titi  imperat.  vita  (1870),  p.  22.  On  the 
medals,  see  Cohen,  Medailles  imperailes,  ed.  2,  t.  i.  1880,  p.  417  sq., 
n.  632-639  (Vespasianus),  p.  460,  n.  386-390  (Titus)  p.  522  sq.  n.  636-638 
(Domitian)  ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  223. 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  1.— Gamala  (sfi?pj)  is  mentioned 
in  the  Llishna,  Arachin  ix.  6,  among  the  cities  which  are  said  to  have 
been  surrounded  with  walls  from  the  days  of  Joshua.  Its  existence  is 
historically  demonstrable  from  the  time  of  Alexander  Jannaeus  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xiii.  15.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  4.  8).  According  to  the  JVars  of 
the  Jews,  iv.  1.  1,  it  lay  opposite  Tarichea  in  Lower  Gaulanitis,  therefore 
east  of  the  Lake  of  Gennezaret.  But  any  more  particular  determination 
of  its  site  cannot  now  be  given.  The  conjecture  that  it  is  identical  with 
el-Hosn  is  not  quite  certain,  still  less  can  the  notion  recently  favoured  by 
many  be  maintained,  that  it  was  situated  farther  to  the  north.  Furrer's 
conjecture  is  also  improbable,  that  it  is  to  be  sought  in  the  present  Jamli 
on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Nalir  er-rukkad,  a  day's  journey  east  of  the 
Lake  of  Gennezaret.  Compare  Schumacher's  map  of  Golan  in  the  Zeit- 
schrift  des  DPV.  ix.  1886.  If  it  lay  at  such  a  distance  from  the  lake, 
Josephus  would  not  have  been  able  to  describe  it  as  a  ■yro'his  Tapixe^^:' 
oivriKpv;  vTTip  tviv  "Ki'fivnv  Kiif/Auri  (JFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  1).  Compare 
generally:  Furrer,  Zeitschrift  des  deidschen  Paliistina -  Vercins,  ii.  IS'iO, 
pp.  70-72,  xii.  1889,  pp.  148-151;  Gudrin,  Galilee,  i.  317-321;  Merrill, 
East  of  the  Jordan,  1881,  pp.  161,  164,  168 ;  Gildemeister,  Zeitschrift  des 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  p 


226  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

named  place  Vespasian  next  directed  his  attention.  The 
siege  appeared  soon  to  be  successful.  The  Romans  succeeded 
in  storming  the  walls  and  forcing  an  entrance  into  the  city. 
But  there  they  encountered  such  bitter  resistance  that  they 
were  forced  to  retire  with  very  heavy  loss.  The  repulse  was 
so  severe  that  it  required  all  Vespasian's  influence  and 
reputation  to  restore  again  the  courage  of  the  soldiers.  At 
last,  on  the  23rd  Hyperberetaios,  that  is,  Tizri  or  October, 
the  Eomans  again  forced  their  way  into  the  city,  and  were 
this  time  successful  in  making  themselves  complete  masters 
of  the  situation.*^  During  the  siege  of  Gamala  the  Mount 
Tabor  (Itabyrion)  was  also  taken  by  a  detachment  sent 
thither.^^ 

Vespasian  gave  over  the  reducing  of  Gischala  to  Titus 
with  a  detachment  of  1000  cavalry.  He  himself  led  the 
5  th  and  15  th  legions  into  winter  quarters  at  Caesarea,  while 
he  placed  the  10th  at  Scythopolis.^^  Titus  made  light  work 
of  Gischala.  On  the  second  day  after  his  appearing  before 
the  walls  of  the  city,  the  citizens  of  their  own  accord  opened 
the  gates  to  him,  John  having  secretly,  during  the  previous 
night,  with  his  Zealot  comrades  quitted  the  city  and  fled  to 
Jerusalem.^'^ 

DPV.  viii.  242  f.,  and  with  it,  ix.  358-3G0 ;  Frei,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV 
ix.  120  ff.  ;  Kasteren,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xi.  220-225.  The  positiort  of 
el-Hosn  is  minutely  described;  Scluunaclier,  Zeilsdinft  des  DPV.  ix. 
327  ff.,  with  plan  and  map. 

*'^  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  2-10. 

*^  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  1.  8. — On  the  position  of  Tabor  and 
its  history,  see  Eobinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine,  iii.  223,  224 ; 
Eitter,  Erdhunde,  xv.  1.  391-404  ;  Winer,  EealwUrterhuch,  art.  "Thabor  ;" 
Guerin,  Galilee,  i.  143-163  ;  The  Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Memoirs  by 
Conder  and  Kitchener,  i.  358  ff.,  388  ff.  (with  plan,  i.  388)  ;  together 
with  Sheet  VI.  of  the  large  English  Map. 

^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  2,  1. 

""  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  2.  2-5. — Gischala  is  in  the  Hebrew 
Gush-Chalab,  3^n  ^M,  and  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Mislma  among  the 
cities  wliich  from  the  time  of  Joshua  were  surrounded  with  walla  {Arachin 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAlt  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  CG-73.  227 

Thus  by  the  end  of  A.D.  67  was  the  whole  of  the  north  of 
Palestine  brought  again  into  subjection  to  the  Eonians. 


3.  From  the  Subjugation  of  Galilee  to  the  Siege  of 
Jerusalem,  a.d.  68-69. 

The  unfortunate  results  of  the  first  year  of  the  war  deter- 
mined the  fate  of  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion.  On  the  part 
of  the  fanatical  section  of  the  people,  and  not  without  cause, 
the  unfavourable  turn  that  events  had  taken  was  attributed 
to  the  lack  of  energy  in  the  mode  of  conducting  the  war 
hitherto.  The  men  of  the  people  therefore  set  themselves 
with  all  their  might  to  get  the  reins  into  their  own  hands, 
and  to  set  aside  those  who  had  been  in  command.  And 
since  these  would  not  of  their  own  accord  withdraw,  a  fear- 
fully bloody  civil  war,  accompanied  by  acts  of  horrid  cruelty, 
broke  out  during  the  winter  of  a.d.  67-68  in  Jerusalem, 
which  in  its  atrocities  can  only  be  compared  to  the  first 
French  revolution. 

The  head  of  the  fanatical  popular  party,  or,  as  they 
called  themselves,  the  Zealots,  was  John  of  Gischala.  After 
he  had  escaped  the  hands  of  Titus  by  flight,  he  went  with  his 
followers,  in  the  beginning  of  November  a.d.  67,  to  Jerusalem, 

ix.  6).  Its  name  signifies  "  fat  or  ricli  clod."  In  fact,  it  yielded  abundance 
of  oil  (Josepluis,  Life,  xiii.  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  21.  2  ;  Tosefta  Menachoth 
ix.  5  ;  Bab.  Menachoth  856  ;  Neubauer,  Ge'ographie  du  Talmud,  p.  230  sq.). 
In  the  Jewisli  traditions  of  the  Middle  Ages  it  was  famous  for  its  graves  of 
Rabbis  and  its  ancient  synagogue  (Carmoly,  Itineraires  de  la  Terre-Sainte, 
1847,  pp.  133  sq.,  156,  184,  262,  380,  452  sq.).— It  lay  in  the  neigbourhood 
of  the  territory  of  Tyre  ( IFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  2.  3  fin.),  and  is  undoubtedly 
to  be  identified  with  the  pi'esent  Eljish  in  Northern  Galilee,  somewhere 
about  the  same  geographical  latitude  with  the  southern  end  of  the  Merom 
lake.  Of  the  ancient  synagogue  there  are  still  ruins  to  be  found  there. 
See  generally  :  Rittcr,  Erdkunde,  xvi.  770  f  ;  Renan,  Mission  de  Phe'nicicy 
PI).  778-780  ;  Gu(irin,  G(dild',  ii.  94-100  ;  The  Surrey  of  Western  Palestine, 
Memoirs  by  Conder  and  Kitchener,  i.  198,  224-226,  and  with  it  Sheet  IV. 
of  the  large  English  Maji. 


228  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

and  sought  to  win  over  the  people  to  himself  and  to  rekindle 
in  their  breasts  a  determination  to  continue  the  war  in  a 
holder  and  more  resolute  spirit.  He  readily  succeeded  in 
gaining  over  the  youth  to  his  side.  And  since  now  on  all 
hands  the  war-loving  rabble  from  the  country  poured  into 
the  city,  the  party  of  the  Zealots  was  soon  in  the  ascend- 
ency.^^ They  next  proceeded  to  set  aside  those  who  were 
suspected  of  friendship  for  the  Eonians.  Several  of  the 
most  distinguished  men,  among  them  Antipas,  who  belonged 
to  the  family  of  Herod,  were  put  under  arrest,  and  were 
murdered  in  prison.^^  Their  next  proceeding  was  to  choose 
a  new  high  j^riest  by  lot,  for  those  who  had  held  the  office  up 
to  this  time  all  belonged  to  the  aristocratic  party.  The  newly- 
elected  high  priest,  Phannias  of  Aphtha,  was  not  indeed  in 
the  least  degree  acquainted  with  the  duties  of  the  high 
priest's  office.  But  he  was  a  man  of  the  people,  and  that 
was  the  main  thing. ^^ 

The  men  of  order,  Gorion,  son  of  Joseph,"  the  famous 
Pharisee  Simon,  son  of  Gamaliel,^^  the  two  high  priests, 
Ananus,  son  of  Ananus,  and  Jesus,  son  of  Gamaliel,  sought 
on  their  part  to  resist  the  Zealots  by  force.  They  exhorted 
the  people  to  put  a  stop  to  the  wild  schemes  of  that  faction,®® 
A  discourse  which  Ananus  delivered  with  this  end  in  view^^ 
had  indeed  this  result,  that  a  section  of  the  populace  declared 
open  hostilities  against  the  Zealots.  These  enthusiasts  were 
in  the  minority,  and  were  obliged  to  retreat  before  the 
superior  force  of  their  opponents,  and  to  take  refuge  in  the 

^1  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  3.  1-3.  ^^  juj^  iy_  3_  4_5, 

•'•''  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  3.  6-8.     Compare  Derenbourg,  p.  269. 

^■*  So  Josephus  names  him  here.  But  he  is  probably  identical  with 
the  Joseph,  son  of  Gorion,  mentioned  above  at  p.  214.  So  also  Deren- 
bourg,  p.  270. 

"^  Compare  on  him  also  :  Josephus,  Life,  xxxviii.,  xxxix.,  xliv.,  Ix. ; 
Derenbourg,  pp.  270-272,  474  sq. 

*"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  3.  9.  *^  Ihid.  iv.  3.  10. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAE  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  C6    73.  229 

inner  court  of  the  temple,  where  for  a  time  they  were  care- 
fully guarded,  as  the  people  would  not  violently  attack  the 
sacred  gates.^^ 

In  order  to  obtain  support  the  Zealots  secretly  sent 
messengers  to  the  war  -  loving  Idumeans,  and  besought  of 
them  that  they  would  form  a  confederacy  on  the  pretext 
that  the  dominant  party  in  Jerusalem  had  fallen  away  to 
Eomans.  The  Idumeans  appeared  before  the  walls  of  the 
city,  but  were  not  admitted,  for  no  one  knew  of  their  alliance 
with  the  Zealots.^^  On  the  night  after  their  arrival  a  terrible 
hurricane  burst  forth.  The  storm  raged,  and  the  rain  fell  in 
torrents.  Under  shelter  of  this  storm  the  Zealots  succeeded 
in  secretly  opening  the  gates  to  their  confederates  and  letting 
them  in  unobserved,'^*'  Scarcely  had  the  Idumeans  obtained 
a  firm  footing  in  the  city,  when  they  began  the  work  of 
murder  and  robbery,  in  which  the  Zealots  afforded  them 
ready  aid.  The  party  of  order  was  too  weak  to  withstand 
the  attack.  The  victory  of  the  reign  of  terror  in  Jerusalem 
was  complete.  The  rage  of  the  Zealots  and  of  the  Idumeans 
in  league  with  them  was  directly  mainly  against  the  dis- 
tinguished, respectable,  and  well-to-do.  All  those  who  had 
previously  been  leaders  of  the  revolution  were  now  made 
away  with  as  suspected  friends  of  the  Eomans.  Conspicuous 
above  all  the  other  victims  of  their  murderous  zeal  were  the 
high  priests  Ananus  and  Jesus.*"^  In  order  to  lend  to  their 
wild  scheme  the  semblance  of  legal  sanction,  the  comedy  of 
a  formal  process  at  law  was  on  one  occasion  enacted.  But 
when  the  court  of  justice  convened  for  that  purpose  pro- 
nounced the  accused,  Zacharias,  son  of  Baruch,  innocent,  he 
was  cut  down  by  a  couple  of  Zealots  with  the  scornful 
declaration  :  "  Here  hast  thou  also  our  voices."  ^'^ 

^'^  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  3.  12.  *^  lUd.  iv.  4.  1-4. 

60  Ibid.  iv.  4.  5-7.  ei  jj^^.i  j^  5_  i_^ 

6^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  5.  4. — Some  have  souyht  wrongly  to 


230  THE  EOMAN-HEIlOmAN  AGE. 

When  the  Idiimeans  had  been  satiated  with  murder,  and 
had,  besides,  observed  that  what  had  been  styled  threatened 
treason  was  only  a  calumnious  charge  trumped  up  against 
order-loving  citizens,  they  would  have  no  more  partnership 
with  the  Zealots,  and  so  took  their  departure. ^'^  All  the 
more  unrestrainedly  did  the  Zealots  now  pursue  their  rule  of 
terror.  Gorion  also  now  fell  under  their  lash.  The  party 
of  the  well-doing  and  order-loving  had  been  by  this  time  so 
sadly  thinned  that  there  could  no  longer  be  any  thought  ot 
resistance.  John  of  Gischala  was  supreme  potentate  in  the 
city.^ 

At  this  period,  if  not  even  earlier  than  this,  occurred  the 
flight  of  the  Christian  community  from  Jerusalem.  The 
Christians  left  the  city  "  in  consequence  of  a  divine  admoni- 
tion," and  migrated  to  the  city  of  Pella  in  Perea,  which  as  a 
heathen  city  was  undisturbed  by  the  war,^'^ 

Vespasian's  generals  were  of  the  opinion  that  they  should 
take  advantage  of  these  circumstances,  and  that  now  was  the 
time  to  begin  the  attack  upon  the  capital.  They  thought 
that  in  consequence  of  the  internal  conflicts  within  the  city  the 
task  before  them  would  be  easily  accomplished.  Not  so  Ves- 
pasian. He  regarded  it  as  more  prudent  to  allow  his  enemies 
to  waste  their  strength  in  the  civil  strife,  and  to  consume 
one  another.^''  In  order  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital 
might  have  time  to  carry  out  their  work  of  self-destruction, 
he  directed  his  attention  meanwhile  to  Perea.  Even  before 
the  favourable  season  had  arrived,  he  marched  from  Caesarea 


identify  this  Zacharias  with  the  one  mentioned  in  Matt,  xxiii.  35  and 
Luke  xi.  51. 

«3  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jetos,  iv.  5.  5,  6.  1.  ^*  Ibid.iv.  6.  1. 

^s  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iii.  5.  2-3 ;  Epiphanius,  Haer.  29.  7  ;  de 
mensuris  et  ponderibus,  §  15.-  The  migration  took  place  kxtk  nux  xP^'^f'-^" 
Tolg  xvrodi  ^okI/i^ois  8/  d-^OKccTvii-ipsa;  inoodivrce.  k.t.'K.  (Euseb.  Hist.  eccl.  iii. 
5.  3).— On  Pella,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  113-115. 

6*^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  6.  2-3. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  66-73.  231 

on  the  4th  Dystros,  that  is,  Adar  or  March,  of  a.d.  68, 
invested  Gadara,  in  order  to  guard  against  the  elements  in 
the  city  hostile  to  the  Eomans,  left  there  a  garrison,  and  then 
turned  back  again  to  Caesarea.^  A  detachment  of  30O0 
infantry  and  500  cavalry,  which  he  left  behind  him  under 
the  command  of  Placidus,  completed  the  subjugation  of  all 
Perea  as  far  as  Machiirus.'''*  When  the  more  suitable  season 
came  round,"^  Vespasian  advanced  with  the  greater  part  of 
his  army  from  Caesarea  and  invested  Antipatris,  took  Lydda 
and  Jamnia,  drew  up  the  5  th  legion  before  Emmaus,  made  a 
successful  raid  through  Idumea,  then  turned  again  northward 
upon  Emmaus,  pressed  through  Samaria  to  Neapolis  (Shechem), 
and  thence  past  Corea,  where  he  arrived  on  2  Daisies,  that  is 
Sivan  or  June,  to  Jericho.^**  At  Jericho  and  Adida  he  left 
Eoman  garrisons,  while  Gerasa  (?)  was  taken  and  then 
destroyed  by  a  detachment  sent  against  it  under  Lucius 
Annius/^ 

The  country  was  now  so  far  subdued  that  it  only  remained 
to  begin  the  siege  of  the  capital.  Vespasian  therefore 
turned  back  to  Caesarea,  and  was  actually  busying  himself 
with  preparations  for  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  when  the  news 
reached  him  of  the  death  of  Nero,  which  had  taken  place  on 
9th  June  a.d.  68.  By  this  event  the  whole  situation 
was  suddenly  changed.  The  future  of  the  empire  as  a  whole 
was  uncertain.  Vespasian  therefore  suspended  all  warlike 
undertakings,  and  concluded  to  wait  for  the  further  develop- 

^'^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  V.  3.  4. — On  Gadara,  see  Div.  II.  vol. 
i.  pp.  100-104. 

'^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  7.  4-6. 

*^  vTsro  T/iv  dp)c'<v  Toii  ixpo;,  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  8.  1. 

'■"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  8.  1. — On  Corea,  see  present  work, 
vol.  i.  p.  320.     The  other  cities  are  well  known. 

"•^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jetos,  iv.  9.  1. — On  Adida,  see  present  work, 
vol.  i.  p.  252. — Gerasa  cannot  be  the  celebrated  Hellenistic  city  of 
Decapolis,  for  it  certainly  continued  faithful  on  the  side  of  the 
Romans. 


232  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

ment  of  affairs.  "When  the  news  of  Galba's  elevation  to  the 
throne  arrived,  which  was  not  till  the  middle  of  the  winter 
of  A.D.  68-69,  he  sent  his  son  Titus  to  Eome  in  order  to 
convey  his  greetings  to  the  new  emperor,  and  to  receive  from 
him  his  commands.  But  Titus  had  proceeded  no  farther 
than  Corinth  when  he  received  tidings  of  the  murder  of 
Galba,  which  occurred  on  15th  January  a.d.  69,  whereupon 
he  returned  to  Caesarea  to  his  father.  Vespasian  was  now 
inclined  to  wait  without  committing  himself  to  see  how 
things  would  go.^^ 

Circumstances,  however,  soon  obliged  him  again  to  take 
decisive  action.  A  certain  Simon  Bar-Giora,  that  is,  son  of 
the  proselyte,^^  a  man  of  like  spirit  to  John  of  Gischala, 
inspired  by  an  equally  wild  enthusiasm  for  freedom,  and 
just  as  little  able  to  brook  the  presence  of  any  one  over  him- 
self, had  taken  advantage  of  the  cessation  of  hostilities  to 
gather  around  himself  a  crowd  of  supporters,  with  which  he 
overran  the  southern  parts  of  Palestine,  robbing  and  plunder- 
ing wherever  he  went.  Everywhere  the  course  which  he 
and  his  horde  had  taken  was  marked  by  devastation.  Among 
other  successes  he  managed  to  surprise  Hebron,  and  to  carry 
off  from  it  abundant  spoil.^* 

Vespasian  therefore  found  it  necessary  to  secure  possession 
of  Judea  in  a  more  thorough  manner  than  had  hitherto  been 
accomplished.  On  the  5th  Daisies,  that  is,  Sivan  or  June, 
of  the  year  69,  after  a  whole  year  had  passed  without  armed 
interference,  he  again  advanced  from  Caesarea,  subdued  the 
districts  of  Gophna  and  Acrabata,  the  cities  of  Bethel  and 

''2  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  2. — See  further  details  regarding 
the  journey  of  Titus  in  Tacitus,  Hist.  ii.  1-4. 

'*  Josephus  always  designates  him  viog  Tiupx.  The  form  Bxpyiopci;, 
Bargiora,  occurs  in  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  7,  and  Tacitus,  Hisf.  v.  12.  Tacitus 
erroneously  ascribes  this  cognomen  to  John.  N~ii'J  is  the  Aramaic  form 
for  ij,  the  proselyte.     See  Div.  II.  vol.  ii.  p.  316  f. 

'■•  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  3-8. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  KOME,  A.D.  66-73.  233 

Ephraim,  and  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem, 
while  his  tribune  Cerealis  conquered  and  destroyed  the  city 
of  Hebron,  which  had  offered  opposition.  With  the  exception 
of  Jerusalem  and  the  fortresses  of  Herodium,  Masada,  and 
Machiirus,  all  Palestine  was  now  subject  to  the  Eomans.''^^ 

Even  before  Simon  found  himself  prevented  by  this  expedi- 
tion of  Vespasian  from  continuing  his  robber  raids  through 
Idumea,  the  gate  of  the  capital  had  been  flung  open  to  receive 
him.  Up  to  the  spring  of  A.D.  69,  John  of  Gischala  had  there 
played  the  part  of  the  omnipotent  tyrant.  Of  the  ruinous 
confusion  and  lawlessness  that  prevailed  in  Jerusalem  under 
his  rule  Josephus  has  given  a  thrilling  and  horrible  descrip- 
tion.'^^ The  inhabitants,  who  had  long  desired  to  be  rid  of  his 
supremacy,  looked  with  favour  upon  the  arrival  of  Simon  Bar- 
Giora  as  a  means  of  freeing  them  from  him  who  now  acted 
the  tyrant  over  them.  On  the  suggestion  of  the  high  priest 
Matthias,  Simon  was  invited  to  come  into  the  city.  He  most 
readily  accepted  the  invitation,  and  made  his  public  entrance 
into  Jerusalem  in  the  month  Xanthicus,  that  is,  Nisan  or 
April,  of  the  year  69.  But,  although  the  hope  had  been 
entertained  that  he  would  free  them  from  the  tyranny  of 
John,  it  was  now  found  that  they  rather  had  two  tyrants  in 
the  city  who  fought  against  one  another,  both  regarding  the 
resident  citizens  as  their  conmion  enemies.^'^ 

Vespasian  had  scarcely  returned  back  to  Caesarea  when  the 
news  came  that  Vitellius  had  been  raised  to  the  throne  as 
emperor.  The  idea  then  took  possession  of  the  legions  in 
Egypt,  Palestine,  and  Syria  that  they  had  as  much  right  to 
nominate  the  emperor  as  had  their  comrades  in  the  West,  and 
that  Vespasian  was  more  worthy  of  the  throne  than  the  glutton 

'■^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  9. — On  Goplma  and  Acrabata,  see 
Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  158.  On  Buthel  and  Epluaim,  see  present  work,  vol.  i. 
p.  23G  and  p.  246. 

^^  Josephus,  PVars  of  ihe  Jews,  iv.  9.  10. 

"  Ibid.  iv.  9.  11-12.     Compare  v.  13.  1. 


234  THE  EOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGE. 

Vitellius.  On  1st  July  a.d.  69,  Vespasian  was  proclaimed 
emperor  in  Egypt.  A  few  days  afterwards  the  Palestinian 
and  Syrian  legions  made  the  same  proclamation.  Before  the 
middle  of  July,  Vespasian  was  acknowledged  as  emperor 
throughout  the  whole  East.'^^ 

He  had  now  something  else  to  engage  his  attention  than 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  rebellious  Jews.  After 
he  had  received  at  Berytus  the  embassies  from  various  Syrian 
and  other  cities,  he  marched  on  to  Antioch,  and  from  thence 
sent  to  Eome  by  road  Mucianus  with  an  army.''^^  He  then 
went  himself  to  Alexandria.  During  his  residence  there  he 
obtained  the  intelligence  that  his  interests  had  prevailed  in 
Eome,  and  that  Vitellius  had  been  murdered  on  20th  December 
A.D.  69.  He  himself  still  remained  in  Alexandria  till  the 
beginning  of  the  summer  of  a.d.  70;^*'  while  his  son  Titus,  to 


^■8  Joseplius,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  10.  2-6 ;  Tacitus,  Hist.  ii.  79-81  ; 
Suetonius,  Vesjjasian,  6.  That  the  Egyptian  legions  were  the  first  to  pro- 
claim Vespasian  emperor  is  stated  by  Tacitus  and  Suetonius  ;  according 
to  Joseplius,  the  Palestinian  legions  had  the  precedence.  The  proclama- 
tion, in  any  case,  was  made  in  Palestine,  according  to  Tacitus,  "quintum 
Nonas  Julias ; "  according  to  Suetonius,  "  V.  Idus  Jul."  —  After  his 
appointment  as  emperor  he  gave  to  Joseplius  a  free  pardon  in  thankful 
remembrance  of  his  prophecy  (Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  iv.  10.  7). 

'^  Joseplius,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  10.  6,  11.  1 ;  Tacitus,  Hist.  ii.  31-83. 

^•^  According  to  Joseplius,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  11.  5,  Vespasian  wished 
to  march  to  Eome  Ajj^sei-roj  roii  x-'/^^'^O'-  According  to  Tacitus,  he  waited 
in  Alexandria  till  the  time  of  the  summer  winds,  and  till  he  had  assurance 
of  being  able  to  make  the  voyage  by  sea  (Hist.  iv.  81  :  "statos  aestivis 
flatibus  dies  et  certa  maris  opperiebatur  ").  On  the  route  of  his  journey, 
see  especially  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  2.  1.  He  did  not,  however, 
reach  Rome  until  after  the  middle  of  the  year  70.  See  Schiller,  Geschichte 
der  rom.  Kaiserzeit,  i.  500  ;  Chambalu,  "  Wann  ist  Vespasian  im  J.  70, 
Titus  im  J.  71  aus  dem  Orient  nach  Rom  zuriickgekehrt  ? "  (P/w'/o^o^fzts, 
Bd.  xliv.  1885,  pp.  502-517).  Chambalu  holds  that  Vespasian  did  not 
leave  Alexandria  before  August,  and  that  he  arrived  in  Rome  in  October 
A.D.  70.  This  latter  statement  must  certainly  be  adopted,  since  Titus  did 
not  obtain  word  of  Vespasian's  happy  arrival  in  Italy  imtil  November, 
when  he  was  celebrating  his  father's  birthday  (17th  November)  in  Berytus 
(Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  3.  1 ;  compare  4.  1). 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  eG-73.  235 

whom  he  had  committed  the  continuing  of  the  Jewish  war, 
marched  at  the  head  of  the  army  to  Palestine.^^ 

In  Jerusalem,  by  this  time,  tlie  internal  feuds  had  advanced 
one  step  further.  Instead  of  the  two  parties  of  John  and 
Simon  there  were  now  three,  for  from  the  party  of  John  a 
new  section  had  broken  off  under  Eleasar,  son  of  Simon. 
Simon  had  in  his  power  the  upper  city  and  a  great  part  of 
the  lower  city,  John  held  the  Temple  Mount,  and  Eleasar  the 
inner  Court  of  the  Temple.  All  three  continued  incessantly 
at  war  with  one  another,  so  that  the  city  from  day  to  day 
presented  the  aspect  of  a  battlefield.  In  their  mutual  hatred 
of  one  another  they  became  so  foolish  that  they  destroyed  by 
fire  the  immense  store  of  grain  which  had  been  gathered  up 
in  the  city,  lest  their  rivals  should  profit  by  it,  without  con- 
sidering that  thereby  they  robbed  themselves  of  the  means  of 
sustaining  a  siege.^^  While  thus  Jerusalem  was  tearing  its  own 
flesh,  Titus  was  carrying  on  the  preparations  for  his  attack. 

4.  The  Siege  and  Conquest  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  70.^^ 

The  army  which  Titus  had  at  his  disposal  consisted  of  four 
legions.     Besides  the  three  legions  of  his  father,  the  5th,  10th, 

^1  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.v.  11,  5. — On  the  legal  position  of  Titus 
during  the  war,  see  Pick,  "Der  Imperatortitel  des  Titus,"  in  Sallet's 
Zeitschrift  fur  Numismatik,  Bd.  xiii.  1885,  pp.  190-238.  Pick  deals  with 
the  time  preceding  Titus'  appointment  as  emperor. 

*"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  1.  1-5  ;  Tacitus,  Hist.  v.  12.  See  also 
Rabbinical  traditions  about  the  destruction  of  the  collection  of  grain  in 
Derenbourg,  p.  281. 

^2  Compare,  in  regard  to  what  follows,  the  monographs  on  Titus  : 
Stange,  De  Titi  iviperatoris  vita,  part  i.  Brcslau  1870;  Double,  Vie  de 
Vemfereur  Titus,  Paris  1876  (reviewed  in  the  Revue  archeol.  n.  s.  xxxiii. 
1877,  pp.  279-282  ;  Steinwenter,  Titus  Flavins  Vespasiamis  mit  besonderer 
Beriicksichtigung  der  Zerstorung  Jerusalems,  Graz  1876  (reviewed  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fiir  die  oesterreich.  Gymn.  xxviii.  1877,  p.  70);  Otto  Adalb.  Hoff- 
mann, De  imperatoris  Titi  temporibus  recte  definiendis,  Marburg  1883. 
Against  Hoffmann's  view,  that  the  months  used  as  dates  in  Josephus  are 
to  be  taken  from  the  Julian  calendar,  see  Appendix  III. 


236  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

and  IStli,  he  had  also  the  12th,  which  had  already  been  ia 
Syria  under  Cestius,  and  had  so  unfortunately  begun  the  war. 
In  addition  to  these,  he  had  also  the  numerous  auxiliary 
troops  of  the  confederate  kings.^*  The  commanders  of  the 
legions  were — Sextus  Cerealis  over  the  5th  legion,  Larcius 
Lepidus  over  the  10th,  Tittius  Frugi  over  the  15th.  The 
commander  of  the  12th  legion  is  not  named.  As  principal 
adviser,  we  would  call  him  Chief  of  the  Staff,  Tiberius  Alex- 
ander, afterwards  procurator  of  Judea,  accompanied  Titus.^*^ 
While  a  part  of  the  army  received  orders  to  push  on  to  meet 
him  before  Jerusalem,  Titus  himself  advanced  with  the  main 
body  of  his  forces  from  Caesarea,^^  and  a  few  days  before  the 
Passover,  14th  Nisan  or  April,  of  A.D.  70,  arrived  before  the 
walls  of  the  Holy  City.^^ 

^*  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  1.  6;  Tacitus,  Hist.  v.  1. 

^^  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  4.  3.  On  the  generals  here  namerl, 
see  Leon  Renter,  "  Menioire  sur  les  officiers  qui  assistferent  au  conseil  de 
guerre  tenu  par  Titus,  avant  de  livrer  I'assaut  du  temple  de  Jerusalem" 
(in  the  Memoires  de  I'Institut  de  France,  Acad^niie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles- 
Lettres,  t.  xxvi.  pt.  i.  1867,  pp.  269-321).— The  commander  of  the  15th 
legion  is  called,  not  Titus  Frugi,  as  our  editions  of  the  text  of  Josephus 
give  it,  but  M.  Tittius  Frugi.  See  L^on  Benier,  p.  314. — Renier's  remarks 
on  Cerealis  are  to  be  corrected  by  reference  to  Mommsen,  Ephemeris 
epigraph,  iv.  499,  and  Rohden,  De  Palaestina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Bomanis, 
1885,  p.  37.  Renier  confounds  two  of  the  name  of  Cerealis  with  one 
another.  Our  Cerealis  is  mentioned  also  in  Inscript.  Begni  Neap.  n.  4636  = 
Corpus  Inscript.  Lat.  t.  x.  n.  4862. — Tiberius  Julius  Alexander  is  described 
by  Josephus  as  rav  arpctTiv/noirav  oipx^u  (  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  1.  6),  t^ocvtuv 
Tuv  aTponivf^otTuu  i'TTu.pxo/v  (  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  4.  3).  In  accordance  with 
this,  Mommsen  fills  up  the  gaps  in  the  inscription  of  Aradus,  Corpus 
Inscript.  Grace,  t.  iii.  p.  1178,  n.  4536  f-  =  Hermes,  Bd.  xix.  1884,  p.  644: 
Tiliipi'jjv  'lovKt'ou  'A>.[s^«j/S(50f  iTilxpxov  rot/  'IovOoii[kov  crjoarot/].  Tiberius 
Julius  Alexander  was  therefore  "  chief  of  the  staff  of  the  general."  The 
position  of  this  officer  of  equestrian  rank,  in  an  army  commanded  by  a 
senatorian  general,  was  similar  to  that  of  the  praefectus  praetorio  in  the 
army  commanded  by  the  emperor  himself.  See  Mommsen,  Ephemeris  epi- 
graphica,  t.  v.  p.  578,  at  n.  1344 ;  Mommsen,  Hermes,  Bd.  xix.  1884,  p.  644  ff.  j 
Pick  in  Sallet's  Zeitschrift  fur  Numismatik,  Bd.  xiii.  1885,  p.  207  f. 

^'^  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  1.  6. 

^^  As  appears  from  v.  3.  1  compared  with  v.  13.  7. — The  elder  Pliny 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  66-73.  237 

Titus  had  hurried  ou  in  advance  of  the  legions  with  600 
cavalry  in  order  to  obtain  information  about  the  country  by 
spies,  and  had  in  this  got  so  far  ahead  of  the  main  body,  that 
he  exposed  himself  most  seriously  to  the  danger  of  being 
fallen  upon  by  the  Jews,  and,  indeed,  owed  his  safety  wholly 
to  his  own  personal  bravery.^^  The  Eomans,  from  the  moment 
of  their  arrival,  had  painful  experience  of  the  daring  spirit  of 
their  opponents.  While  tire  10th  legion,  which  had  advanced 
from  Jericho  to  Jerusalem,  was  still  occupied  with  the 
strengthening  of  its  camp  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  it  was 
attacked  with  such  violence  that  it  had  well-nigh  suffered  an 
utter  defeat.  Only  by  the  personal  interference  of  Titus  was 
the  yielding  legion  brought  again  to  a  stand,  and  enabled  to 
ward  off  the  attack.^^ 

The  conflict  of  parties  within  the  city,  however,  was  not 
even  yet  by  any  means  abated.  Even  when  the  Eomans 
were  lying  before  the  gates,  during  the  Passover  festival,  a 
carnage  of  one  party  by  the  other  was  going  on  within  the 
city.  The  faction  of  Eleasar  had  opened  the  gate  of  the 
temple  court  for  those  who  had  gone  up  to  attend  the  feast. 
John  of  Gischala  took  advantage  of  this  in  order  to  smuggle 
in  his  people  with  concealed  weapons,  and  to  fall  on  Eleasar 
and  his  followers  when  least  expected.  Those  who  were 
thus  taken  by  surprise  were  not  strong  enough  to  sustain  the 
conflict,  and  were  obliged  to  admit  John's  adherents  into  the 
court.  From  this  time  forward  there  were  again  two  parties 
in  Jerusalem,  that  of  John  and  that  of  Simon."*^ 


held  a  position  in  the  army  of  Titus,  and  was  indeed  dvTnrirpoTrog  of 
Tiberius  Julius  Alexander,  according  to  Mommsen's  skilful  rendering  of 
the  inscription  of  Aradus,  Corpus  Inscript.  Graec.  t.  iii.  p.  1178,  n.  4536  f- 
With  reference  to  this,  Pliny,  in  the  dedication  of  his  Natural  History  to 
Titus,  says:  "nobis  quidein  qualis  in  castrensi  contubernio."  See  for 
further  particulars,  Moninisen,  Hermes,  Bd.  xix.  1884,  pp.  644-648. 

^^  .Tosephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  2.  1-2.  ^^  Ibid.  v.  2.  4-5. 

*<•  Joseph  us,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  3.  1  j  Tacitus,  Hist.  v.  \2fin. 


238  THK  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

lu  order  to  understand  the  siege  operations  that  followed, 
it  is  necessary  to  form  for  oneself  at  least  a  general  idea  of 
the  situation  of  the  city.^^  Jerusalem  lay  upon  two  hills,  a 
higher  one  to  the  west  and  a  smaller  one  to  the  east,  which 
were  separated  by  a  deep  ravine  running  from  north  to  south, 
the  so-called  Tyropoeon.  On  the  larger  western  hill  lay  the 
upper  city,  on  the  smaller  eastern  hill  the  lower  city.  The 
latter  was  also  called  Acra,  because  there  in  former  days 
down  to  the  times  of  the  Maccabees  the  citadel  or  castle  of 
Jerusalem  had  been  placed."^  North  of  the  Acra  lay  the  site  of 
the  temple,  the  area  of  which  had  been  considerably  enlarged 
by  Herod.  Attached  to  the  temple  site  on  its  northern  side 
was  the  castle  of  Antonia.  The  temple  site  was  surrounded 
on  all  its  four  sides  by  a  strong  wall,  and  thus  even  by  itself 
alone  formed  a  little  fortress.  The  upper  and  the  lower 
cities  were  surrounded  by  a  common  wall  which  was  attached 
to  the  western  wall  of  the  temple  site ;  it  then  ran  on  to  the 
west,  stretched  in  a  great  curve  southward  over  the  upper 
and  lower  cities,  and  finally  ended  at  the  south-eastmost 
corner  of  the  temple  site.  But,  further,  the  upper  city  must 
have  been  separated  from  the  lower  city  by  a  wall  running 
from  north  to  south  reaching  to  the  Tyropoeon.     For  Titus 

^^  Compare  the  designation  in  Joseplms,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  4. — Of  the 
almost  incalculable  literature  on  the  topography  of  Jerusalem  the  more 
important  works  are  referred  to  in  vol.  i.  p.  19.  The  hypotheses  of 
recent  investigators  about  the  old  topography  are  shown  in  a  special  map 
in  Menke's  Bibclatlas,  Sheet  V.,  and  still  more  completely  by  Zinmiermann, 
Karten  und  Plane  zur  Topograjyhie  des  Alien  Jerusalem,  Haiiel  1876.  The 
best  plans  of  modern  .Jerusalem  are  those  of  Zimmermann-Socin  and 
Wilson.     See  vol.  i.  p.  19. 

"-  The  situation  of  the  Acra  and  the  lower  city  is  the  one  point  most 
dis]iuted  in  the  topography  of  Jerusalem.  By  a  careful  expression  and 
estimation  of  the  sources,  however,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  above  state- 
ment may  be  accepted  with  certainty.  Compare  vol.  i.  p.  206.  The 
history  of  the  siege  by  Titus  confirms  this.  For  Titus,  who  pressed  on  from 
tlie  north,  came  iiito  possession  of  the  lower  city  only  after  he  had  taken 
tlie  site  of  the  temple,  and  so  the  lower  city  must  have  lain  south  of  this. 
It  reached  as  far  as  Siloah  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  7.  2). 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  GG-73.  239 

was  obliged,  after  he  had  gained  possession  of  the  lower  city, 
to  direct  an  attack  against  the  wall  of  the  upper  city. — On 
the  west,  south,  and  east,  the  walls  stood  upon  the  edge  of 
lofty  precipices  ;  only  on  the  north  did  the  ground  run  down 
tolerably  low.  Thus  was  there  with  a  northern  curve  a 
second  wall  which  enclosed  the  older  suburb  ;  and  then  in 
a  still  wider  curve  to  the  north,  a  third  wall,  which  had  been 
begun  by  Agrippa  I.,  but  was  completed  only  when  found 
urgently  needed  during  the  rebellion.  This  third  wall 
enclosed  the  so-called  new  city  or  suburb  of  Bezetha.'"** 

As  the  very  situation  of  the  city  demanded,  Titus  directed 
his  attack  against  the  north  side,  hence  first  of  all  against 
the  third  wall,  or  to  speak  from  the  standpoint  of  the  besiegers, 
the  first.  It  was  only  now,  when  the  battering-ram  began 
tlieir  work  at  three  points,  the  civil  war  was  stilled.  Then 
the  two  factions,  those  of  John  of  Gischala  and  of  Simon 
Bar-Giora,  banded  together  to  make  a  common  attack.  In 
one  of  these  onslaughts  they  fought  with  such  success  that 
the  preservation  of  the  engines  of  war  were  wholly  due 
to  the  interference  of  Titus,  who  with  his  own  hand  cut 
down  twelve  of  the  enemy.^^  After  fifteen  days'  work  one 
of  the  most  powerful  of  the  battering-rams  had  made  a 
breach  in  the  wall,  the  Romans  pressed  in,  and  on  the  7th 
Arteraisios,  that  is,  Ijjar  or  May,  were  masters  of  the  first 
wall.^-5 

The  attack  was  now  directed  against  the  second  wall, 
rive  days  after  the  taking  of  the  first  this  one  also  had  to 

^3  On.  Bezetha,  compare  also  this  point,  vol.  ii.  p.  213. — Josephus 
pays  in  Wars  of  (lie  Jews,  v.  4.  2  :  Bi^sdd,  o  fiedipf/.Y}'Jsvrj/u,:i/ov  'EXX«8< 
yXmnvj  x-etivii  'Ki-ytn  ot,v  ttoA.;?.  That  is  impossible.  For  lii^idx  can  be 
nothing  else  but  j^rT'T  JT'Q,  "  I'lace  of  Olives."  In  the  statement  of  Jose- 
phus therefore  this  much  may  be  correct,  that  Bezetha  was  also  called 
the  New  City. 

"*  Josephu?,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  6.  2-5  ;  Suetonius,  Titus,  5  :  "duo- 
decim  j)ropu,i,'nat()res  totidem  sagittarum  confecit  ictibus." 

"•  Josephus,  Tl  ars  of  the  Jews,  v.  7.  2. 


240  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

yield  before  the  blow  of  the  Roman  batteriDg-rams.  Titus 
pressed  in  with  a  chosen  band,  but  was  driven  back  again  by 
the  Jews.  Four  days  afterwards,  however,  he  once  more 
secured  his  position,  and  this  time  succeeded  in  maintaining 
it  permanently.^^ 

He  now  raised  earthworks  at  one  and  the  same  time 
against  the  upper  city  and  against  the  Antonia,  two  against 
the  one,  and  two  against  the  other ;  each  of  the  four  legions 
had  to  build  one.  Simon  Bar-Giora  conducted  the  defence 
of  the  upper  city  ;  John  of  Gischala  that  of  the  Antonia. ^^ 
While  the  works  were  in  progress,  Josephus,  apparently 
without  success,  was  made  to  summon  the  city  to  surrender.^^ 
The  want  of  the  means  of  support  was  already  beginning  to 
be  felt,  and  in  consequence  of  this  many  of  the  poorer 
inhabitants  went  out  of  the  city  in  search  of  victuals. 
Whenever  any  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  he 
was  crucified  in  sight  of  the  city,  in  order  to  strike  terror 
into  the  heart  of  the  besieged,  or  was  sent  back  with  his 
members  mutilated.®^ 

On  the  29th  Artemisios,  that  is,  Tjjar  or  May,  the  four 
ramparts  were  completed.  Simon  and  John  had  only  wished 
their  completion,  in  order  that  they  might  direct  all  their 
energies  to  destroy  again  the  works  produced  by  incredible 
exertion  and  wearisome  toil.  Those  over  against  the  Antonia 
were  destroyed  by  John  of  Gischala  in  this  way  :  he  dug  a 
subterranean  passage  under  them,  supported  it  with  pillars 
and  then  set  fire  to  the  supports,  so  that  the  ramparts  fell 
in  and  were  consumed  in  the  fire.  Two  days  later  Simon 
Bar-Giora  destroyed  by  fire  those  directed  against  the  upper 
city.^«° 

Before  Titus  attempted  the  building  of  a  new  rampart,  he 

»6  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  7,  3-4,  8.  1-2. 

8^  Ihid.  V.  9.  2  ;  comp.  11,  4,  ^^  Ihid.  v.  9.  3-4, 

89  Ibid.  V.  10.  2-5,  11.  1-2.  "o  n^i^i  y.  n.  4_6. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D,  66-73.  241 

made  use  of  another  device.  He  caused  the  whole  city  to  be 
surrounded  with  a  continuous  stone  wall  (Tet^j^o?),  in  order  to 
cut  off  all  escape  and  to  reduce  the  city  by  famine.  With 
marvellous  smartness  this  work  was  finished  in  three  days. 
Numerous  armed  watchmen  guarded  it  so  that  no  one  could 
pass  it.^"^  In  consequence  of  this  the  famine  reached  a 
terrible  height  in  the  city  ;  and  if  even  but  the  half  is  true 
which  the  inventive  imagination  of  Josephus  has  recorded,  it 
must  certainly  have  been  horrible  enough.^''^  That  under 
such  circumstances  John  of  Gischala  should  have  applied 
the  sacred  oil  and  the  sacred  wine  to  profane  uses,  can  be 
regarded  only  by  a  Josephus  as  a  reproach  to  him.^"^ 

Meanwhile  Titus  caused  ramparts  again  to  be  built,  and 
this  time  four  against  the  Antonia.  The  wood  used  in  their 
construction,  owing  to  the  complete  devastation  of  all  the 
district  around,  had  to  be  carried   a   distance   of   90    stadia 

^"^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  12.  1-2  ;  Luke  xix.  43.  Similar 
circumvallations  are  often  spoken  of.  The  most  celebrated  is  that  of 
Alesia  by  Caesar  {Bell.  Gall.  vii.  69  :  "  fossanique  et  maceriam  sex  in 
altitudinem  pedum  praeduxerant ;  ejus  munitionis,  quae  ab  Romanis 
instituebatur,  circuitus  XI  milium  passuum  tenebat."  Also  before  an 
attempt  was  made  to  attack  it,  Masada  was  surrounded  by  such  a  wall 
(Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  8.  2).  Large  remnants  of  it  are  to  be 
seen  to  this  day.  It  was  erected  of  unhewn  stones  without  the  use  of 
mortar.  See  Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Memoirs,  iii.  421,  and  generally 
the  literature  mentioned  in  note  133.  Compare  also  Marquardt,  Eomische 
Staatsverwaltung,  Ed.  ii.  1876,  p.  509. 

102  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeirs,  v.  12.  3,  13.  7,  vi  3.  3.  Compare 
Aboth  derabbi  Nathan  c.  6  (in  Derenbourg,  p.  285).  Well  known  is  the 
tragical  history  of  that  Mary  of  Beth-Esob,  who  was  driven  by  hunger  to 
devour  her  own  child.  See  IVars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  3.  4  ;  Eusebius,  Hist. 
eccl.  iii.  6  ;  Hieronymus,  ad  Joelem,  i.  9  ff.  (Opera,  ed.  Vallarsi,  vi.  178); 
and  the  passages  from  the  Talmud  and  Midrash  in  Griitz,  Bd.  iii.  4  Aufl. 
p.  537  (2  Aufl.  p.  401). — A  mother's  devouring  of  her  own  child  belongs 
to  the  traditional  and  customary  descriptions  of  the  horrors  of  war, 
as  well  in  threatenings :  Lev.  xxvi.  29,  Deut.  xxviii.  53,  Jer.  xix.  9, 
Ezek.  V.  10,  as  in  history  :  2  Kings  vi.  28,  29  ;  Lam.  ii.  20,  iv.  10 ; 
Baruch  ii.  3. 

^"^  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  v.  13.  6. 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  O 


242  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

(four  and  a  half  days'  journey).^'^  After  twenty-one  days'  work 
they  were  completed.  An  attempt  which  John  of  Gischala 
made  to  destroy  them  on  1st  Paneraos,  that  is,  Thammuz  or 
July,  was  unsuccessful,  since  it  was  not  carried  out  with  the 
earlier  energy,  while  the  Iiomans  liad  redoubled  their  vigil- 
ance.^**^  Scarcely  had  the  Jews  retired  back  again,  when  the 
battering-rams  began  to  beat  against  the  walls.  At  first  they 
had  no  considerable  success.  The  walls,  however,  were  so 
shattered  by  the  blows,  that  soon  they  sank  of  themselves  at  the 
points  where  the  wall-breakers  had  been  at  work.  But  even  yet 
the  storming  of  the  city  w^as  a  work  of  difficulty,  since  John 
of  Gischala  liad  already  managed  to  erect  a  second  behind  it. 
After  an  encouraging  speech  of  Titus  on  the  3rd  Paneraos, 
that  is,  Thammuz  or  July,  a  Syrian  soldier  named  Sabinus, 
with  eleven  comrades,  made  the  attempt  to  scale  the  walls, 
but  fell  in  the  struggle  with  three  of  his  companions.^"^  Two 
days  afterwards,  on  the  5th  Panemos,  some  twenty  or  thirty 
others  banded  together  to  renew  the  attempt.  They  mounted 
the  wall  secretly  by  night  and  cut  down  the  first  sentinels. 
Titus  pressed  as  quickly  as  possible  after  them,  and  drove  the 
Jews  back  as  far  as  the  temple  site.  Thence  the  Eomans 
were  indeed  beaten  back  again,  but  they  held  the  Antonia, 
Nvhich  was  soon  razed  to  the  ground. ^"'^ 

In  spite  of  war  and  famine  the  daily  morning  and  evening 
sacrifices  had  up  to  this  time  been  regularly  offered.  On  the 
l7th  Panemos,  that  is,  Thammuz  or  July,  these  had  to  be  at 
last  discontinued  ;  but  even  then  not  so  much  on  account  of  the 
famine,  but  rather  "  from  the  want  of  men."  ^'^  Seeing  that 
u  renewed  sumnions  to  surrender  by  Josephus  proved  again 

10*  Josephus,   Wars  of  the  Jews,  v.  12.  4.  "^  Ibid.  vi.  1.  1-3. 

i"«  Ibid.  vi.  1.  3-6.  ^^'  Ibid.  vi.  1.  7-8,  2.  1. 

^"•^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  2.  1  ;  Mishna,  Taanith  iv.  6  :  nynC'S 

"I*Dnn  ^pa  ntsria  iby-     Compare   on   the   daily  morning   and    evening 

t^K'rifices,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  273  ff.  and  278  ft". 


§  20.    THE  GRP:AT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  6  ;-73.  243 

iinsuccessfnl,  and  an  attack  by  night  of  a  select  detaclnnent 
of  the  army  on  the  temple  site  proved  a  failure/"^  Titus 
now  made  preparations  for  a  regular  siege  so  as  to  take  the 
temple  by  storm.  The  temple  site  formed  a  pretty  regular 
square,  which  was  completely  surrounded  by  strong  walls, 
along  wliich  on  the  inside  ran  a  series  of  corridors.  On  the 
inside  of  this  great  space  the  inner  court,  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  strong  walls,  formed  a  second  position  capable  of 
being  defended,  which  afforded  to  the  besieged  even  after  the 
loss  of  the  outer  space  a  place  of  safety.  Titus  was  obliged 
first  of  all  to  make  himself  master  of  the  outer  wall.  A'uiiu 
four  ramparts  were  erected,  for  which  he  was  now  obliged  to 
carry  the  material  from  a  distance  of  100  stadia  (five  hours' 
journey).^^"  While  they  were  working  at  these,  a  number  of 
Iiomans  met  with  their  death  on  the  27th  Panemos  in  this 
way:  thi;y  allowed  themselves  to  be  deceived  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Jews  from  the  heights  of  the  western  corridors  into 
scaling  those  heights.  But  they  had  been  beforehand  filled 
by  the  Jews  with  inflammable  materials.  So  soon  then  as 
the  Eomans  had  reached  the  top  the  Jews  set  lire  to  the 
vaults,  and  the  fire  spread  with  such  rapidity  that  the  soldiers 
could  not  escape,  but  were  enveloped  in  the  fianies.'" 

When  the  ramparts  were  completed  on  the  8th  Loos, 
that  is,  Ab  or  August,  the  rams  were  again  set  to  work,  and 
the  siege  operations  began.  But  on  the  immense  walls  they 
could  make  no  impression.  In  order  to  obtain  his  end  Titus 
caused  fire  to  be  placed  at  the  gates,  and  so  opened  up 
the  entrance  to  the  outer  temple  space.^^"  On  the  ne.xt  day, 
the  9th  Ab,  when  the  gates  had  been  completely  burnt  down, 
Titus  held  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  resolved  that  the 
temple  should  be  spared."^     But  wlien  on  the  day  following, 

*"*  Josepluis,   Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  vi.  2.  1-6.  i'"  Ibid.  vi.  2.  7. 

"1  Ibid.  vi.  3.  1-2.  112  j;^-^  ^.j   4  ^_2_ 

>>'  Ibid.  vi.  4.  3. 


244  THE  KOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGK 

the  10th  Ab,  the  Jews  made  two  onslaughts  rapidly  one  after 
the  other  from  the  inner  court,  and  on  the  second  occasion 
were  driven  back  by  the  soldiers  who  were  occupied  with  the 
quenching  of  the  flames  in  the  corridors,  a  soldier  cast  a 
blazing  brand  into  one  of  the  chambers  of  the  temple 
proper."*  When  this  was  reported  to  Titus  he  hasted  to 
the  spot,  followed  by  the  generals  and  the  legions.  Titus  gave 
orders  to  quench  the  fire  ;  but  in  the  wild  conflict  that  now 
raged  around  the  spot  his  commands  were  not  heard,  and  the 
fire  got  ever  a  firmer  hold  upon  the  edifice.  Even  yet  Titus 
hoped  to  save  at  least  the  inner  court  of  the  temple,  and 
renewed  his  orders  to  quench  the  flames  ;  but  the  soldiers  in 
their  excitement  no  longer  listened  to  his  commands.  Instead 
of  quenching  the  flames,  they  tlirew  in  new  firebrands,  and 
the  whole  noble  work  became  a  prey  to  the  flames  beyond 
redemption.  Titus  managed  to  inspect  the  inner  court  before 
the  fire  reached  it."^ 

1^*  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  4.  4-5. 

^^^  Joseplius,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  4.  6-7. — According  to  tlie  account 
given  above,  the  burning  of  tlie  temple  took  place  on  the  10th  Loos  =  Ab, 
as  also  Joseplius  in  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  vi.  4.  5,  expressly  states.  The 
Rabbinical  tradition  places  the  destruction  of  the  temple  on  the  9th  Ab 
(Mishna,  Taanith  iv.   6  :    H'JtJ'ni  ^Ji:^'X■l3  n)3n  2^1,  2S3  ny^'na),    and 

indeed  early  on  the  evening  before  that  day  (6.  Taanith  29a ;  ^];E^'n  21J? 
3S3,  Derenbourg,  p.  291) ;  that  is,  in  our  way  of  reckoning,  on  the  8th 
Ab.  It  therefore  regards  as  the  day  of  destruction  the  day  on  which 
Titus  caused  fire  to  be  laid  to  the  gates.  According  to  Rabbinical 
tradition  it  was  Sabbath  evening,  T\2^  ""i^i'lD,  when  the  temple  was 
destroyed.  See  vol.  i.  p.  41,  and  Derenbourg,  p.  291,  According  to 
Dio  Cassius,  Jerusalem  was  destroyed  iv  avryi  tTi  rni  Kpouov  ii/^ipx. 

According  to  the  representation  of  Josephus,  which  we  have  followed, 
Titus  had  expressed  a  wish  to  spare  the  temple  proper  (  Wars  of  the  Jews, 
vi.  4.  3).  Divergent  from  this  is  the  narrative  of  Sulpicius  Severus, 
Chronicon,  ii.  30  :  "  Fertur  Titus  adhibito  consilio  prius  deliberasse,  an 
templum  tanti  operis  everteret.  Etenim  nonnuUis  videbatur,  aedem 
sacratam  ultra  omnia  mortalia  illustrem  non  oportere  deleri,  quae  servata 
modestiae  Romanae  testimonium,  diruta  perennem  crudelitatis  notam 
praeberet.  At  contra  alii  et  Titus  ipse  evertendum  in  priniis  templum 
censebant,  quo  plenius  Judaeorum  et  Christianorum  religio  toUeretur : 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  66-73.  245 

While  the  Romans  slaughtered  indiscriminately  all  that  fell 
into  their  hands,  children  and  old  men,  priests  and  people, 
and  intentionally  fanned  the  terrible  conflagration,  so  that 
nothing  escaped  the  flames,  John  of  Gischala  succeeded, 
along  with  his  Zealot  following,  to  escape  into  the  upper  city. 
Even  before  the  temple  had  been  burnt  down,  the  legions 
planted  their  standards  in  the  temple  court,  and  greeted 
their  general  as  Imperator."® 

quippe  lias  religiones,  licet  contrarias  sibi,  isdem  tamen  ab  auctoribus 
profectas  ;  Christianos  ex  Judaeis  extitisse  :  radice  sublata  stirpem  facile 
perituram."  Orosius,  vii.  9.  5-6,  from  a  somewhat  different  point  of 
view,  ascribes  the  destruction  to  Titus.  Seeing  that  Sulpicius  Severus,  as 
Bernays  has  proved,  elsewhere  bases  his  statements  on  Tacitus,  Bernays 
has  concluded  that  on  this  point  also  his  statement  rests  on  the  history  of 
Tacitus,  which  for  this  period  is  no  longer  extant,  and  served  as  model 
for  Josephus,  who  wishes  to  free  Titus  from  the  nota  crudelitatis  (Bernays, 
Ueber  die  Chrmiik  des  Sidpicius  Severus,  1861,  pp.  48-61,  in  his  Gemmmelfe 
Werke,  ii.  159-181).  The  following  also  agree  with  Bernays  :  Stange, 
De  Titi  imperatoris  vita,  P.  1,  1870,  pp.  39-43  ;  Schiller,  Geschichte  der 
rom.  Kaiserzeit,  i.  399  ;  Thiaucourt,  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  xix.  1889, 
p.  65  sqq.  The  following  vacillate  :  Renan,  Der  Antichrist,  pp.  405-410  ; 
and  Mommsen,  Romisclie  Geschichte,  v.  538  f.  Against  Bernays  :  Gratz, 
Geschichte  der  Juden,  4  Aufl.  iii.  p.  538  f.,  and  Hausi-ath,  Zeitgeschichte, 
2  Aufl.  iii.  474.  Only  general  assertion  without  reference  to  original 
sources  is  given  by  Illhardt,  Titus  und  der  jiidische  Tevipel  (Philologus, 
Bd.  xl.  1881,  pp.  189-196).  Titus,  he  says,  had  intended  to  preserve  the 
temple  for  a  time  until  he  had  seen  it  and  plundered  it,  and  then  to 
destroy. — It  is  in  fact  probable  that  Sulpicius  Severus  drew  upon  Tacitus  ; 
but  that  does  not  prove  that  it  was  the  model  according  to  which  Jose- 
phus constructed  his  account.  This  remains  a  mere  possibility.  Even 
the  former  supposition  is  rendered  suspicious  Ijy  its  being  based  upon  an 
alleged  resolution  impossible  in  the  mouth  of  Titus. 

^"'  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  5.  1-2.  The  greeting  of  Titus  as 
Imperator :  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  6.  1  ;  Suetonius,  Titus,  5  ;  Dio  Cassius, 
Ixvi.  7  ;  Orosius,  vii.  9.  6.  On  the  significance  of  this  procedure,  see 
especially  Suetonius,  I.e.  Titus  was  suspected  of  having  fallen  away  from 
Vespasian,  and  of  having  wished  to  set  up  as  an  independent  ruler  of  the 
East. — Further  details  by  Teuffel  in  Pauly's  Beal-Encyclopaedie,  vi.  2. 
2490  ;  Mommsen,  Irnperatnrtitel  des  Titus  {Wiener  Numismat.  Zeitschrift, 
Bd.  iii.  1871,  pp.  458-478)  ;  F.  J.  Hoffmann,  Quomodn  quando  Titus 
imperator  f actus  sit,  Bonnae  1883 ;  Chambalu,  Der  Verfassungsstreit 
zu^ischen  Titus  und  Vespasian  (Philologns,  Bd.  xliv.  1885,  pp.  123-131)  ; 


246  THE  EOMAX-HERODIAN  AGE. 

The  work  of  the  conqueror,  however,  was  by  no  means 
completed  with  the  overthrow  of  the  temple.  The  upper 
city,  the  last  refuge  of  the  besieged,  had  yet  to  be  taken. 
Titus  once  again  called  upon  Simon  and  John  to  surrender. 
But  the  besieged  wished  to  stipulate  for  liberty  to  go  forth  un- 
touched, which  would  not  be  granted  them."^  By  order  of 
Titus  the  parts  of  the  city  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
Eomans — the  Ophla,  the  depository  of  the  archives,  the 
council  house,  the  lower  city  down  to  Siloah  —  were  set 
on  fire,  while  at  the  same  time  the  tyrants  in  the  upper 
city  continued  their  work  of  murder  and  plunder."^ 

Seeing  then  that  there  was  no  hope  of  securing  the 
voluntary  surrender  of  the  besieged,  it  was  necessary  once 
more  to  resort  to  the  erection  of  ramparts.  They  were  con- 
structed partly  at  the  north-western  corner  of  the  upper 
city  near  the  palace  of  Herod,  partly  at  the  north-eastern 
corner,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  so-called  Xystus.  On 
the  20th  Loos  (Ab,  August)  the  buildings  were  begun;  on 
the  7th  Gorpiaeus  (Elul,  September)  they  were  finished. 
The  battering-rams  soon  made  a  breach  in  the  walls, 
through  which  the  soldiers  with  little  difficulty  forced  their 
way,  because  the  besieged  in  their  despondent  condition  could 
no  longer  offer  a  vigorous  and  determined  opposition."*  One 
portion  of  them  made  the  attempt  to  break  away  through  the 
besiegers'  lines  and  to  force  through  the  cordon  which  sur- 
rounded them  at  Siloah;  but  they  were  driven  back,  and  rushed 
again  into  their  subterranean  hiding-places.  Meanwhile  the 
whole  of  the  upper  city  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Romans. 
The  military  standards  were  planted  and  the  song  of  victory 

Pick,  "  Der  Iraperatortitel  des  Titus,"  in  Sallet's  ZeitschriftfitrNumismatik, 
Bd.  xiii.  1885,  pp.  109-238.  Add  to  these  :  Schiller  in  Bursian's  Jahres- 
hericht,  Bd.  lii.  pp.  17-25;  Mommsen,  "Zu  den  Miinzen  des  Titus,"  in 
Sallet's  Zeitschrift  fiir  Numismatik,  Bd.  xiv.  1887,  pp.  31-35. 

'"^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jetcs,  vi.  6.  2-3. 

i>*  Itdd.  vi.  6.  3,  7.  2-3.  ^^'^  Ibid.  vi.  8.  1-5. 


§  2(1.    THE  GliKAT   WAU  WITH  KOMR,  A.D.  6G-73.  247 

vas  sun"  The  soldiers  passed  tlirou'ih  the  citv  murderin<r, 
hurning,  and  plundering.  After  a  five  months'  siege,  after 
having  been  obliged  laboriously  to  press  on  step  by  step, 
gaining  one  position  after  another,  the  whole  city  at  last,  on 
8th  Gorpiaeus  (Elul,  September),  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
conquerors.^^" 

Those  of  the  inhabitants  who  had  not  already  fallen 
victims  to  the  famine  or  the  sword  were  now  put  to  death,  or 
sent  to  labour  in  the  mines,  or  reserved  for  the  gladiatorial 
combats.  The  handsomest  and  most  powerful  of  the  men 
were  spared  to  grace  the  triumph.  Among  the  fugitives  who 
were  driven  by  hunger  to  go  forth  out  of  their  subterranean 
hiding-places  was  John  of  Gischala.  When  he  begged  for 
mercy  he  was  granted  his  life,  but  was  sentenced  to  life-long 
confinement  in  prison.  It  was  not,  however,  until  a  con- 
siderably later  period  that  Simon  Bar  Giora  was  apprehended. 
He  was  reserved  as  a  victim  for  the  triumph.^^^  The  city 
was  then  razed  to  the  ground.  Only  the  tliree  gates  of  the. 
palace  of  Herod  —  Hippicus,  Phasael,  and  Mariamme  —  and 
a  portion  of  the  wall  were  left  standing;  the  former  as 
monuments  of  the  original  strength  of  the  city,  the  latter 
as  a  protection  for  the  garrison  that  was  left  in  charge.  The 
victory,  won  by  hard  fighting,  and  at  the  cost  of  many  victims, 
was  celebrated  by  Titus  in  an  address  of  thanks  to  the  army, 
the  distribution  of  rewards    to   those   who   had  distin"uished 

O 

themselves  in  battle,  the  presenting  sacrifices  of  thanksgiving, 
and  a  festive  banqiiet.^"^ 

^-''  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jctvs,  vi.  8.  5,  10.  1. 

121  Ibid.  vi.  9.  2,  4,  vii.  2.  1-2. 

*22  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  1.  1-3. — Of  the  tliree  gates  of  the 
palace  of  Herod,  only  one  is  preserved  to  the  present  day  under  the  name 
of  "David's  Tower,"  commonly  identified  with  Hippicus,  hut  by  Schick 
with  Phasael.  A  minute  description  is  given  by  Schick  in  Zeitschrift  des 
deutschen  Palastina-Vereins,  i.  226  fF.  Hlustrations  of  it  may  be  seen  in 
lliehm's  IJandworterhuch,  i.  210,  in  art.  "Burg,'"  and  in  Ebers  and  Guthe, 
I'aldstina,  Bd.  i.  p.  9. 


248  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 


5.  The  Conclusion  of  the  Wae,  a.d.  71-73. 

Leaving  behind  him  the  tenth  legion  as  a  garrison  in 
Jerusalem,  Titus  proceeded  with  the  rest  of  his  army  to 
Caesarea-on-the-Sea,  where  the  spoil  was  deposited,  and  the 
prisoners  consigned  to  safe  keeping.^"^  Thence  Titus  marched 
to  Caesarea  Philippi,  where  a  portion  of  the  prisoners  were 
forced  to  engage  in  combat  with  wild  animals,  and  to  take 
part  in  the  gladiatorial  shows.'^'*  At  Caesarea-on-the-Sea,  to 
which  he  returned,  he  celebrated  the  birthday  of  his  brother 
])omitian,  24th  October,  with  games  on  a  magnificent  scale. 

^'^  Josephus,  TVars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  1.  2-3. — The  tenth  legion  in  the 
time  of  Dio  Cassius,  in  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  after  Christ, 
still  remained  in  Judea,  Dio  Cassius,  Iv.  23.  Not  until  the  time  of 
Eusebius  is  it  spoken  of  as  the  garrison  at  Aela  on  the  Red  Sea  (Eusebius, 
Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  210).  Inscriptions,  in  which  it  is  referred  to, 
have  been  found  recently  in  considerable  numbers  in  Jerusalem.  (1) 
A  short  and  fragmentary  one  is  described  in  full  detail  by  Clermont- 
Ganneau,  Comptes  rendus  de  I'Academie  des  Iiiscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres  de 
I'ann^e,  1872,  pp.  163-170.  The  same  is  also  given  in  Palestine  Exploration 
Fund  Quarterly  Statement,  1871,  103  ;  Ephemeris  epigrapJdca,  ii.  p.  292,  n. 
345  ;  The  Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Jerusalem,  p.  427.  (2)  Another, 
.'ionievvhat  more  complete,  is  particularly  treated  by  Zangemeister,  Zeit- 
schrift  des  deutschen  Palastina-Vereins,  x.  1887,  pp.  49-53,  xi.  1888,  p. 
138.  The  same  is  also  given  in  Merrill,  Quarterly  Statements,  1886,  73. 
(3)  Also  seals  with  the  impression  upon  them.  Leg.  X.  Fretensis,  have  been 
brought  to  light  from  under  the  heaps  of  rubbish.  See  Clermont- 
Ganneau,  Comptes  rendus  de  I'Academie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres, 
1872,  pp.  158-163  ;  Ephemeris  epigraphica,  ii.  p.  293,  n.  346,  v.  p.  618,  n. 
1441;  Guthe,  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Palastina-Vereins,  1882,  Taf.  x. 
fig.  A  ;  Merrill,  Quarterly  Statements,  1885,  133.  In  modern  tombs 
"  numerous  relics  of  the  tenth  legion  "  have  been  found  (Merrill,  Quartei'ly 
Statements,  1886,  72).  The  richest  contribution  has  been  made  by  a  large, 
catacomb-like  series  of  tombs  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  in  which  numerous 
seals  have  been  found  with  the  impression  LXF  or  LXFre,  which  were 
\i?ed  as  a  covering  for  particular  graves.  See  Schick,  Zeitschrift  des  deut- 
schen Palastina-Vereins,  xii.  1889,  pp.  198,  199.  (4)  On  a  medal  of  the 
L.  X.  F.,  which  was  found  in  Jerusalem,  see  De  Saulcy,  Revue  archMogique, 
nouv.  serie,  t.  xi.  1869,  pp.  251-260 ;  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte, 
p.  83,  sq.  pi.  V.  n.  3. 

^^■*  Josephus,  JVars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  2.  1. 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.   6C-73,  249 

At  Berytus  also  he  celebrated  in  a  similar  manner  the  birth- 
day of  his  father  Vespasian,  on  17th  November.  After  a 
lengthened  stay  in  Berytus,'^*  Titus  proceeded  to  Antioch, 
giving  public  entertainments  in  the  cities  through  which  he 
passed,  at  which  the  Jewish  prisoners  were  set  to  slay  one 
another  in  gladiatorial  contests.  After  a  short  stay  in 
Antioch,  he  passed  on  to  Zeugma  on  the  Euphrates ;  and 
iVom  thence  he  returned  again  to  Antioch,  and  from  thence 
proceeded  to  Egypt.  At  Alexandria  he  disbanded  the  legions. 
Of  the  prisoners  there  were  700  specially  distinguished  by 
their  handsome  appearance ;  and  these,  together  with  the 
rebel  leaders  John  and  Simon,  were  reserved  for  the 
triumph.^'*'  Titus  now  sailed  for  Eome,'^  was  received  by 
his  father  and  by  the  people  with  joyful  demonstrations,  and 
in  common  with  his  father  and  brother  celebrated,  in  A.D.  71, 
one  triumph,  though  the  Senate  had  assigned  one  separately 
to  each  of  them.^^*      During  the   triumph   Simon   Bar  Giora, 

^^^  Josephus,  TVars  of  the  Jeuis,  \n.  3.  1  :  x'>(""^'''h'^'-'  i'^oirjaxTo  t/iv 
f'!rihnfitxv. 

126  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  5.  1-3. 

12''  The  arrival  of  Titus  in  Rome  is  set  down  "somewhere  about  the 
middle  of  June  a.d.  71'"'  by  Chambalu,  Philologus,  xliv.  1885,  pp.  507-517. 

128  Josephus,  JVars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  5.  3-7  ;  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  7.  The 
Jewish  spoils  which  were  borne  along  in  the  triumphal  procession  are 
to  be  seen  to  the  present  day  on  the  relief  work  on  the  Arch  of  Titus. 
Compare  Reland,  De  spoliis  templi  Hierosolymitani  in  arcu  Titiano  Romae 
ronspicuis,  Ultraj.  1716.  New  edition  by  Schulze  1775.  Also  in  Ugolini, 
'Thesaurus,  t.  ix.  An  engraving  and  a  description  of  the  Arch  of  Titus, 
which  was  not  erected  divo  Tito  until  after  the  death  of  Titus,  is  given 
by  many  ;  among  others,  by  Reber,  Die  Ruinen  Roms  und  der  Campagna, 
1863,  pp.  397-400.  On  the  relief,  see  Philippi,  "  Ueber  die  romischeu 
Triuraphalreliefe  und  ihre  Stellung  in  der  Kunstgeschichte  "  {Ahhandiuiigen 
der philol.-hist.  Classe  der  sachs.  Gesellsch.  der  Wissensch.  Bd.  vi.  1874,  pp.  245- 
306  ;  with  illustrations  :  Tafel  ii.-iii.). — In  the  inscription  on  the  Arch  of 
Titus  (Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinoram,  t.  vi.  n.  945)  no  mention  is  made 
of  the  Jewish  war.  But  another  Arch  of  Titus,  destroyed  in  the  fourteenth 
or  fifteenth  century,  which  had  stood  in  the  Circus  Maximus,  bore  the 
following  pompous  and,  so  far  as  it  deals  with  the  earlier  history  of 
Jerusalem,  untrue  inscription,  bearing  date  a.d.  81,  preserved  in  a  manu- 


250  THE  ROMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

the  rebel  leader,  was  in  accordance  with  an  old  custom  carried 
away  from  the  festal  procession  to  prison  and  executed 
there.'^' 

The  conquest  of  the  capital  had  certainly  given  to  Titus 
the  right  to  the  celebration  of  the  triumph.  The  whole  of 
Palestine,  however,  was  not  yet  by  any  means  subdued.  The 
strongholds  of  Herodium,  Macharus,  and  Masada  were  still  in 
the  hands  of  the  rebels.  The  reduction  of  these  fortresses  was 
the  work  of  the  governor  of  Palestine  at  that  time,  Lucilius 
Bassiis.  In  regard  to  the  Herodium,  this  seems  to  have 
been  accomplished  by  him  without  difficulty.'^"  The  siege  of 
Macharus  occupied  a  longer  time.^^'  Yet  even  this  strong- 
script  at  Einsiedeln  :  "  Senatiis  populusque  Romanus  imp.  Tito  Cae.'^ari 
divi  Vespasiani  f.  Vespasiano  Augusto  .  .  .  quod  praeceptis  patri(is)  coii- 
siliisque  et  auspiciis  gentem  Judaeorum  doiDuit  et  urbem  Hierusolyniaiu 
oiunibus  ante  se  ducibus  regibus  gentibus  aut  frustra  petitam  ant  oiunino 
iuteinptataiii  delevit"  (Piper,  Jahrbb.  fiir  deutsche  Theol.  1876,  pp.  52-54  ; 
Corp.  hiscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  944  ;  Dannesteter,  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  i. 
1880,  1?.  35  sq.  ;  on  its  genuineness :  Mornnisen,  Berichte  der  sacks, 
(j'esellsch.  der  Wissensch.  philol.-hist.  CI.  1850,  p.  303). — The  coins  of 
Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Domitian  with  the  superscription :  lovlutx; 
io.'Kux.vta.;,  Judaea  evida,  Judaea  capta,  and  such  like,  are  given  most 
fully  in  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jeivs,  1881,  pp.  207-229.  Compare  also 
De  Saulcy,  Kecherches  sur  la  N umismatiqiie  Judmque,  p.  155  sq.  ;  Numi.'i- 
matique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  p.  79  sq.  ;  Gladden,  Nitmismaiic  Chronicle,  1876, 
pp.  45-55  ;  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  183-197. 

1-^  Joseph  us.  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  5.  6  ;  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvi.  7. — Simon 
was  dragged  to  the  place  over  against  the  Forum  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii. 
5.  6  :  ilg  Tov  i'ttI  rii;  ecyopci:  icFvpero  tottoj/).  Upon  this  statement  Haver- 
camp  correctly  remarks:  "scil.  carcerem,  quern  Livius  dicit  Foro  im- 
minere."  The  career  Mamertinus  lay  near  the  Forum.  There,  and 
indeed  in  its  lower  part,  the  Tullianum,  were,  e.g.,  Jugurtha  and  the 
Catilinian  conspirators  put  to  death.  It  was  the  common  practice  to 
put  prisoners  of  war  to  death  there  by  strangling.  Trebellius  PoUio, 
Tyranni  triginta,  c.  22  (in  :  "  Scriptores  Historiae  Augustae,  ed.  Peter) : 
"  strangulatus  in  carcere  captivorum  veterum  more."  On  the  Career,  see 
also  Pauly's  Real-Enc\jclopaedie,  art.  "Tullianum,"  and  Gsell-Fels,  Rom. 
(1  Aufl.)  ii.  200  if. 

'*"  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  1. — On  the  situation  of  the 
Herodium,  see  vol.  i.  of  this  work,  p.  435. 

^^^  Macharus  in  Greek  :  M»x'^'P'>'^s  (^o  Josephus,  Strabo,  xvi.  2.  40,  p. 


§  20.    THE    GREAT   WAR  WITH  KOME,   A.D.  6C-73.  251 

b  *ld,   before  it  was   taken   by  storm,  yielded  by  a  voluntary 

surrender.     The  decision  to  surrender  was  finally  taken  in 

consequence  of  the  apprehension  of  a  youth  called  Eleasar,  who 

had  particularly  distinguished  himself  in  the  defence.     Bassus 

threatened  to  crucify  him  in  view  of  the  city,  and  in  order  to 

prevent  this  the  Jews  gave  over  the  fortress.^^"    In  the  meantime 

Lucilius  Bassus  died.     To  his  successor,  Flavins  Silva,  fell  the 

task  of  taking  Masada."'      In  that  fortress  the  Sicarii,  under 

763  ;  Stephanus  Byzant.  s.v.)  is  in  the  Semitic  languages  Mechawar,  miao 
or  K33D-  In  the  Mishna,  Tamid  in.  8,  the  editio  princeps,  the  Cambridge 
Manuscript,  and  cod.  de  Rossi,  138,  liave  "iliDD  ;  Aruch  has  "1330-  Both 
forms  also  occur  elsewhere,  but  "ilIDD  is  more  common.  The  pointing  of 
the  word  "illDO,  Mechawar,  as  in  cod.  de  Rossi,  138,  is  confirmed  by  the 

reading  "illSSDj  which  a  Munich  Manuscript,  Joma  39a,  has.  See  Levy, 
Neuhebrdisch.es  TVorterhuch,  in.  Ill  f.  Also  generally  :  Lightfoot,  Opera,  ii. 
582.  Besides  this  Semitic  form,  we  have  the  following :  Msi.'/,a./iipu; 
(Parthey,  Hieroclis  Synecdemus  et  Notitiae  graecae  episcopatuum,  18G6,  p. 
93)  and  Machaveron,  as  an  accusative  form,  Tobler  and  Molinier,  Itinera 
Hierosolyniitana,  1879,  p.  328. — According  to  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  2, 
Machiirus  had  been  fortified  as  early  as  in  the  days  of  Alexander 
Janniius.  Gabinius  demolished  the  fortress  (Antiq.  xiv.  5.  4  ;  IVars  of 
the  Jeios,  i.  8.  5).  Herod  the  Great  fortified  it  anew  {Wars  of  the  Jews, 
vii.  6.  2).  On  its  importance,  see  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  16.  72  :  "  Machaerus 
secunda  quondam  arx  Judaeae  ab  Hierosolymis."  —  It  lay  on  the 
southern  border  of  Peraea  {Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  iii.  3.  3),  and  in  the  time  of 
Herod  Antipas  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  king  of  Arabia  {Antiq. 
xviii.  5.  1).  Undoubtedly  it  is  the  modern  Mkaur,  east  of  the  Dead  Se.i. 
See  Seetzen,  Reiscn  durch  Syrien,  ii.  330  ft'.,  iv.  378  ft".  ;  Ritter,  Erdkunde, 
XV.  1.  577  f.  ;  Raumer,  Raliistina,  p.  264  ;  Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii. 
335  ff.  ;  Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  i.  329  f.  ; 
Parent,  Machaerous,  Paris  1868  ;  Tristram,  The  Land  of  Moab,  2nd  ed. 
1874,  p.  253  sqq.  ;  Due  de  Luynes,  Voyage  d' Exploration  a  la  mer  morte,  a 
Petra  et  sur  la  rive  gauche  du  Jourdain,  Paris,  s.  a.  [1874],  Atlas,  Sheets 
36-39  ;  Baedeker-Socin,  Palastina,  p.  317. 

'^^  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  1,  4. 

^^^  On  Masada,  i.e.  m\*D,  mountain  stronghold,  in  Strabo,    xvi.   2.  44, 

p.  764,  corrupted  into  Moatijosoa,  see  especially  the  comprehensive  mono- 
graph of  Tuch,  Masada,  die  herodianische  Felsenfeste,  nach  Fl.  Josephus  und 
neueren  Beohachtungen,  Leipzig  1863,  p.  4. — It  had  indeed  been  fortified 
even  by  the  high  priest  Jonathan  (  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  8.  3),  and  was 
spoken  of  as  an  important  stronghold  as  far  back  as  the  time  of  Hyrcanus 
II.  about  B.C.  42  {Antiq.  xiv.  1 1.  7  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  12.  1),  and  during 


252  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGK 

the  leadership  of  Eleasar,  the  son  of  Jairi,  and  a  descendant 
of  Judas  of  Galilee/^*  had  established  themselves  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  and  had  continued  to  maintain  their 
position.  The  siege  proved  a  very  difficult  business,  since 
the  rock  upon  which  the  fortress  was  built  rose  on  all  sides 
so  high  and  steep  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  bring  the 
engines  of  destruction  near.  Only  at  one  point,  and  even 
there  only  by  means  of  difficult  and  ingenious  preparatory 
operations,  was  it  possible  to  secure  a  place  for  a  battering- 
ram.  But  by  the  time  that  this  machine  had  made  a  breach 
in  the  wall,  the  besieged  had  already  erected  behind  that 
wall  another  bulwark  of  wood  and  earth,  which,  owing  to  its 
elasticity,  could  not  be  destroyed  by  the  battering-ram.  The 
enemy,  however,  by  the  use  of  fire  succeeded  in  setting  this 
obstacle  also  aside.  When  Eleasar  saw  that  there  was  no 
longer  any  hope  of  resisting  the  attack,  he  held  a  council 

the  invasion  of  Palestine  by  the  Parthians  served  as  a  safe  retreat  for  the 
members  of  the  family  of  Herod  (Antiq.  xiv.  13.  8  f.,  14.  6,  15.  1  f.  ;  Wars 
of  the  Jews,  i.  13.  7  f.,  15.  1,  15.  3  f.).  Herod  the  Great  fortified  it  anew 
( Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  vii.  8.  3). — According  to  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  8.  3,  it 
lay  near  to  the  ■western  bank  of  the  Dead  Sea  ;  according  to  Wars  of  the 
Jews,  iv.  7.  2,  it  was  not  far  from  Engedi.  So,  too,  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  1 7. 
73  :  "  Inde  {scil.  '  from  Engedi ')  Masada  castelhuu  in  rupe  et  ipsum  haut 
prociil  Asphaltite."  According  to  this,  and  according  to  the  description 
which  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  8.  3,  gives  of  the  locality,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  it  is  to  be  identified  with  the  modern  Sebbeh  on  the 
western  bank  of  the  Dead  Sea  south  of  Engedi,  as  Smith  and  Robinson 
Avere  the  first  to  recognise.  The  siege  works  of  the  Romans  of  A.D.  73  are 
.still  to  be  distinctly  seen  in  that  place.  See  generally  :  Robinson,  Biblical 
Researches  in  Palestine,  iii.  241  ff.  ;  Wolcott  and  Tip})ing  in  the  Bibliothcca 
sacra,  New  York  1843  ;  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  xv.  1,  p.  655  IF.  ;  De  Saulcj-, 
Voyage  autour  de  la  mer  morte,  Paris  1853,  Bd.  i.  p.  199  fF.,  with  atlas,  pi. 
xi.-xiii.  ;  Rey,  Voyage  dans  le  Haouran  et  aux  bards  de  la  mer  morte  execute 
pendant  les  anuses,  1857  et  1858,  Paris  ;  atlas,  ph  xxv.-xxvi.  ;  Tuch, 
Masada;  Sepp,  Jerusalem  und  das  heilige  Land,  2  Aufl.  Bd.  i.  1873,  p. 
821  ff.,  with  plans  and  illustrations ;  Baedeker-Socin,  Paldstina,  pp. 
298-300,  with  plan  ;  The  Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Memoirs  by  Conder 
and  Kitchoner,  iii.  418-421,  with  two  plans  and  an  illustration  ;  and  there- 
with Sheet  xxvi.  of  the  large  English  Map. 

^^*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  17.  9,  vii.  8.  1 


§  20.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  6C-73.  253 

with  the  garrison,  in  which  he  urged  that  they  should  first 
of  all  slay  the  members  of  their  own  families,  and  then  put 
one  another  to  death.  This,  therefore,  was  done.  When  the 
Komans  entered,  they  beheld  with  horror  that  no  more  work 
was  left  for  them  to  do.  Thus  was  the  very  last  stronghold 
of  the  rebellion  conquered  in  April  a.d.  73.^^^ 

After  the  fall  of  Masada  disturbances  were  made  by  tlie 
Jews  in  Alexandria  and  in  Cyrene,  which  in  the  former  place 
resulted  in  the  closing  of  the  temple  of  Onias  at  Leontopolis.^"^ 
But  these  after -vibrations  of  the  great  revolution  in  the 
mother  country  are  scarcely  worthy  of  being  mentioned  along- 
side of  the  original  movement,  The  fate  of  Palestine  was 
sealed  by  the  overthrow  of  Masada.  Vespasian  retained  the 
country  as  a  private  possession,  and  the  taxes  levied  went 
into  his  own  purse.'^^  Only  to  800  veterans  did  be  distribute 
grants  of  land  at  Emmaus  near  Jerusalem.^^*^      The  former 

135  Joaephus,  JFars  of  the  Jeivs,  vii.  8.  1-7,  9.  1-2. — According  to  vii. 
9.  1,  tlie  self-slaughter  of  the  garrison  of  Masada  took  place  on  the  15th 
Xanthicus  (Nisan,  April).  The  year  is  not  mentioned.  But  since  in  an 
earlier  passage,  vii.  7.  1,  the  fourth  year  of  Vespasian  is  mentioned,  which 
began  on  1st  July  a.d.  72  (comp.  Tacitus,  Hist.  ii.  79),  the  conquest  of 
Masada  must  have  occurred  in  the  spring  of  a.d.  73.  Compare  Ewald, 
History  of  Israel,  vii.  614. 

12^  Josephus,  }Fars  of  tlie  Jews,  vii.  10-11  ;  Life,  Ixxvi. 

13^  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jens,  vii.  6.  6  :  KiXiiiuv  nzu.na.])  viji'  d-oooadixi 
root/  lovoaiuv'  ov  yocp  y.XTUiciaev  iKU  izoKiv,  lotccv  uvru  t/jv  y^opotu  (Jiv'Ka.rrotv. 
Mommsen,  Eomische  Geschichte,  v.  539  f.  note,  discovers  in  tlio.se  words  a 
contradiction.  But  such  there  would  be  only  if  we  were  to  take  dTrohoadxt 
in  the  sense  of  "to  sell."  It  means,  however,  also  "to  farm  out."  The 
country  immediately  surrounding  Jerusalem  had  been  given  over  to  the 
tenth  legion  (Joseplius,  Life,  Ixxvi.). 

1^^  Josephus,  l-Fars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  6  :  CKTXKoaiot;  oi  fio'joi;  oItto  rii; 
OTpeirioi;  oicc(Diijit.itioig  )(,uptO'j  thuKtv  it;  KxrotKriGtv,  o  x.oc'hfnui  /xiv  ' A/ny^ocov;, 
u.-!rix,ii  OS  ruv  lipoao'hvfiuu  aruhiov;  Tptx-KovTU.  Tlie  reading  here 
vacillates  between  Tpiot,Kovr»  and  e^jj^oj/Tse.  Since  the  two  best  manuscripts 
have  rptocicovTu,  and  since  i^vjy.ouTot,  is  evidently  an  emendation  in  accordance 
with  Luke  xxiv.  13,  the  former  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  correct  reading. 
Accordingly  our  Emmaus  cannot  be  the  same  as  that  Emmaus  otherwise 
known,  situated  somewhere  about  20  or  21  miles  from  Jerusalem,  which, 
from  the  time  of  Julius  Africanus,  in  the  beginning  of  the  third  century 


254  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

temple -tax  of  two  drachmas  was  henceforth  exacted    of  all 

after  Christ,  was  called  Nicopolis.  On  it  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  159  ; 
Henderson,  Handbook  on  Palestine,  pp.  165-167  ;  Gelzer, /wZiws  Africanus, 
i.  5-7.  Sozomen  distinctly  declares  that  the  latter :  fUTci  rviv  a-'Kuntv 
'  Ispoao'hvftuv  xxl  r^v  Konoi  tZiv  '  \ovioitav  v/x/ij*,  had  the  name  of  Nicopolis 
{Hist.  eccl.  V.  21) ;  and  the  coins  of  Em  maus- Nicopolis  are  supposed  to 
have  an  era  from  about  a.d.  70.  See,  with  reference  to  this  point,  Belley 
in  the  Memoires  de  I' Acad,  des  inscr.  et  belles-lettres,  alte  serie,  Bd.  xxx. 
1764,  pp.  294-306  ;  Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  iii.  454  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de 
nie'dailles  ant.  v.  550  sq.,  Swppl.  viii.  376  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la 
Terre  /Samfe,pp.  172-175,406,pl.vi.3-5 :  De  Saulcy  in  Annuaire  de  la  Societe 
francaise  de  Num.  et  d'Arche'ol.  t.  iii.  2,  1869,  pp.  275-278  ;  De  Saulcy  in 
Melanges  de  Numismatique,  t.  ii.  1877,  p.  147  sq.  For  this  reason,  in  spite 
of  the  indication  of  distance  in  Josephus,  the  military  colony  of  Vespasian 
is  by  many  identified  with  Emmaus-Nieopolis.  So  e.g.  Kuhn,  Die 
Stddt.  und  biirgerl.  Verfassung  des  rom.  lieichs,  ii.  356  f.  ;  Marquardt, 
Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i.  2  Aufl.  1881,  p.  428  ;  Gelzer,  Julius 
Africanus,  i.  5-7  ;  with  hesitation  :  Grotefend  in  Pauly's  Real- Encyclopaedia, 
iii.  115.  But  the  assertion  of  Sozomen,  who  only  casually  throws  out 
this  suggestion,  and  probably  hastily  draws  this  conclusion  only  from  the 
name  Nicopolis,  is  confronted  by  the  definite  and  positive  statement  of 
Kusebius  and  other  chroniclers,  according  to  which  Nicopolis  had  not 
been  founded  earlier  than  the  time  of  Julius  Africanus,  and  only  then 
received  this  name.  According  to  Eusebius,  Ghronicon.  ad  ami.  Abr.  2237, 
ed.  Schoene,  ii.  1 78  sq.  =  67t7-o?m-o«  PascJiale,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  499,  in  the  time 
of  Helesgabalus  ;  according  to  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  676,  in  the  time  of 
Alexander  Severus.  Compare  also  generally  :  Jerome,  De  viris  illustriis, 
c.  QZ  =  Opera,  ed.  Vallarsi,  ii.  903,  and  an  anonymous  writing,  probably  from 
the  Church  history  of  Philip  of  Side,  dating  about  a.d.  430,  which  De  Boor 
has  edited  according  to  a  Codex  Barocxianus  [Te.cte  und  Untersuchungen  ::ur 
(reschichte  dsr  altchristlichen  Literatur,  edited  by  Gebhardt  and  Harnack,  v. 
2,  1888,  pp.  169, 174  f.].  Yet  another  is  given  in  Reland,  Palaestina,  p.  759. 
The  chief  pas.sage  in  Eusebius,  Ghronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  178  sq.,  runs  as 
follows  in  the  Armenian  :  "  In  Palestina  antiqua  Emmaus  restaurata  est 
Nicopolisque  vocata  cura  [praefectura]  et  interpellatione  Julii  Africaui 
chronographi  ad  regem  ;"  according  to  Jerome  :  "  In  Palaestina  Nicopolis 
quae  prius  Emmaus  vocabatur  urbs  condita  est,  legationis  industriam  pro 
ea  suscipiente  Julio  Africano  scribtore  temporum;"  according  to  the 
Ghronicon  Paschale :  Jlct.'KutarivT,;  'Nix.6'7ro>j:  ij  vporspov  'Kfi/itxov:  iKTiadti 
TTohii,  "irpiaiiivovros  VTsp  ccvriii  Kut'i  vpiiaruf^ivov 'Iov'Klou  i\(pptx,ocvov  tov  rcH 
XpovtKu.  avyypoL-^^ctf^.iuov.  That  this  is  correct,  and  that  the  statement  of 
Sozomen  is  false,  is  further  proved  by  this,  that  writers  before  Heliogabulus 
are  acquainted  only  with  the  name  Emmaus.  So  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  14. 
70  ;  Ptolemy,  v.  16.  7.  In  the  Itinerarium  Antoyiini  it  is  not  met  with  at 
all.     Also  Josephus,  Avho  frequently  mentions  tliis  Emmaus,  never  makes 


5  20..  THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  ROME,  A.D.  66-73.  255 

Jews  for  tlie  temple,  Jupiter  Capitolinus.^^'"*  The  inhabitants 
of  Palestine  became  impoverished,  and  by  the  seven  years'  war 
their  numbers  had  been  terribly  reduced.  A  Jewish  magis- 
tracy, of  the  kind  formerly  possessed,  no  longer  existed.  The 
one  gathering  point  which  still  remained   for  the  people  was 

the  remark  lliat  it  is  now  called  Nico})olis,  whereas  elsewhere  he  docs  not 
omit  such  notices.  The  existence  of  coins  of  the  Palestinian  Nicopolis 
before  Heliogabulus,  and  with  an  era  from  about  a.d.  70,  is,  however, 
very  questionable  indeed.  See  the  critical  remarks  by  De  Saulcy  in 
Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  pp.  172-175,  and  Monimsen,  Ephemeriii 
epigraphica,  t.  v.  1884,  p.  619.  The  coin  described  by  De  Saulcy  in  IIk; 
Appendix,  p.  406,  is  very  uncertain  as  to  reading.  In  the  Melanges  de 
N umiwiatiqiie,  ii.  147  sq.,  De  Saulcy  reports  that  he  had  received  from 
Jerusalem  a  copy  of  the  coin  described  by  Belley  of  the  year  72  aer.  Nicop., 
which  was  minted  after  the  death  of  Faustina,  who  died  A.D.  141.  But 
the  place  of  its  discovery  being  Jerusalem,  does  not  prove  that  the  coin 
belonged  to  the  Palestinian  Nicopolis.  It  may,  e.g.,  have  belonged  to  the 
Egyptian  city  of  that  name.  It  may  even  be  matter  of  question  whether 
we  should  not  read  P()  =  170,  instead  of  BO  =72,  according  to  the  era  of 
Augustus.  We  have  therefore  no  dependable  testimony  of  the  founding 
of  an  Enimaus-Nicopolis  about  a.d.  70.  Against  the  identification  of  the 
military  colony  of  Vespasian  with  this  Enimaus-Nicopolis,  it  may  be 
alleged,  besides  Josephus'  account  of  its  distance,  that  the  military  colony 
of  Vespasian  is  not  called  Nicopolis  by  Jo.sephus,  and  that,  on  the  other 
hand,  every  characteristic  feature  of  a  colony  is  wanting  in  Emmaus-Nico- 
j)olis.  Our  Emmaus  (  JFars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  6)  is  mo.st  probably  rather  to 
be  identified  with  the  New  Testament  Emmaus,  Luke  xxiv.  13,  although 
tlie  distance  in  the  two  cases,  respectively  30  and  60  furlongs,  are  only 
approximately  correct.  It  has  been  shrewdly  conjectured  that  our 
Emmaus,  in  which  Vespasian  founded  a  Roman  colony,  is  identical  with 
the  modern  Culonie  near  Jerusalem.  So  Sepj),  Jerusalem,  2  Autl.  i.  54-73; 
E wald,  ifisiory  of  Israel,  vii.  553,  612  ;  Hitzig,  Geschichte,  ii.  623  ;  Caspari, 
Chronological  and  Geographical  Introduction  to  the  Life  of  Christ,  p.  242  ; 
Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  vi.  306  ;  Furrer  in  Schenkel's  Bihellexicon,  ii.  107  ff. ; 
Fr.  W.  Schultz  in  Herzog,  Ktnl-Encyclopnedie,  2  Aufl.  xi.  771.  In  an 
inscription  found  at  Enimaus-Nicopolis  mention  indeed  is  made  of  a 
mil{es)  [leg.  V.]  Mac,  Ephemeris  epigraphica,  t.  v.  p.  620,  n.  1446.  Hut 
the  designation  as  miles,  instead  of  as  veteranus,  is  against  the  conjecture 
that  it  can  refer  to  one  of  the  veterans  settled  by  Vespasian.  In  a.d.  68  a 
fortilied  camp  of  the  fifth  legion  was  placed  at  Emiir,ius,  and  remained  a 
long  time,  probably  until  A.D.  70  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  8.  1,  v.  1.  6.). 

1"''  Josephus,  JVars  of  the  Jevs,  vii.  6.  6  ;  Dio  Cassius,  iv.  8.  1.     Compare 
Div.  IT.  vol.  i.  ]..  251. 


256  THE  KOMAN-HEBODIAN  AGE. 

the  law.  Around  this  they  gathered  now  with  anxious  and 
scrupulous  faithfulness,  and  with  the  indomitable  hope  that 
some  day,  under  an  established  civil  government,  and  even 
among  the  nations  of  the  world,  it  would  come  again  to  have 
a  recognised  place  and  practical  authority. 


§  21.  FROM  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM  TO  THE 
OVERTHROW  OF  BAR-COCHBA. 

1.  The  State  of  Affairs  in  Palestine  from  Vespasian  to 

Hadrian. 

The  separation  of  Judea  from  the  province  of  Syria,  which 
had  been  resolved  upon  at  the  time  when  Vespasian  was  sent 
thither  (see  above,  vol.  i.  p.  369),  continued  in  force  also 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  Judea — and  indeed  under 
that  very  name — formed  from  this  time  forth  an  independent 
province.^  Since  it  had  as  a  garrison  only  one  legion,  the 
Icgio  X.  Frdensis  (see  above,  p.  248),  alongside  of  which  were 
only  auxiliary  troops  (see  above,  p.  56),  the  commander  of 
that  legion  was  at  the  same  time  governor  of  the  province.  It 
appears  that,  as  a  rule,  the  position  was  held  by  men  of 
praetorian  rank.  It  was  only  at  a  later  period  that  the 
province  came  to  be  administered  by  men  of  consular  rank, 
probably  after  the  time  of  Hadrian,  since  even  then  the  Icgio 

^  The  name  .Judaea  occurs,  e.g.,  on  the  military  diploma  of  a.d.  86 
(Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  857,  Dipl.  xiv.),  on  the  inscription 
of  Julius  Severus  {Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  2830),  on  the  coin 
which  celebrates  Hadrian's  visit  to  Judea  {adventui  Aug.  Judaeae,  in 
Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881,  p.  231),  on  the  inscription  of  an  other- 
wise unknown  "  proc(urator)  Auf5(usti)  provincia(e)  Jud(aeae)  v(ices) 
a(gens)  l(egati)"  in  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  iii.  n.  5776,  and  elsewhere.  At 
a  later  date,  somewhere  after  Hadrian,  the  prevailing  designation  is  Syria 
Palaestina,  which  occurs  even  as  early  as  in  Herodotus  (see  Division  II. 
vol.  ii.  p.  193.  Yet  even  then  the  name  Judea  had  not  altogether  passed 
out  of  use.  The  geographer  Ptolemy  sets  both  alongside  of  each  other 
(Ptolemy,  v.  16.  1).  Compare  Marquardt,  Bomische  Staatsvenualtung,  Bd. 
i.  2  Aufl.  1881,  p.  421,  note  2  ;  P.  von  Rohden,  Be  Palaestina  et  Arabia 
orovinciis  Romanis  quaestiones  selectae,  1885,  pp.  1-3. 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  IL  fi 


258  THE  ROMAN-HERODIiN  AGE. 

VI.  Ferrata  was  stationed  in  Judea,  and  the  governor  was  not 
of  an  order  superior  to  the  commander  of  a  legion.^ 

From  the  series  of  governors  only  certain  names  are  now 
known  to  us.^  The  first  of  these  who  exercised  their  functions 
during  the  war  of  a.d.  70-73  have  already  been  briefly 
referred  to : — 

1.  Sex.  Vettulenus  Cerialis,  who  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem 
commanded  the  fifth  legion  (see  above,  p.  236).  He  remained 
after  the  departure  of  Titus  as  commander  of  the  garrison 
troops,  that  is,  of  the  tenth  legion  and  of  the  detachments 
joined  with  it,  and  gave  them  over  to  Lucilius  Bassus  (Wars 
of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  1).  His  full  name  is  given  in  an  inscription 
(Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinorum,  t.  x.  n.  4862). 

2.  Lucilius  Bassus,  who  took  the  strongholds  of  Herodium 
and  Macharus  (Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  vii.  6.  1—6).  He 
died  as  governor  (Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  8.  1).  The  procurator 
serving  under  him,  L.  Laberius  (not  Ai^epoL<;)  Maximus 
(Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  6.  6),  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of 
the  Arval  priesthood  :   Corpus  Inscriptionuvi  Latinorum,  t.  vi. 

*  Proofs  of  what  is  said  above  are  given  by  von  Roliden,  De  Palaestina 
et  Arabia  provinciis  Eomanis,  p.  30  sq.  On  an  inscription  found  recently 
in  Jerusalem,  dating  from  the  time  of  Caracalla,  one  M.  Junius  Maximus 
"leg(atus)  Augg.  (i.e.  duorum  Augustorum)  leg(ionis)  X.  Fr(etensis)"  is 
mentioned.  Seeing  that  he  is  designated  as  leg.  Augg.,  Zangemeister  had 
assumed  on  his  first  examination  of  the  inscription  (Zeitschrift  des  deutschen 
Palastina-Vereins,  x.  1887,  pp.  49-53)  that  this  commander  of  the  legion 
was  also  governor.  But  he  has  himself  rightly,  in  his  appendix  to  that 
article  (Zeitschrift,  xi.  138),  correctly  observed  that  in  that  case  the 
designation  pro  praetore  would  not  have  been  wanting.  The  person 
referred  to  was  therefore  only  commander  of  the  legion. 

3  Compare  the  collection  of  passages  in  :  Kuhn,  Die  stadtische  und 
biirgerliche  Verfassung  des  Rom.  Reichs,  ii.  184  f.;  Marquardt,  Romische 
Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i.  2  Aufl.  p.  419  f.  ;  von  Rohden,  De  Palaestina  et 
Arabia  provinciis  Romanis,  1885,  pp.  36-42  ;  Liebenam,  Forschungen  zur 
Verwaltungsgeschichte  des  rom.  Kaiserreichs,  Bd.  i.  1888,  pp.  239-244. — 
Gratz,  "  Die  roraischen  Legaten  in  Judaa  unter  Domitian  und  Trajan  und 
ihre  Beziehung  zu  Juden  und  Christen"  (Monatsschr.  fur  Gesch.  mid 
fVissensch.  des  Judenth.  1885,  pp.  17-34),  gives  only  rabbinical  legends. 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FROM  VESPASIAN  TO  IIADIilAN.  259 

n.  2059,  and  in  the  military  diploma  of  a.d.  83  {EplicmerU 
epigraphica,  v.  p.  612  sq.).  According  to  the  latter  authority, 
he  was  the  governor  of  Egypt. 

3.  L.  Flavins  Silva,  the  conqueror  of  Masada  (Josephus, 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii,  8-9).  He  was  consul  in  a.d.  81.  His 
full  name  is  given  as  L.  Flavins  Silva  Nonius  Bassus  in  the 
Acta  Arvalium,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinorum,  t.  vi.  n.  2059. 
Compare  Henzen,  Acta  Arvalium  Index,  p.  186. 

4.  M.  Salvidenus,  about  a.d.  80,  is  witnessed  to  l)y  a 
Palestinian  coin  of  Titus,  with  the  superscription  ETII  M. 
SAAOTIAHN{OT),  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  218.  He 
is  certainly  identical  with  the  M.  Salvidenus,  who,  according 
to  a  coin  of  Domitian,  was  proconsul  of  Bithynia  (Mionnet, 
Supplement,  v.  p.  2). 

5.  Cn.  Pompeius  Longinus,  a.d.  86.  In  a  military  diploma 
of  Domitian  of  a.d.  8  6  the  veterans  of  two  alae  and  four  cohorts 
are  referred  to  "  qui  .  .  .  sunt  in  Judaea  sub  Cn.  Pompeio 
Longino  "  (Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinorum,  iii.  p.  857,  Dipl. 
xiv.).  We  have  no  other  information  with  reference  to  these 
governors  of  Judea. — From  some  statements  of  the  diploma 
Henzen  thought  himself  justified  in  drawing  the  conclusion, 
that  at  that  time  warlike  operations  were  being  carried  on  in 
Judea.  The  premises,  however,  do  not  by  any  means  sustain 
such  a  conclusion.'* 

*  Henzen,  Jahrhiicher  des  Vcrcins  von  AKeriliumsfrcunden  im  HJicmlande, 
xiii.  1848,  pp.  34-37.  He  is  followed  by  :  Darmesteter,  licvue  des  etudes 
jaives,  i.  1880,  pp.  37-41;  Schiller,  Geschichte  der  romischen  Kaiserzeit,  i.  532. 
Aj^'ainst  this  view  :  Rohden,  De  Palaestina  et  Arabia,  p.  38  (in  accordance 
with  a  coninmnication  from  Mommsen). — Henzen's  rea.sons  are  :  (1)  The 
cohors  I.  Avyustana  Lusitanorum,  mentioned  on  the  diploma,  was  shortly 
before  stationed  in  Pannonia.  It  must  therefore  have  been  sent  for  from 
thence  in  order  to  strengthen  the  garrison  of  Judea.  (2)  Tlie  veterans, 
accoiding  to  the  diploma,  leceived  indeed  the  i-ank  of  citizens,  but  not  a 
full  discharge  {hoiiesia  missio).  It  was  therefore  thought  that  they  might 
still  be  needed.  Tlie  latter  argument  is  not  decisive,  and  the  cohors  I. 
A  uijinita  Lusitanorum  mentioned  on  the  inscription,  is  demonstrably 
diliercnt  from  the  cohors  I,  Lnsitanorum  settled  in  Pannonia  in  a.d.  85. 


2 GO  THE  ROMAN-IIEEODIAN  AGE. 

6.  Atticus,  about  a.d.  107.  In  two  fragments  of  Hege- 
sippus,  which  are  quoted  by  Eusebius,  it  is  reported  thut 
Simeon,  said  to  be  the  second  bishop  of  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem,  died  a  martyr's  death  "  under  the  Emperor  Trajan 
and  the  governor  Atticus"  (Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iii.  32.  3: 
eVt  Tpalavov  Kai(Tapo<;  Koi  viraTiKov  Attikov',  iii.  32.  6: 
eVt  'Attikov  tov  vrraTtKov).  In  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius 
this  event  is  placed  in  the  tenth  year  of  Trajan,  a.d.  107 
(Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  p.  162  sq.) ;  in  the 
Chronicon  Pascliale,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  471,  in  the  consulship  of 
Candidus  and  Quadratus,  a.d.  105.  Neither  of  these  state- 
ments, indeed,  has  the  value  of  traditional  testimonies,  least  of 
all  the  statement  in  the  Chronicon  Paschale,  which  has  only 
the  authority  of  Eusebius.  Our  Atticus  is  supposed  to  be 
identical  with  the  similarly  named  father  of  Herod  Atticus. 
The  designation  of  viruTiKo^  is  remarkable,  since  other  gover- 
nors of  Judea  had  held  this  office  before  their  consulship. — 
Compare  generally  :  Waddington,  Fastes  dcs 'provinces  asiatiques, 
p.  192  sq. ;  Dittenberger,  Hermes,  xiii.  1878,  pp.  67—89. 

7.  Pompeius  Falco,  about  a.d.  107  and  onwards.  The 
inscription  in  Corpus  Inscriptiomcm  Latinorum,  t.  x.  n.  6321, 
gives  the  cursus  Iwnorum  of  this  man,  who  is  known  from  the 
letters  of  the  younger  Pliny.  According  to  this  document  he 
was  also  "  leg(atus)  Aug(usti)  pr(o)  pr(aetore)  provinc(iae) 
[Judaeae]  et  ]eg(ionis)  X.  Eret(ensis)."  The  supplied  word 
Judaeae  is  warranted  here  by  the  fact  that  the  command  of 
the  tenth  legion  was  attached  to  the  governorship.  According 
to  Pliny,  Epist.  vii.  22,  this  governorship  dates  probably  from 
a.d.  107  to  A.D.  110,  for  in  the  letter  written  about  that 
time  Pliny  commends  a  friend  to  Falco  for  the  place  of  a 
tribune.  But  this,  according  to  the  other  date  of  the  cursus 
honorum,  could  only  have  happened  during  the  period  of  his 
governorship  of  Judea. — The  epistles  addressed  by  Pliny  to 
Pompeius    Ealco    are    Pliny,   Fpist.    i.    23,  iv.    27,  vii.    22, 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FROM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.  261 

ix.  15.  Compare  generally:  Mommsen,  Hermes,  iii,  1869, 
p.  51  ;  Pliny,  Epist.  ed.  Keil,  p.  422  (Index  by  Mommsen); 
Waddington,  Pastes  des  provinces  asiatiques,  pp.  202-204; 
Kohden,  p.  39;  Liebenam,  Forschungen,  i.  94  ff. ;  Petersen 
and  Luschau,  Beisen  in  Lykien  (1889),  p.  123. 

8.  Tiberianiis,  about  a.d.  114. — In  Joannes  Malalas,  ed. 
Dindorf,  p.  273,  the  express  language  of  a  writing  is  quoted, 
which  Tiberianus,  the  governor  of  Palaestina  prima,  addressed 
to  Trajan  during  his  stay  in  Antioch,  a.d.  114  (eV  tcS  Ze 
BLarpilSeiv  tov  avrov  Tpalavhv  ^arriXea  iv  ^Avrioj^eLO,  7i]<;  ^vp[a<; 
^ovXevofievou  to,  irepl  tov  iroXifiov  efirpvaev  avrcv  Ti,^epiavo<i, 
rjjeficov  TOV  irpcoTOv  TIaXaL(yTiva>v  e6vov<;,  TavTO).  In  it 
Tiberianus  calls  the  attention  of  the  emperor  to  the  fact  that 
the  Christians  in  a  foolish  manner  deliver  themselves  up  to 
martyrdom,  and  desires  directions  as  to  how  he  should  proceed. 
In  reply  Trajan  commanded  him  and  all  other  magistrates 
throughout  the  whole  empire  to  suspend  the  persecutions. 
This  same  story  is  told  in  a  somewhat  different  way  by  John 
of  Antioch  (in  Mliller,  Fragmcnta  hist,  graec.  iv.  580,  n.  111). 
The  statement  of  the  latter  is  literally  reproduced  by  Suidas 
in  his  Lexicon,  s.v.  Tpalav6<i.  Both  stories,  which  are  in 
thorough  agreement  on  all  essential  points,  are  in  respect  of 
contents  highly  suspicious.  Even  the  partition  of  Palestine 
into  Palaestina  prima  and  secunda  did  not  take  place  before 
the  end  of  the  fourth  century.  Against  the  historicity  of  the 
narrative,  see  Gieseler,  Kirchengeschichte/i.  1,  4  Aufl.  p.  129; 
Overbeck,  Studien  zur  GescJiichte  der  alten  Kirche,  i.  122; 
Gorres,  Zeitschrift  fur  tvissenschaftl.  Theologie,  1878,  p. 
38  f . ;  Keim,  Roin  und  das  Christenthum,  1881,  p.  526  f. 
In  favour  of  it :  Wieseler,  Die  Christenvcrfolgungen  der 
Caesaren,  1878,  p.  126  fif.  The  stories  of  Malalas  and  John 
of  Antioch  in  this  and  in  many  other  instances  have  so  much 
that  is  common,  that  evidently  the  one  must  have  borrowed 
from  the  other.    Since  both  probably  wrote  about  the  beginning 


262  THE  KOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

of  the  seventh  century,  it  is  a  question  to  whom  the  priority 
belongs.  The  style  of  the  particular  passage  before  us  speaks 
in  favour  of  the  view  now  prevalent,  that  Malalas  was  the 
older,  for  Malalas  communicates  the  letter  of  Tiberianus  in 
the  very  words  of  the  writer,  whereas  John  of  Antioch  only 
describes  its  contents.^* 

9.  Lusius  Quietus,  about  a.d.  117. — This  distinguished 
general,  after  he  had  put  down  the  outbreak  of  the  Jews  in 
Mesopotamia,  was  appointed  governor  of  Judea  (Eusebius, 
Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2.  5  :  'IovSaia<;  rjjeficov  vtto  rov  avTOKpdTopo<; 
avehel^Orj.  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  164;  in  Greek, 
in  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i,  657,  at  the  18th  year  of  Trajan 
[2131  Abr.]  :  rjye/jLcov  t?^?  'lovhala^i  hia  tovto  Kadiararat). 
Dio  Cassius  merely  says  that  he  administered  the  government 
of  Palestine  after  his  consulship  of  a.d.  115  (Dio  Cassius, 
Ixviii  32  :  vTrarevo-ai.  t?}?  re  IIa\aLaTivT]<i  ap^at).  That 
Trajan  sent  to  Palestine  a  consular  legate,  not  merely  one  of 
praetorian  rank,  was  occasioned  by  the  peculiarly  difficult 
condition  of  affairs  at  that  time. — By  Hadrian,  Lusius  Quietus 
was  recalled  (Spartian.  vita  Hadriana,  c.  5  :  "  Lusium  Quietum 
.  .  .  exarmavit "),  and  soon  thereafter  put  to  death  {ibid.  c.  7  ; 
Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  2). — Compare  generally :  Borghesi,  Oeuvres, 
i.  500  sq. 

10.  Tineius  Eufus,  a.d.  132. — When  the  revolution  of 
Barcochba  broke  out,  one  Eufus  was  governor  of  Judea 
(Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6.  1  :  'Poixpof;  eirdp-^oav  Trj(;  'IovSaia<;). 

■*3'  Compare  :  C.  Miiller,  Fragmenta  Hist.  Grace,  iv.  536,  in  favour  of  the 
priority  of  John  of  Antioch. — Gutschmid,  Grenzboten,  22  Jahrg.  1863, 
1  Semester,  1  Bd.  p.  345  f.,  in  favour  of  the  priority  of  Malalas. — Momm- 
sen,  Hermes,  vi.  1872,  pp.  323-383  ;  Nicolai,  Griech.  Literaturgeschichte,  iii. 
56  f.,  96  f. ;  Stokes  in  Smith  and  Wace,  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography, 
iii.  787  sq.;  Gelzer,  Julius  Africanus,  i.  74,  228  ff.,  ii.  129,  in  favour  of  the 
priority  of  Malalas ;  Sotiriadis, "  Zur  Kritik  des  Johannes  von  Antiocha,"  in 
Jahrbiicher  filr  class.  Philol.,  16  Supplementbd.  1888,  pp.  1-126,  especially 
pp.  68-83,  going  back  again  to  the  idea  that  John  of  Antioch  is  the 
older. 


§21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FliOM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.  263 

In  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius  he  is  called  Tineius  Eufus 
(Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  166  sq.  ad.  ann.  Ah: 
2148  ;  in  Greek,  in  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  660  :  r^yeiTo  8e 
Tp]<i  'IovSaia<;  TivviO'^  'Pov(f)o<; ;  in  Latin,  in  Jerome  :  "  tenente 
provinciam  Tinnio  Eufo  ").  In  Jerome  on  Daniel  c.  9,  s.  fin. 
ed.  Vallarsi,  v.  695:  Timo  Eufo;  on  Zechariah  viii.  16  sqq. 
ed.  Vallarsi,  vi.  852  :  T.  Annio  Eufo  (so  the  earlier  editions; 
the  reading  Turannio  Eufo  is  only  a  conjecture  of  Vallarsi). 
Undoubtedly  the  correct  form  is  Tineius  Eufus,  as  is  proved 
by  Bcrghesi.  For  one  Q.  Tineius  Eufus,  who  was  consul 
under  Commodus,  is  referred  to  on  several  inscriptions.  He 
may  have  been  son  or  grandson  of  one  Eufus.  See  Borghesi, 
Oeuvres,  iii.  62—64,  viii.  189  sq. ;  Eenan,  L'dglisG  chr6tienne, 
p.  192  sq. ;  and  also  Corijus  Inscriptionum  Laiinorum,  t.  vi. 
n.  1978. 

In  order  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  Publicius  Marcellus, 
who  up  to  that  time  had  been  governor  of  Syria,  was  also 
sent  into  Judea  {Corpus  Inscriptionum  Graccorum,!]..  4033  = 
Arcliaolog.-epigr.  Mittkeilungcn  aus  Ocsterreich-Ungarn  Jaltrg. 
ix.  1885,  p.  118:  TjvUa  IIov/3\kio<;  MdpK€Wo<;  Sea  rrjv 
Kivrjaiv  T7]V  ^Iov8a'iK7]v  fiera^ejBtjKei,  drro  Xvpi,a<i ;  the  same 
statement  also  is  found  in  Corpus  Inscript.  Grace,  n.  4034). 
This  strengthening  of  the  fighting  forces  in  Judea  is  also 
referred  to  by  Eusebius  {Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6.  1  :  o-TparicortKij'i 
avTw  avfj.fia-^la9  inro  ^acn\ea><{  7re/x06'e/cr7;9.  Compare 
Clironicon  ad.  ann.  Ahr.  2148). 

11.  Julius  Severus,  a.d.  135.  —  The  suppression  of  the 
Jewish  revolution  was  thoroughly  completed  only  by  Julius 
Severus,  who  was  sent  to  Judea  from  Britain,  where  he  had 
been  up  to  that  time  governor  (Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  13).  The 
cursus  honoru?n  of  this  man  is  given  in  the  inscription,  Corpus 
Inscriptionum  Zatiriorum,  t.  iii.  n.  2830,  where  the  higher 
offices  are  enumerated  in  the  following  order  :  "  leg(ato)  pr(o) 
pr(aetore)  imp(eratoris)  Traiani  Hadriani  Aug(usti)  proviuciae 


264  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

Daciae,  cos.  leg.  pr.  pr.  provinciae  Moesiae  inferioris,  leg.  pr. 
pr.  provinciae  Brittaniae,  leg.  pr.  pr.  provinciae  Judeae,  leg. 
pr.  pr.  provinciae  Suriae."  This  therefore  confirms  the  state- 
ment of  Dio  Cassius  that  he  came  from  Britain  to  Judea. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  statement  of  Dio  Cassius,  or  rather 
that  of  his  unskilful  epitomizer  Xiphilinus,  that  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  Jewish  revolt  he  was  made  governor  of 
Bithynia  (Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  14),  is  the  result  of  a  confusion 
between  him  and  another  Severus.  Our  Julius  Severus,  who 
was  consul  in  a.d.  127,  was  called  Sextus  Julius  Severus 
{Corpus  Inscript.  Lat.  iii.  p.  874,  Dipl.  xxxi.),  but  the 
governor  of  Bithynia  was  Tl.  Xeovrjpo<i  {Corpus  Inscript. 
Graec.  n.  4033  and  4034),  or,  according  to  a  more  recent 
copy  of  one  of  these  inscriptions,  IT.  Seovrjpo<;  {Archdolog.- 
epigr.  Mittheilungen  aus  Oesterreich-Ungarn,  ix.  118  =  Corpus 
Inscript.  Graec.  n.  4033).  Compare,  Marquardt,  Romischt 
Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i  2  Aufl.  1881,  p.  353;  liohden, 
p.  42.* 

^  In  the  list  of  governors  of  Judea  we  also  find  one  Cl{audius)  Pater{nus) 
Clement{ianus),  who,  according  to  an  inscription  {Corpus  Innvr.  Lat.  t. 
iii.  n.  5776),  was  "  proc(urator)  Aug(usti)  provincia(e)  Jud(aeae)  v(ices) 
a(gens)  l(egati),"  therefore  procurator  or  administrator  in  place  of  the 
deceased  or  recalled  governor.  The  date  of  this  inscription,  however,  is 
altogether  unknown.  For  from  the  circumstance  that  the  province  is 
named,  not  Syria  Palastina,  but  Judea,  it  cannot  with  certainty  be  con- 
cluded that  the  inscription  is  earlier  than  the  time  of  Hadrian,  as  Eohden, 
p.  41,  thinks  he  may  conclude. — Just  as  little  explanation  is  obtained 
from  the  rabbinical  legends  about  a  Roman  ijysfiuv,  who  is  said  to  have 
proposed  captious  questions  to  Jochanan  ben  Saccai,  at  the  end  of  the 
first  century  after  Christ.  For  the  corrupt  condition  of  the  text  makes 
it  impossible  even  to  determine  his  name  with  certainty.  He  is  called, 
jer.  Sanhedrin  196  (Cracow  edition),  D1t33iNj  Agnitos  {Egnatius  ?),  19  c. 
Antonimis,  and  at  19a,  Antigonus.  In  other  places  we  also  find  other 
forms.  The  Hegemon  Agnitos  (p?Ojn  Dlti^JJX)  who,  according  to  Sifre  on 
Deut.  §  351,  is  said  to  have  put  a  similar  question  to  Gamaliel  II.  in 
the  beginning  of  the  second  century  after  Christ,  is  certainly  the  same 
Agnitos.  See  generally  :  Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  p.  316  sq.  ; 
Levy,  Neuhebraisches  Worterhuch,  i.  1046,  108rt  ("art."  D1t2J3S  and 
D13''J1D3X);  Bacher,  Die  Agada  der  Tannaiten,  i.  1884,  p.  39  L  —  Monats- 


§  -.'l.    (l)    PALESTINE  FROM  VESPASIAN  TO  IIADPJAN.  265 

The  residence  of  the  imperial  governor,  as  in  earlier  times 
that  of  the  procurators  had  also  been,  was  not  Jerusalem,  but 
Caesarea,  the  important  coast  town  built  by  Herod  the  Great.^ 
It  was  formed  by  Vespasian  into  a  Eoman  colony,  and  bore 
the  official  name  col(onia)  prima  Fl(avia)  Augiiista)  Caesarensis 
or  Caesarea^  Jerusalem  had  been  so  completely  razed  to  the 
ground  "  that  there  was  left  nothing  to  make  those  that  came 
thither  believe  it  had  ever  been  inhabited."  *  It  was  first  of 
all  only  a  Eoman  camp,  in  which,  if  not  the  whole  of  the 
tenth  legion,  yet  at  least  the  chief  portion  of  it,  had  its  head- 
quarters, together  with  its  baggage  and  followers.^ 

In  regard  to  the  other  changes  made  upon  the  organization 
of  the  Palestinian  city  communities  we  have  only  scattered 
notices.  To  what  extent  Vespasian  held  the  country  as  a 
private  possession  cannot  be  very  clearly  understood  from  the 
indefinite  statements  of  Josephus  (see  above,  p.  253).  His 
private  possessions  seem  to  have  extended  not  merely  to  the 
town  domains  of  Jerusalem,  but  to  all  Judea  —  that  term 
being  understood  in  its  proper  and  more  restricted  sense 
(nraaav  ytjv  rayv  ' lovhaiwv).  The  only  new  town  which 
Vespasian  here  founded  was  the  military  colony  of  Emmaus 
(see  above,  p.  253).  In  Samaria,  Flavia  Neapolis,  which 
rapidly  grew  and  flourished,  was  then  founded.  For  that  its 
founding  belongs  to  the  time  of  Vespasian  is  proved  not 
only  by  its  name  and  by  the  reference  in  Pliny,  but  also  by 

schriftfUr  Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  der  Judenthums,  1882,  p.  159  f.  ; 
Gratz,  Monatsschrift,  1885,  p.  17  fF. 

^  After  Flavius  Silva  had  conquered  Masada  he  went  back  again  to 
Caesarea  {Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  10.  1). — Tacitus  also  describes  Caesarea 
as  Judaeae  caput  (Tacitue,  Hist.  ii.  78). 

^  For  further  particulars,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  84. 

*  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vii.  1.  1  :  rov  3'  d'hT^ou  ci-^rxuTix.  rij;  ■nsAfw; 

TTioTiu  oiv  'in  7rccp«a-^i7v  rolg  Tirpoai'hSovat. 

'  Compare  the  details  as  given  by  Gregorovius,  Sitzungsherichte  der 
jihilosoph.-'philol.  und  hid.  Classe  der  Miinchener  Akademie,  1883,  p.  477  ff. 


266  THE  HOMAN-IIERODIAN  AGE. 

the  era  of  the  city,  the  starting  -  point  of  which  is  to  he 
reckoned  about  a.d.  72.^°  It  lay  upon  the  site  of  a  place 
which  was  previously  called  Mabortha  or  Mamortha,  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  Shechem,  so  that  it  soon  came  to  be 
identified  with  Shechem.^^  In  the  later  days  of  the  empire 
it  was  one  of  the  most  important  cities  of  Palestine.^"^  The 
inhabitants  were  wholly  or  predominantly  pagan,  as  their 
modes  of  worship  witnessed  to  by  coins  prove.      Upon  not  a 

1°  The  full  name  in  Justin  Martyr's  Apology,  i.  c.  1  :  oLtto  (^'Kaovict; 
Nsaj  'xc/KiUi  T^j  ^vplotg  UxXotiart!/'/];.  Similarly  :  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv. 
12.  So,  too,  on  the  coins.  On  the  coins  and  on  the  era,  see  Noris,  Annus 
et  epochae  Syromacedonum.,  v.  5.  2  (ed.  Lips.  pp.  537-552) ;  Eckliel,  Dodr. 
Num.  iii.  433-438  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  medailles,  v.  499-511,  Supplew. 
viii.  344-355  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatirpie  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  pp.  244-274. 
pi.  xii.-xiv. 

'^  Josephus,  TFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  8.  1  :  '^xpac  t/.v  Ni«xo>.;i/  Kd'hovyAyrrj, 
Ma,l2op6ix,  Is  VTTO  ruv  i-^rixojpicav. — Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  13.  69:  Neapolis 
quod  antea  Mamortha  dicebatur. — Eusebius,  Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p. 
290  :  '2v)(,sf<,  i]  x,cci  'S.tKi^ux  »j  Kctt  S^A^j^*  TrclA/j  'loCKUii  viiu  ipvifAo;'  OiiKuvrxt 
Si  0  ToVo?  11/  "Trpoxarstoi^  Nissf  xo'Asojj.  Ibid.  p.  274,  s.v.  Aovl^cc'  "Trxpot- 
y^sifiiVYi  'S.vxsfi  dTTo  3  ayif^.iiov  Nex;  xo'Xswj  ;  instead  of  which  Jerome  gives 
in  his  text  more  correctly  :  in  tertio  lapide  Neapoleos;  Epiphanius,  Haer. 
72.  23  :  iu  liKifioi;  rovreanu  h  rri  NixvoT^si.  So,  too,  Haer.  80. 1. — Jerome, 
"  Peregr.  Paulae,"  in  Tobler,  Palaestinae  descriptiones,  p.  23  (  =  Jerome,  Opf. 
ed.  Vallarsi,  i.  703) :  "  Sichem,  non  ut  plerique  errantes  legunt  Sichar, 
quae  nunc  Neapolis  appellatur." — Compare  generally  :  Eeland,  Palaestina, 
pp.  1004-1010;  Eoljinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine,  iii.  95-136  ; 
Williams  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography,  ii.  411, 
412  ;  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  xvi.  637-658  ;  Kuhn,  Die  stiidtische  und  biirger- 
liche  Verfassung  des  rom.  Reichs,  ii.  56,  355,  356,  364  ;  Sepp,  Jerusalem, 
2  Aufl.  ii.  37-66  ;  Guerin,  Samarie,  i.  390-42 1 ;  Baedeker  -  Socin, 
Palastina,  p.  342  ff.  ;  The  Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Memoirs  b\^ 
Conder  and  Kitchener,  ii.  203-210,  and  Sheet  xi.  of  the  large  English 
Map. — The  articles  on  Shechem  in  the  Bible  dictionaries  of  Smith,  Kitto, 
and  Fairbairn  ;  and  "Sichem"  in  those  of  Winer,  Schenkel,  and  Riehm. 

12  By  Septimius  Severus  it  was  deprived  oi  the  jus  civitatis  {Spartia7i. 
vita  Severi,  c.  9),  but  the  same  emperor  at  a  later  period  again  restored  to 
it  that  privilege  (Spartian.  vita  Severi,  c.  14  :  "  Palaestinis  poenam  remisit 
quam  ob  causam  Nigri  meruerant ").  Under  Philip  the  Arabian,  accord- 
ing to  the  evidence  of  the  coins,  it  was  mads  into  a  Roman  colony. 
Ainmianus  MarcelliuTis  designates  it  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  cities  of 
Palestine  {Ammiav.  xiv.  8.  11). 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FROM  YESrASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.  267 

few  of  these  coins,  later  than  the  time  of  Hadrian,  Gerizini 
is  represented,  and  on  its  top  a  temple  which  was  dedicated, 
according  to  Damascius,  to  Zev^;  vylriaTo<;P'^  The  festive 
games  of  Neapolis  during  the  second  century,  and  certainly 
even  at  a  later  date,  were  regarded  as  amongst  the  most 
important  in  Palestine.-^"^ — The  founding  of  Capitolias  in 
Decapolis  belongs  to  the  time  of  Nerva  or  Trajan ;  its  era 
begins  in  a.d.    97  or  98.'^     Hadrian   founded  Aelia  on  tlie 

>2a  On  the  iiumerons  extant  coins,  from  Domitian  down  to  the  middle 
of  tlie  third  century,  we  meet  with  Serapis,  Apollo,  the  Ephesian  Diana, 
and  other  deities.  In  regard  to  the  temple  on  Gerizim,  see  "  DamasciuH  ' 
in  Photius,  Bibliotheca,  cod.  242,  ed.  Bekker,  p.  3456 ;  iu  Z  A;oV  vT^iarw 
AytUTctrov  hpov.  Renan,  L'e'glise  chre'tienne,  p.  222.  On  the  earlier  and 
later  history  of  the  worship  on  Gerizim,  see  Eckhel,  Doer.  Num.  iii.  434.-- 
The  flourishing  condition  of  Hellenistic  culture  and  religion  in  Neapolis 
is  also  proved  by  a  marble  basis  of  a  tripod  recently  found  there.  On  the 
relief  of  this  marble  are  represented  the  battles  of  the  gods  and  the  heroes, 
especially  of  Theseus  and  Hercules.  According  to  an  inscription  dis- 
covered there,  the  tripod,  probably  also  the  marble  basis,  had  been 
brought  by  the  founder  from  Athens.  See  Zeitschrift  des  dcutschen 
Paliistina-  Vereins,  vi.  230  f.,  vii.  136  f. 

1"''  See  the  inscription  of  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurelius  in  Le  Bas  and 
Waddington,  Liscriptionx,  t.  iii.  2,  n.  16206,  communicated  literally  and 
in  full  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  24. 

1^  Eckhel,  Doer.  Num.  iii.  328  sq. — For  the  literature  on  Capitolias, 
which  possibly  may  be  identical  with  Raphana,  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  106. — 
Capitolias  is  mentioned  in  Ptolemy,  v.  15.  22  ;  Itinerarium  Anionini,  ed. 
Wesseling,  pp.  196  sq.,  198  ;  Tabula  Peuting.  Hierodis  Synccdcm.  ed. 
Wesseling,  p.  720  ;  Geogr.  Savennas,  ed.  Pinder  et  Parthey,  p.  84  ;  Acts  of 
Councils  in  Le  Quien,  Oriens  christianus,  iii.  715  sq.  ;  Orelli,  Jnscr.  Lat. 
n.  QA\  =  Cor;pus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  210;  ibid.  t.  x.  n.  532  ;  Ejphemeris 
epigraphica,  t.  iv.  p.  331  {D  II.),  t.  v.  pp.  211-398  ;  coins  from  Marcus 
Aurelius  down  to  Macrinus. — Many  (e.g.  Kuhn,  Die  stadtische  und  bilrgcr- 
liche  Verfassung,  ii.  372)  erroneously  refer  to  our  Capitolias  the  notice  of 
the  jurist  Paulus  in  Digest.  1.  15.  8.  7  :  similes  his  Capitulenscs  esse 
videntur,  i.e.  like  Caesarea,  which,  as  a  colony,  had  not  the  full  jus 
Italieum,  Capitolias  was,  according  to  the  coins,  ccvrouof^oi,  and  therefore 
not  a  Roman  colony.  Paulus  means  Aelia  Capitulina,  that  is,  Jerusalem, 
as  the  parallel  passage  in  Ulpian  (Digest,  1.  15.  1.  6)  i)roves  :  "  In 
Palestina  duae  fuerunt  coloniae,  Caesariensis  et  Aelia  Capitolina,  eed 
neutra  jus  Italieum  habet."  The  correct  view  is  given  in  Noris,  Annus  et 
epochae  Syrom,acedonum,  iii.  9.  4,   ed.  Lips.  326 ;    Deyling,  Obyervatloncs 


2C8  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

site  of  Jerusalem,  the  history  of  which  is  given  below  in  the 
account  of  the  war.  Other  new  foundings  of  Palestinian 
cities  belong  to  a  period  later  than  that  of  which  we  treat, 
such  as  that  of  Diocaesarea  =  Sepphoris  (known  under  its 
new  name  from  the  time  of  Antonius  Pius,  see  Div.  II.  vol. 
i.  p.  136),  Diospolis  =  Lydda,  Eleutheropolis  (both  under 
Septimius  SeverusV*  Nicopolis  =  Emmaus  (under  Helio- 
gabulus). 

The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  brought  about  a  violent 
revolution  in  the  inner  life  of  the  Jewish  people.  No  longer 
a  Sanhedrim  and  no  longer  a  sacrificial  service, — the  loss  of 
those  two  great  institutions  was  of  itself  sufficient  to  produce 
a  profound  change  in  the  conditions  of  Jewish  life.  But  it 
has  first  of  all  to  be  established  that  the  sacrificial  service 
actually  did  cease."  Not  only  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
tlie  date  of  the  composition  of  which  is  uncertain,  but  also 
Clement  of  Eome  and  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to 
Diognetus,  who  undoubtedly  wrote  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  speak  as  if  in  their  time  the  Jewish  sacrificial 
worship  was  still  maintained.^*  And  Josephus  also  expresses 
liimself  quite  to  the  same  effect.  Not  only  where  he  describes 
the  Jewish  sacrificial  worship  in  accordance  with  the  Old 
Testament,^^  but  also  where  he  apparently  speaks  of  the 
customs  and  practices  of  his  own  time,  he  employs  the  present 

nacrae,  v.  475  ;  but  Deyling  erroneously  names  Noris  as  maintaining  the 
contrary  opinion. 

^*  Stark,  Gaza  und  die  philistciische  Kiiste,  p.  553. 

^^  Compare  the  careful  demonstration  in  Fried mann  and  Gratz,  "Die 
angebliche  Fortdauer  des  jiidischen  Opfercultus  nach  der  Zerstorung  des 
zweiten  Tempels"  {Theol.  Jahrbiicher,  1848,  pp.  338-371). — Against  them  : 
Friedenthal  in  Fiirst's  Literal urblatt  des  Orients,  1849,  col.  328-322. — 
Against  him  again  :  Friedraann  in  Liter aturhlatt,  401,  433,  465,  534,  548. 
— In  reply  :  Friedenthal,  Literaturblatt,  492,  524,  573,  702. — Derenbourg, 
Historie  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  480-483. 

'''•  Clemens  Ronianus,  c.  41  ;  Epist.  ad  Diognetum,  c.  3. 

^'  Josephus,  Antiq.  iii.  9-10. 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FROM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.  269 

tense.^^  It  is  indeed  the  fact  that  when  speaking  of  the 
sacrifices  for  the  Eoman  people  and  for  the  Eoman  emperor 
he  makes  use  of  this  mode  of  expression,  although  this  was 
purely  a  later  custom,  and  was  not  a  prescription  of  the  Old 
Testament.^^  Besides  this,  we  have  also  scattered  allusions 
in  the  rabbinical  literature,  which  seem  to  indicate  the 
continuance  of  the  sacrificial  service  after  a.d.  70.^"  It  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  many  on  the  basis  of  such  material 
should  have  maintained  the  continuance  of  the  sacrificial 
worship.  In  itself  this  was  quite  a  possible  thing.  In  an 
interesting  passage  in  the  Mishna,^^  E.  Joshua  testifies  :  "  I 
have  heard  that  one  ought  to  present  sacrifice  even  if  there 
be  no  temple ;  that  one  should  eat  that  which  is  sanctified 
[on  this  see  Division  II.  vol.  i.  p.  236],  even  though  there 
be  no  wall  around  the  court ;  that  one  may  eat  what  is  holy 
in  a  lower  degree  [see  on  this  Division  II.  vol.  i.  p.  240] 
and  the  second  tithe,  even  if  there  should  be  no  wall  around 
Jerusalem ;  for  the  first  consecration  has  sanctified,  not  only 
for  its  own  time,  but  for  all  future  time."  It  was  not  there- 
fore in  utter  opposition  to  the  views  of  the  Eabbis  that  men 
should  continue  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple  to  offer 
sacrifices  in  holy  places.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact  this  was 
not  done.  In  the  enumeration  of  the  unfortunate  days  of 
Israel  it  is  distinctly  said  that  on    17th  Thammuz  the   daily 

'*  Joseph  UP,  Treatise  atjainst  Apion,  ii.  23. 

^^  Josephus,  Treatise  against  Apion,  ii.  6,  5.  fin. :  "  facimus  autem  pro 
eis  continua  sacrificia  ;  et  non  solum  quotidianis  diebus  ex  impensa 
communi  omnium  Judaeorum  talia  celebramus,  verum  ....  solia 
imperatoribus  hunc  honorem  praecipuum  paiiter  exhibemus.'' 

^^  The  most  deserving  of  attention  is  Pesachim  vii.  2,  where  tlie  ques- 
tion is  discussed  whether  one  should  roast  the  paschal  lamb  on  a 
gridiron.  "  R.  Zadok  said  :  Once  Eabban  Gamaliel  spoke  to  his  slave 
Tabi :  Go  and  roast  us  the  paschal  lamb  on  the  gridiron."  Since  a  slave 
Tabi  is  elsewhere  named  as  servant  of  Gamaliel  tlie  second,  about 
A.D.  90-110  {Berachoth  ii.  7;  Succa  ii.  1),  it  would  seem  that  this  later 
Gamaliel  is  the  one  intended  in  this  place. 

^^  Edujoth  viii.  C. 


270  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

sacrifice  was  abolished  ("'"P^jiO  -'^?),^^  while  there  is  nowhere 
any  reference  made  to  its  restoration.  In  the  description  of 
the  Passover  in  the  Mishna,  the  enumeration  of  the  dishes  that 
had  to  be  set  upon  the  table  is  concluded  with  the  remark : 
"  During  the  time  that  the  temple  was  standing  the  Passover 
offering  also  was  served.^''  This  implies  that  after  the 
destruction  of  the  temple  it  was  no  longer  offered.  In  speak- 
ing of  the  legal  enactments  for  determining  the  new  moon  it 
is  said:  "  So  long  as  the  temple  remained  standing  those  who 
had  seen  the  new  moon  were  allowed  to  violate  the  Sabbath 
by  going  to  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  testify  thereto,  for  the  sake 
of  the  observance  of  the  sacrifice  on  the  festival  of  the  new 
moon."  ^*  The  harmonious  testimony  of  those  passages  of  the 
Mishna  is  confirmed  by  others  in  the  Babylonian  Talmud  of  a 
character  yet  more  direct,  if  that  were  possible,  which  assume 
even  in  regard  to  the  times  of  Eabban  Jochanan  ben  Saccai, 
Kabban  Gamaliel  II.  and  R  Ishmael,  i.e.  the  first  decade  after 
the  destruction  of  the  temple,  that  the  whole  sacrificial 
worship  had  ceased."^  Finally,  Justin  also  appears  as  a 
witness  on  behalf  of  this  view.  He  says  to  his  opponent 
Trypho :  "  God  never  appointed  the  Passover  to  be  offered 
except  in  the  place  where  His  name  was  to  be  called  upon, 
knowing  that  after  the  passion  of  Christ  the  days  would  come, 
when  even  Jerusalem  would  be  given  over  to  our  enemies, 
and  all  sacrifices  should  cease."  ^^  And  in  another  passage 
Trypho  himself  says  in  answer  to  Justin's  question  as  to 
whether  it  was  not  then  still  possible  to  observe  all  the 
commands  of  Moses  :  "  By  no  means,  for  we  know  well  that  it 

"*  Taanith  iv.  G.     Coini>are  wiiat  is  said  above,  p.  242. 
-3  Pesachim  x.  3.  "*  i^osh  hashana  i.  4. 

^*  Rosh  hashana   31^  Pesachim   72*',  Sebachim  60'',  in  Fricdmanu  and 
Griitz,  Theol.  Jahrbiicher,  1848,  p.  349  ff. 

-''  Justin,  Dialogus  cum  Trypho,  c.  40  :    tihu;  on  i'htvrfovTxi  iifiipxt  /itiToe 

TO     TTOiSilv    TOP     XoiOTOV,     OTl     X,xl     6     TOTTOi     TSJJ    '  lipOVOX'h'/i//,     TOi;     i^dpol;    U/XU» 

voip*hodi!7iTot.t  Kxi  vetwoi/TXi  ecTrxaxt  xtt'Ku;  '7irpoo<popxt  yivopavxi. 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FIIOM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.  271 

is  not  allowable  to  slay  the  paschal  lamb  nor  the  goats  for 
the  Day  of  Atonement,  nor  generally  to  present  any  of  the 
other  offerings  in  any  other  place."  ^^ — If,  then,  Christian 
writers  and  Josephus,  even  long  after  the  destruction  of  the 
temple,  still  speak  of  the  presenting  of  sacrifices  in  the  present 
tense,  they  only  describe  thereby  what  is  still  allowable,  but  a 
right  that  was  no  longer  actually  exercised.  Precisely  the  same 
view  is  presented  in  the  Mishna  from  the  first  page  to  the 
last,  for  all  institutions  that  are  legally  correct  are  described 
as  existing  customs,  even  although  their  observance  owing  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  time  was  impossible."* 

Two  facts,  therefore,  of  the  highest  importance  and  most 
widely  influential  are  well  established :  the  abolition  of  the 
Sanhedrim  and  the  cessation  of  the  sacrificial  worship.*^ 
In  the  Sanhedrim  there  had  been  embodied  the  last  remnant 
of  the  political  independence  of  Judaism,  and  consequently 
also  the  last  remnant  of  the  power  of  the  Sadducean  nobles. 
The  influence  of  the  Sadducean  nobility  even  since  the  times 
of  Alexandra  had  been  waning  before  the  advancing  strength 
of  the  Pharisees.  They  still  njanaged,  however,  to  exert  a 
very  considerable  influence  so  long  as  the  Sanhedrim  con- 
tinued to  exist.  For  the  jurisdiction  of  that  aristocratic 
senate  of  Judea  was  clown  to  the  time  of  the  procurators 
pretty  extensive,  and   at  its  head  stood   the   Sadducean   high 

2'  Justin,  Dialogus  cum  Tryplio,  c.  46  :    Ov'  yvoipi^of^m  yup  on,  u;  t(pyi:, 

OVTS      TTOofioLTOV     TOV      7r«(7;^St      CCA'AOC^OUS      6vilV       OVI/X-OU       oilTi     TOU;     TV]     VYidTiioC 

x-iXivadiVTU-i  Trprjiipiptadxi  ^(^oepot/,-  ovrt  raj  ctXhcui  oe.Tz'hug  ot7^»j»g  Trpooipopu-;. 

^^  In  the  statement  about  Gamaliel  and  liis  slave  Tabi  it  is  indeed 
( lanialiel  I.  that  is  intended,  and  the  name  of  Tabi  has  crept  in  by 
mistake.  It  may,  however,  be  conjectured  that  Tabi  as  a  youth  had 
served  the  grandfather  and  as  an  old  man  the  grandson  (so  Derenbourg), 
or  that  the  name  Tabi  had  come  to  be  hereditary  in  the  family  of  the 
slave  just  as  Gamaliel  in  the  family  of  the  master  (so  Friedniann  ami 
(iratz). 

^'•'  On  the  suppression  of  the  Sanhedrim,  see  also  Sota  ix.  11,  quoted 
literally  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  173. 


272  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

priest.  "With  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  this  Jewish 
council  was  immediately  brought  to  an  end ;  the  Eoman 
provincial  constitution  was  enforced  in  a  stricter  form.  "With 
the  disappearance  of  the  Sanhedrim,  Sadduceauism  also  dis- 
appears from  history. — The  overthrow  of  the  city,  however, 
led  also  to  the  suppression  of  the  sacrificial  worship,  and 
therewith  the  gradual  recession  of  the  priesthood  from  public 
life.  This  was  only  carried  out  by  degrees.  It  could  not 
for  a  long  time  be  believed  that  the  disastrous  circumstances 
in  which  the  people  were  placed  were  to  continue.  It  seemed 
to  be  only  a  question  of  the  time  when  the  priests  should  be 
able  again  to  resume  their  services.  Naturally,  all  dues  were 
exacted  after  as  well  as  before  the  catastrophe.  Only  the 
taxes  which  had  been  contributed  directly  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  temple  and  of  the  public  sacrifices  were  declared  by 
the  Eabbins  to  be  suspended.  The  contribution  devoted 
to  the  personal  support  of  the  priests  continued  after  as  well 
as  before  a  duty  according  to  the  law,  and  where  there  were 
priests,  were  given  over  directly  to  them.^  But  notwith- 
standing all  this,  the  priesthood,  now  that  it  could  no  longer 
perform  its  service,  lost  its  importance.      It  was  a  memorial 

^°  Shekalim  viii.  8  :  "  The  Shekalim  or  tax  of  two  drachmas  and  tlie 
Bikkurim  or  first- fruits  of  the  produce  of  the  fields  were  presented  only 
while  the  temple  stood,  but  the  tithe  of  the  grain  and  the  tithe  of  the 
cattle  and  the  first-born  were  presented  all  the  same,  whether  the  temple 
stood  or  not." — These  three  imposts  are  here  mentioned  only  by  way  of 
example  as  the  most  important.  There  remained  in  force,  e.g.  also  the 
Terunia  (Bikkurim  ii.  3)  and  the  tax  of  the  three  pieces  of  the  slaughtered 
victims,  namely,  the  right  fore-leg,  the  cheeks,  and  the  stomach  (Chullin 
X.  1).  Further  details  on  all  these  imposts  are  given  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i. 
pp.  230-236. — The  priest's  due  of  the  right  shoulder  is  witnessed  to  as  a 
custom  of  his  time  by  the  Emperor  Julian  in  Cyrill.  adv.  Jtdian,  p.  306  A  : 
x.a,i  Tou  Ssl/oV  ai/.ov  '^ihoaaiv  d'ra.p^^cig  ro7;  lepivtrtv,  where  it  is  not  to  be  trans- 
lated as  by  Neumann  (Kaiser  Julians  Biicher  gegen  die  Christen,  1880,  p.  39) 
"the  right  shoulder,"  but  "the  right  fore-leg,"  for  it  rests  not  upon 
Lev.  vii.  32,  but  upon  Deut.  xviii.  3.  Compare  also  Fricdraann  and 
Griitz,  Theol.  Jahrhikher,  1848,  p.  359  ff. 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FEOM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.       273 

of  a  past  age,  which  indeed,  as  time  went  on,  sank  more  and 
more  into  obscurity  and  decay. 

The  Pharisees  and  the  Eabbis  now  entered  into  the  heritage 
of  the  Sadducees  and  priests.  They  had  an  admirable  pre- 
paration for  entering  upon  this  heritage.  During  two  centuries 
they  had  been  making  steady  progress  toward  dominant 
power.  And  now  for  a  time  they  entered  upon  the  enjoyment 
of  absolute  sovereignty.  The  overthrow  of  Jerusalem  means 
nothing  more  or  less  than  the  passing  over  of  the  people  to 
Pharisaism  and  the  Eabbis ;  for  the  factors  which  had 
hitherto  stood  in  opposition  to  these  had  now  sunk  into  utter 
insignificance. 

After  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem,  Jamnia  (Jabne)  seems  in 
a  special  way  to  have  become  a  centre  of  literary  activity. 
There,  during  the  first  decade  after  the  destruction  of  the 
temple,  wrought  Ptabban  Jochanan  ben  Saccai,  and,  at  the 
end  of  the  first  and  beginning  of  the  second  century,  Eabban 
Gamaliel  II.,  gathering  around  them  a  whole  band  of  scholars. 
The  most  celebrated  of  the  contemporaries  of  Gamaliel  were 
E.  Josua  ben  Chananja  and  E.  Elieser  ben  Hyrcanus,  the 
latter  of  whom  had  his  residence  at  Lydda.  Younger  con- 
temporaries and  pupils  of  these  men  were  E.  Ishmael, 
E.  Akiba,  and  E,  Tarphon.  See  in  regard  to  all  these 
scholars  and  their  contemporaries,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp. 
366-379. 

By  these  men  and  by  their  numerous  colleagues  and 
scholars,  the  interpretation  of  the  law  was  carried  on  with 
greater  zeal  than  ever.  It  was  as  though,  after  the  political 
overthrow,  the  whole  strength  of  the  nation  had  concentrated 
itself  upon  the  care  of  the  law  as  its  own  highest  and  proper 
task.  Everything  pertaining  to  it,  the  criminal  and  the  civil 
law,  and  the  manifold  religious  statutes  and  ordinances,  were 
dealt  with  by  these  scholars  with  painful  particularity,  and 
drilled  into  the  memories  of  the  scholars  by  their  teachers. 

DIV.  I,  VOL.  n.  s 


274  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

It  did  not  matter  in  the  least  whether  the  circumstances  of 
the  time  allowed  these  ordinances  to  be  put  in  practice  or  not. 
All  the  minutiae  of  the  temple  service,  the  entire  ritual  of  the 
sacrificial  worship,  were  discussed  as  diligently  and  as  earnestly 
as  the  laws  of  purifying,  the  Sabbath  commandment,  and 
other  religious  duties,  the  observance  of  which  was  still 
possible.  There  is  nothing  so  fitted  to  produce  before  us  a 
lively  picture  of  the  faith  of  the  people  in  their  future  as  the 
conscientiousness  with  which  the  prescriptions  about  the 
temple  service  and  the  sacrificial  worship  were  treated  by  the 
guardians  of  the  law.  The  time  of  desolation  might  continue 
for  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  but  once  again  the  day  of 
restoration  would  surely  dawn.  And  hence,  in  the  cataloguing 
by  the  scribes  in  the  second  century  of  the  Jewish  law  in  the 
corpus  juris  or  Mishna,  there  are  included  a  topography  of  the 
temple  in  the  tract  Micldoth  and  a  description  of  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  priests  in  the  daily  service  in  the  tract  Tamid. 
Their  descendants,  to  whom  was  to  be  granted  the  privilege 
of  a  restored  worship,  were  to  be  told  how  it  had  previously 
been  conducted  in  the  days  of  the  fathers. 

The  scholars  who  after  this  fashion  cared  for  the  highest 
interests  of  Israel  formed  now  even  more  exclusively  and 
unrestrictedly  than  before  the  rank  of  the  highest  authorities 
among  the  people.  The  priests,  who  had  previously  been  the 
most  influential  in  the  direction  and  practice  of  religious 
duties,  were  now  relegated  to  a  condition  of  inactivity.  All 
the  energies  of  the  pious  had  now  to  be  restricted  to  the  doing 
of  that  which  the  Eabbins  prescribed  to  them.  There  was  no 
need  of  any  external  compulsion.  Whatever  the  most  dis- 
tinguished teachers  had  laid  down  was  regarded  by  the  pious 
without  any  further  question  as  obligatory.  Indeed,  they 
were  not  only  recognised  as  lawgivers  in  spiritual  and 
temporal  things,  but  in  all  matters  of  dispute  they  were 
appealed  to  as  judges,  even  in  questions  of  menm  and  tuum. 


§  21.    (l)    PALKSTINE  FKOM  VESPASIAN  TO  IIADKIAN.       275 

During  this  period  it  was  indeed  no  uncommon  occurrence  to 
see,  e.g.,  E.  Akiba,  purely  by  means  of  his  spiritual  authority, 
condemning  a  man  to  pay  400  denarii  compensation,  because 
he  had  on  the  street  uncovered  his  head  to  a  woman.^^ 

The  court  of  law  at  Jamnia  enjoyed  the  highest  reputation 
toward  the  end  of  the  first  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  second 
century  after  Christ,  a  college  of  learned  men,  which  can 
scarcely  have  had  any  formal  recognition  from  the  Eoman 
authorities,  but  yet  actually  stepped  into  the  place  of  the  old 
Sanhedrim  of  Jerusalem,  as  the  supreme  court  of  law  for 
Israel.  The  enactments  passed  by  Eabban  Jochanan  ben 
Saccai  in  Jamnia  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple,  in  order 
to  adapt  certain  legal  requirements  to  the  altered  circum- 
stance of  the  times,  were  regarded  as  binding.^^  Eabban 
Gamaliel  II.  and  his  court  of  justice  watched  over  the  correct 
reckoning  of  the  contents  of  the  calendar.  To  its  decisions 
the  elder  E.  Josua  submitted,  even  if  he  considered  them  to 
be  erroneous.^^  As  a  rule  the  decisions  on  points  of  law 
issuing  from  Jamnia  were  treated  as  constituting  the  autho- 
ritative standard.^*  Indeed,  the  succession  of  Jamnia  to  the 
privileges  of  Jerusalem  was  so  generally  acquiesced  in,  that 
where  this  was  not  the  case,  it  was  pointed  to  as  an  excep- 
tion to  the  rule.''^  Even  in  regard  to  the  number  of  members, 
they  seem  to  have  copied  the  pattern  of  the  Sanhedrim  of 
Jerusalem.  At  least  there  occurs  in  one  place  a  statement  to 
the  effect  that  "  the  seventy-two  elders  "  appointed  as  presi- 

*i  Bala  kamvia  viii.  6. 

32  SulcJca  iii.  12  ;  Rosh  hashana  iv.  1,  3,  4 ;  Menachoth  x.  5.  Dereii' 
bourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  p.  304  sq. 

33  Eosh  hashana  ii.  8-9. — According  to  Edujoth  vii.  7,  once  in  Gama- 
liel's absence  the  year  was  declared  to  be  an  intercalary  year,  on  the  con- 
dition that  he  would  confirm  this  opinion  when  he  returned. 

3*  Kelim  v.  4  ;  Fara  vii.  6.  Compare  also  Bechoroth  iv.  5,  vi.  8 
(how  they  were  wont  to  do  in  Jamnia  in  making  inspection  of  the 
first-born). 

35  Sanliedrin  xi.  4  ;  liosh  hashana  iv.  2. 


276  THE  KOMA.N-HERODIAN  AGE. 

dent  K.  Eleasar  bea  Asariah.^'* — We  may  assume  that  this 
court  of  justice  at  Jamnia  was  voluntarily  accepted  by  the 
Jewish  people  as  authoritative,  not  ouly  in  the  domain  of  the 
ceremonial  law,  but  also  in  the  domain  of  the  civil  and 
criminal  law.  In  reference  to  the  civil  law  it  may  indeed 
have  received  actual  authorization,  in  accordance  with  the 
general  procedure  in  legislation.  For  the  Eoman  legislation, 
so  far  as  we  can  understand  it,  recognised  the  authority  of 
the  Jewish  communities  in  the  Dispersion  to  administer  the  law 
in  civil  suits  among  their  countrymen,  wherever  the  contend- 
ing parties  chose  to  bring  their  disputes  before  their  own 
communal  court.^^  But  in  criminal  matters  this  jurisdiction 
bore  the  character  of  a  usurped  authority,  rather  than  of  one 
conferred  by  the  emperor.  Origen  very  vividly,  and  at  the 
same  time  authentically,  describes  to  us  the  state  of  matters 
which  then  prevailed.  In  vindicating  the  story  of  Susanna 
and  Daniel,  he  endeavours  to  prove  that  the  Jews  might 
quite  well  have  had  their  own  judicatories  during  the  Baby- 
lonian exile.  In  proof  of  this  he  refers  to  the  state  of  matters 
in  Palestine  in  his  own  days,  of  which  he  knew  from  his  own 
observation.  The  power  of  the  Jewish  Ethnarch  (so  Origen 
designates  him)  is  so  great,  that  he  is  in  no  respect  different 
from  a  king  (&>?  /xTjSev  Biacjyepecv  l3aaikevovTO<i  tov  Wvovi). 
"  There  are  also  secret  legal  proceedings  in  accordance  with 
the  law,  and  many  are  condemned  to  death  without  any 
general  authority  having  been  obtained  for  the  exercise  of 
such   functions,   and  without  any   attempt  to   conceal    such 

^^^  Sehachim  i.  3  ;  Jadajim  iii.  5,  iv.  2.  Compare  Div.  II.  vol.  ii.  j^p. 
370,  372. 

3"  Josephus,  Antiq.  siv.  10.  17;  Codex  TJieodosianus,  ii.  1.  10:  ex  consensti 
partium  in  civili  duntaxat  negotio.  Compare  Div.  II.  vol.  ii.  pp.  263, 
269. — Accordincj  to  Edujoth  vii.  7,  Gamaliel  II.  once  made  a  journey  to 
the  governor  (Hegemon)  of  Syria  (it  should  be  "  of  Judea  ")  "  in  order 
to  obtain  a  permission  from  him  "  (S"'"I1D2  pDjniD  nit^i  hoP).  It  is  pos- 
sible it  had  to  do  with  an  investiture,  or  extension,  or  execution  of 
leoislative  functions. 


§  21,    (l)    PALESTINE  FUOM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.       277 

doings  from  the  governor."  ^^  Tliis  was  the  state  of  matters 
during  the  third  century.  In  the  first  decades  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  they  would  not  have  ventured 
to  go  so  far.  Yet  this  was  the  direction  in  which  thinfjs 
were  tending. — To  this  Jewish  central  court  in  Palestine, 
whose  president  subsequently  received  the  title  of  Patriarch, 
were  also  paid  the  contributions  of  the  Jews  of  the  Disper- 
sion, so  far  as  these  continued  to  be  collected  after  the 
destruction  of  the  temple.  At  least  for  the  period  of  the 
later  days  of  the  empire  this  can  be  proved  to  demonstration. 
In  this  matter  also  the  Eabbis  take  the  place  of  the  priests. 
For  previously  the  contributions  were  cast  into  the  central 
treasury  of  the  priests  at  Jerusalem.  It  was  now  a  rabbinical 
board  which  made  the  collection  by  means  of  their  apostoli, 
and  superintended  its  proper  distribution.  See  Div.  II.  vol. 
ii.  pp.  269,  288. 

All  zeal  for  the  law  of  their  fathers  in  this  later  time,  at 
least  among  the  great  majority  of  the  pious,  had  its  motive 
power  in  the  belief  in  a  glorious  future  for  the  nation.  Such 
was  the  case  even  before  the  great  catastrophe ;  and  so  it 
continued  in  a  yet  more  exaggerated  degree  after  that  terrible 
event.  If  now,  more  zealously  than  ever,  the  people  occupied 
themselves  with  the  scrupulous  fulfilment  of  the  command- 
ments of  God,  certainly  the  most  powerful  motive  working  in 
this  direction  was  the  wish  to  render  themselves  thereby 
worthy  of  the  future  glory  in  which  they  so  confidently 
believed.  In  regard  to  this  religious  movement  during  the 
first  decades  after  the  overthrow  of  the  holy  city,  the  Apoca- 
lypses of  Baruch  and  Ezra,  which  had  their  origin  in  that 
very  period,  affoi'd  us  a  lively  as  well  as  an  authentic  picture. 
On  these  Apocalypses  see  Div.  II.  vol.  iii.  pp.  83—114. 
Tlie   immediate    consequence   of    the   terrible    slaughter   was 

^'^  Origen,  Epistola  ad  Africanum,   §  14,    given   literally  in  Div.  II. 
vol.  i.  p.  173. 


278  THE  KOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

iudeed  a  profound  and  paralyzing  shock  to  the  feelings. 
How  could  God  permit  this  disaster  to  befall  His  own  chosen 
people  ?  But  this  grand  mystery  was  only  a  particular 
instance  of  the  universal  mystery :  How  is  the  misfortune  of 
the  righteous  generally  and  the  good  fortune  of  the  un- 
righteous possible  ?  Through  the  darkness  of  this  latter 
problem  the  pious  consciousness  of  Israel  had  long  ago  suc- 
cessfully struggled.  So  now  also  a  satisfactory  answer  was 
soon  found.  It  is  a  chastisement  which  God  has  inflicted 
upon  His  people  because  of  their  sin.  It  has  its  own 
appointed  time.  When  the  people  by  means  of  it  shall  have 
learned  righteousness,  the  promised  day  of  redemption  will 
soon  dawn  for  them.  This  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  both  of 
these  apocalypses,  and  their  purpose  is  to  comfort  the  people 
in  their  distress,  to  inspire  them  with  courage  and  with  holy 
zeal  by  visions  of  the  redemption  that  will  come  to  them 
surely  and  soon.  The  confident  belief  in  this  future  was 
therefore  only  intensified,  confirmed,  and  inflamed  by  the  sore 
sufferings  and  sad  disasters  of  the  time.  Out  of  the  grief  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  sanctuary,  the  Messianic  hope  drew  new 
nourishment,  new  strength.  This  was  also,  from  a  political 
point  of  view,  important,  and  productive  of  serious  conse- 
quences. For  this  Messianic  hope  was  a  wonderful  blending 
of  religious  and  political  ideals.  The  political  aspirations  of 
the  nation  had  never  been  abandoned,  and  the  element  of  danger 
just  lay  in  the  combination  of  them  with  religious  motives. 
The  political  freedom  of  the  nation,  which  the  people  longed 
for,  was  now  represented  as  the  end  of  the  ways  of  God. 
The  more  firmly  this  was  believed,  the  more  readily  did  the 
people  set  out  of  view  the  cool  calculations  of  what  is  humanly 
possible,  the  bolder  became  their  resolve  to  dare  even  the  im- 
possible. It  was  this  feeling  which  even  in  the  time  of  Nero 
had  broken  out  in  rebellion.  In  it  there  also  still  lay  hidden 
elements  that  yet  would  lead  to  new  and  frightful  catastrophes. 


§  21.    (l)    PALESTINE  FEOM  VESPASIAN  TO  HADRIAN.       279 

Under  the  emperors  of  the  Flavian  dynasty  (Vespasian, 
Titus,  Domitian,  down  to  A.D.  96)  there  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  any  more  serious  development  of  these  tendencies. 
Sufficient  occasion,  however,  was  presented  for  giving  expres- 
sion to  those  already  present.  For  the  command  to  contribute 
what  had  been  the  temple-tax  to  the  Capitoline  Jupiter  at 
Eome  (see  above,  p.  255),  was  an  outrage  upon  the  religious 
sensibilities  of  the  Jews,  which  every  year,  on  the  levying 
of  the  tax,  must  afresh  have  roused  the  feeling  of  resentment. 
Under  Domitian  this  tax  was  levied  with  great  strictness,  as 
generally  this  emperor  posed  as  a  decided  enemy  of  the  Jews, 
and  conversion  to  Judaism  was  punished  by  the  imposition 
of  severe  penalties.^^ 

Eusebius  speaks  of  an  actual  persecution  of  the  Jews  after 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  even  during  Vespasian's  reign, 
referring  to  Hegesippus  as  his  authority.  Vespasian,  as  well 
as  Domitian  and  Trajan,  is  said  by  Hegesippus  to  have  hunted 
for  and  executed  all  Jews  of  the  house  of  David  with  great 
rigour,  in  order  that  the  royal  family,  on  which  the  Jews  rested 
their  hopes,  should  be  rooted  out.^^  This  order  led  to  a  great 
persecution  of  the  Jews  under  Vespasian.'*"  We  have  no  longer 
any  means  of  determining  how  far  this  story  is  historical.  It 
can  scarcely  be  altogether  without  foundation,  for  that  a 
Messiah  descending  from  the  house  of  David  was  expected  is 
beyond  dispute.  The  existence,  therefore,  of  descendants  of 
David  might  actually  be  looked  upon  as  a  source  of  political 
danger.      This  "  persecution,"  however,  cannot  have  been  of 

3^  Enforcement  of  the  tax,  Suetonius,  Domitian,  12  ;  prohibition  of 
conversions  to  Judaism,  Dio  Cassius,  Ixvii.  14.  Botli  passages  are  quoted 
in  full  in  Div.  II.  vol.  ii.  p.  267. 

^'■*  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iii.  12  (Vespasian) ;  Hid.  in.  19-20  (Domi- 
tian) ;  ibid.  iii.  32.  3-4  (Trajan) ;  reference  being  made  in  all  cases  to 
Hegesippus. 

*^  'EiUSehivLS,  Hist.  eccl.  iii.  12:  Ovia7rocatix.'j6v  f^sza.  Tr,v  tu-j  ' lipouo'hufiuu 
cthuatv  "TTXvrx;  rov;  dvo  yivovg  Aos/3io  .  .  .  duxl^-^ri'ladut  -Ti-poarct^cti,  /niyimov 
Te  'lovoxi'oti  xvdii  ix.  ravrn;  liay^.ov   'fT^xprrtdiiv oit   rns  ahicts. 


280  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

great  dimensions  and  importance,  since  it  is  not  taken  notice 
of  by  any  other  writer. — Whether  political  uprisings  occurred 
in  Judea  under  Domitian  is  certainly  very  questionable. 
From  certain  hints  in  a  military  diploma  of  a.d.  86,  some 
have  supposed  that  such  disturbances  must  have  taken  place. 
Meanwhile,  these  conclusions  have  not  by  any  means  been 
satisfactorily  proved.  See  above,  p.  259. — On  the  other 
hand,  the  outbursts  which  occurred,  first  outside  of  Judea 
and  afterwards  in  Judea  itself,  under  Trajan  and  Hadrian, 
spread  widely,  and  led  to  scenes  of  terrible  violence. 


2.  The  War  under  Trajan,  a.d.  115-117. 

Sources. 
Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  32. 

EusEBius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  ;  Chronicon,  ed.  Sclioene,  ii.  164  sq. 

Oeosius,  vii.  12,  almost  wholly  according  to  Jerome's  Latin  reproduction 

of  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius. 

Literature. 
MiJNTER,  Der  jiidische  Krieg  unter  den  Kaisern  Trajan  und  Hadrian  (1821), 

pp.  10-29. 
Cassel  in  Erscli  and  Gruber's  Encydopaedie,  sec.  ii.   Bd.   xxvii.  1850, 

p.  12f.  (in  art.  "Juden"). 
Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  Bd.  iv.  p.  123  ff. 
Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  402-412. 
NeubUrger,  Monatsschrifi  ficr  Geschichte  und   Wissenschaft  JudentlLums, 

1873,  pp.  386-397. 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  viii.  pp.  271-276. 
Morrison,  The  Jews  under  the  Roman  Empire,  pp.  189-194. 
Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgeschichte,  2  Aufl.  iv.  181-189. 
Eenan,  Les  Evangiles  (1877),  pp.  503-512. 
VoLKMAR,  "  Zur  Chronologie  des  Trajauischen  Partherkrieges  mit  Eiick- 

sichtauf  die  Ignatiustradition  und  eine  neue  Quelle"  {Rhein.  Museum, 

Neue  Folge,  Bd.  xii.  1857,  pp.  481-511). 
VoLKMAR,    "Der    parthische    und  jiidische    Kreig    Trajans    nach    den 

Quellen"  {Zeitschrift  fiir  die  Alterthumswisscnschaft.  XV.  Jahrg.  1857, 

Nr.  61-65). 


§  21.    (2)    THE  WAR  UNDER  TRAJAN.  281 

VoLKMAR,  Handhuch  der  Einlcitung  in  die  Apokryphen,  1  Till.  Abth.  1, 

Judith.  1860. 
DiERAUER    in    Biidinger's    TJntersuchungen  zur   rom.   Kaisergeschichte,  i. 

1868,  p.  182  f. 
De  la  Berge,  Essai  sur  le  r^gne  de  Trajan  (1877),  pp.  182-184. 
Schiller,  Geschichte  der  romischen  Kaiserzeit,  i.  2  (1883),  p.  561  f. 
Mommsen,  Eomische  Geschichte,  Bd.  v.  (1885)  pp.  542-544.      Compare 

p.  397  ff. 

Trajan,  during  the  last  years  of  his  life,  a.d.  114-117, 
was  incessantly  occupied  in  bold  expeditions  of  conquest  in 
the  farthest  eastern  parts  of  the  empire.^^  While  he  was,  in 
a.d.  115,  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  Mesopotamia,  the  Jews 
in  Egypt  and  Cyrene,  taking  advantage  of  the  emperor's 
absence,  "  as  if  driven  along  by  the  wild  spirit  of  revolution, 
began  to  make  riots  against  the  non-Jewish  inhabitants  of 
the  land."^^  The  rebellion  reached  such  dimensions  in  the 
following  year,  a.d.  116,  that  it  assumed  the  character  of  a 
formal  war.^^      The  Eoman  governor  of  Egypt,  M.  Eutilius 

*i  On  Trajan's  wars  in  the  East,  compare,  besides  the  above-named 
works  of  Volkniar,  H.  Francke,  Zur  Geschichte  Trajan's  (2  Ausg.  1840), 
pp.  249-300;  Dierauer,  "Beitrage  zu  einer  kritischen  Geschichte  Trajan's," 
pp.  152-186  (in  Biidinger's  Untersuchungen  zur  romischen  Kaisergeschichte, 
Bd.  i.  1868) ;  De  la  Berge,  Essai  sur  le  rigne  de  Trajan  (Paris  1877), 
pp.  149-190  ;  Schiller,  Geschichte  der  romischen  Kaiserzeit,  i.  2  (1883) 
pp.  555-563 ;  Mommsen,  Eomische  Geschichte,  v.  397  ff. ;  Gutschmid, 
Geschichte  Irans  und  seiner  Nachbarliinder  (1888),  pp.  140-146. 

*^  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  :  "Eu  rs  ydip  '  AXs^duopiU  kxi  rij  "Koittyi 
AlyvTrra  kccI  'Trpoairt  xarist  Kvp'^i/Yiv  uaTrsp  i/tto  Tn/iVftxro;  dirjov  riuo;  x,ect 
aTxaiuOov;  dveuppiTriadivTig  upfiyjuTO  -rrpog  zoii;  avvoiKOvg" F.'h'hYiuCii;  ara.rsia.l'iiv. 
■ — With  reference  to  the  war  in  Egypt,  tlie  oldest  witness,  though  very- 
brief,  is  Appian,  Civ.  ii.  90.  Appian  there  relates  how  that  Caesar  had 
dedicated  a  sanctuary  at  Alexandria  to  the  memory  of  Pompey  ;  and  then 
proceeds  :  oTirsp  iv  ijuov  kutx  'Pufioiiuv  uvrox.pot.ropct  Tpxiccvov,  i^oT^'hvurct 
TO  iu  AlyVTTru)  lovdotiuv  yiuoc,  invo  tuv  'lot/Sof/iai;  Jj  raj  tw  woXg^oy  y^piio-g 
xctrmpihSvi. — Undoubtedly  the  reference  is  to  this  period  in  a  fragment 
of  Appian  in  which  he  tells  how  he  had  been  obliged  to  flee  from  Egypt 
at  the  time  of  the  war  with  the  Jews  {Revue  arche'ologique,  Nouve  Seiie, 
t.  xix.  1869,  pp.  101-110  =  Miiller,  Fragmcida  hist,  grace,  (v.  1,  p.  Ixv.). 

*2  The  chronology  is  not  quite  certain.     Dierauer  and  Schiller  assume 


282  THE  EOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

Lupus,  seems  not  to  have  been  aware  of  the  strength  of  the 
Jews.  In  an  engagement  the  rebel  Jews  conquered  the 
"  Greeks,"  and  compelled  them  to  fly  to  Alexandria.     There, 

for  the  Jewish  revolt  only  the  one  year  a.d.  117  ;  Mommsen,  the  years 
116-117  ;  Clinton  {Fasti  Bomani,  t.  i.),  de  la  Berge,  and  others,  the  years 
115-117  (the  first  beginning  in  115,  and  extending  more  widely  in  116). 
The  latter  view  is  the  correct  one.  For  Eusebius,  not  only  in  his  Chron- 
icle, whose  dates  are  often  quite  arbitrarily  given  (Glironicon,  ed.  Schoene, 
ii.  164,  ad  ann.  Air.  2131),  but  also  in  his  Church  History,  definitely 
characterizes  the  eighteenth  year  of  Trajan  as  the  time  when  the  revolt 
began  (Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  :  ^S)9  yovu  rov  ccvroxpoiTopo;  li;  Iviolvtov 
cx,TUKXthix.cx.TOv  i'hxvvovro;,  uvdt;  '  lov^xi'uu  xti/-/;(Tig  iTruvotaToiaoe,  x.t.X.).  But 
the  eighteenth  year  of  Trajan  reaches  from  the  end  of  January  115 
down  to  the  end  of  January  116.  (On  the  day  of  Nerva's  death,  see 
Dierauer,  p.  27  f.)  In  the  following  year,  that  is,  116,  and,  indeed, 
while  Lupus  was  governor  of  Egypt,  the  rebellion  assumed  larger  i^ro- 
portions  (Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  :  a.i/i,7!iJuvTig  n  u;  i^iy»  iviv  arxaiu 
T^  i'TTidvTt  kvtxvTU  Tro'Kifiov  au  afitx.pov  ow^T^ctv,  iiyovf/.ivov  tyivikxvtx 
AoCttov  T^g  ct.'Tra.sn;  Klyv'urTov). — The  correctness  of  this  statement  is  con- 
firmed by  the  chronology  of  the  governors  of  Egypt,  which  for  these  years 
can  be  determined  with  tolerable  accuracy  (comp.  Franz  in  Corjms  Inscr. 
Graec.  t.  iii.  p.  312). 

(1)  On  the  inscription  of  a  temple  in  the  oasis  of  Thebes,  M.  Eutilius 
Lupus  is  referred  to  as  governor  of  Egypt  during  the  nineteenth  year  of 
Trajan,  i.e.  a.d.  116  (Letronne,  Recueil  des  inscriptions  grecques  et  latines  de 
Vilgypte,  i.  120  sq.  —  Corpus  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  4948  :  Jxi  Mxpicw  Fovri'Xiov 
AovTTOV  i7irii.p)^ov  AiyvTrrov  .  .   ,  L  t6  cciironpocropos  Kxiaxpo;  'Nipovx  Tpxtavou 

.  .  ■jTot.Yfiiv  W  ;  the  date  corresponds  to  the  24th  May  a.d.  116. 

(2)  In  order  to  quell  the  rebellion  in  Cyrene  and  Egypt,  Trajan  sent 
Marcius  Turbo  (Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2).  That  this  man  is  to  be 
regarded  as  governor  of  Egypt,  is  proved  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
governor  of  Cyrene  had  no  army  ;  Turbo,  therefore,  can  have  fought 
against  the  rebels  in  those  quarters  only  as  governor  of  Egypt.  From 
Spartian's  Vita  Hadriani,  however,  we  know  positively  that  Hadrian 
subsequently  assigned  Dacia  to  him  titulo  Acgijptiacae  praefecturae,  i.e. 
with  permission  to  retain  the  honorary  rank  of  governor  of  Egypt 
(Spartian,  Hadrian,  c.  7  ;  compare  Letronne,  i.  164).  Turbo  was  there- 
fore the  successor  of  Lupus,  and  that  during  the  time  of  Trajan,  a.d.  117. 

(3)  Eight  months  and  a  half  after  Trajan's  death,  i.e.  in  April  a.d.  118, 
Eammius  Martialis  is  described  on  an  inscription  as  governor  of  Egypt 
(Letronne,  Recueil  des  inscriptions,  i.  153,  n.  xvi.  =  Corpus  Inscr.  Gixicc. 
n.  4713  f . :  IttI  'Pxfi/^i'J  MapTta.'hi  iTrupxv  AlyifTrrov  .  .  .  /3'  ui/roKpxTopog 
KxiTxpo;  Ipx'ixvov  ''Koptxvov  .  .  .  (fxpuovSl  x-,5';  the  date  corresponds  to 
23rd  April  a,d.  118). — Marcius  Turbo  had  therefore  been  recalled  at  the 


§  21.    (2)    THE  WAK  UNDEli  TRAJAN".  283 

in  the  capital,  the  Greeks  had  decidedly  the  upper  hand,  and 
the  Jews  residing  there  were  seized  and  slain.'** 

Still  more  furiously  did  the  Jews  in  Gyrene  conduct  them- 
selves. Of  the  cruelties  which  the  Jews  there  perpetrated 
upon  their  non- Jewish  fellow-inhabitants  a  dreadful  picture 
is  presented  by  Dio  Gassius.  They  ate  their  flesh,  besmeared 
themselves  with  their  blood,  sawed  them  through  from  above 
downward,  or  gave  them  for  food  to  the  wild  beasts.  The 
number  of  the  murdered  is  said  to  have  been  as  many  as 
220,000.*^  Though  here,  certainly,  the  pen  has  been  directed 
by  the  most  extravagant  fancy,  the  extent  and  importance  of 

latest  in  the  beginning  of  a.d.  118  (compare  also  Spartian,  Hadrian,  5  : 
"Marcio  Turbone  Judaeis  compressis  ad  deprimendum  tumultum  Maure- 
taniae  destinato  ").  But  since  he  had  quelled  the  rebellion  vo'h'Kxl;  f^ixi^i? 
iv  ovK  ohlya  Ti  xpo^V  (Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2),  his  period  of  office  must 
have  filled  up  the  year  117.  This  is  also  confirmation  of  the  view  that 
the  decided  victory  of  the  rebels  over  Lupus  is  to  be  put  down  to  the  year 
116,  and  the  first  beginning  of  the  revolt  to  the  year  115. 

*^  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  ;  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  164  sq.  (at 
the  eighteenth  year  of  Trajan,  2131  Abr.) ;  Orosius,  vii.  12  :  "In  Alex- 
andria autem  commisso  proelio  victi  et  adriti  sunt."  Compare  also 
Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Chald.  col.  99,  s.v.  N''"n3D3PX  ;  Derenbourg,  Histoire, 
pp.  410-412  ;  Wiinsche,  Der  jerusalemische  Talmud  (1880),  p.  125  f. — In 
the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius  it  is  remarked  on  the  first  year  of  Hadrian  that 
this  emperor  restored  Alexandria  that  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Jews 
(or  Romans  ?).  See  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  164  sq.,  according 
to  the  Armenian  :  "  Adrianus  Alexandriam  a  Judaeis  subversam  re- 
stauravit;"  according  to  Jerome  :  "Hadrianus  Alexandriam  a  Romanis 
[sic]  subversam  publicis  instauravit  expensis."  The  city  must  therefore 
have  suffered  severely,  even  though  it  might  not  have  been,  strictly 
speaking,  "destroyed."  See,  on  the  other  side,  Miinter,  pp.  19-23.  The 
conjecture  of  Mommsen,  that  the  statement  did  not  originally  stand  in 
the  text  of  Eusebius,  and  was  only  introduced  by  a  misunderstanding  of 
the  Armenian  and  Latin  translators  (Romische  Geschichte,  v.  543)  in  pre- 
sence of  the  agreement  of  the  two,  is  not  tenable. 

*^  Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  32.  Compare  Orosius,  vii.  12  :  "  Incredibili 
deinde  motu  sub  uno  tempore  Judaei,  quasi  rabie  eff'erati,  ]ier  diversas 
terrarum  partes  exarserunt.  Nam  et  per  totam  Libyam  adversus  incolas 
atrocissima  bella  gesserunt :  quae  adeo  tunc  interfectis  cultoribus  desolata 
est,  ut  nisi  postea  Hadrianus  imperator  collectas  illuc  aliunde  colonias 
deduxisset,  vacua  penitus  terra,  abraso  habitatore,  mansisset.  Aegyptuiu 
vero  totam  et  Cyrenen  et  Thebaidam  cruentis  seditionibus  turbaverunt." 


284  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

the  revolt  are  beyond  all  dispute.  The  leader  of  the  Jewish 
population  of  Gyrene,  whom  they  proclaimed  as  their  king,  is 
called  by  Eusebius,  Lukuas,  by  Dio  Cassius,  Andrew.^® 

To  suppress  this  revolt  Trajan  sent  one  of  his  best  generals, 
Marcius  Turbo.^^  By  means  of  long-continued  and  persistent 
fighting  (TToA-Xat?  //.a^crt?  eV  ovic  oXljm  re  ■^p6v(p)  he  brought 
the  vi'ar  to  an  end,  and  slew  many  thousands  of  the  Jews,  not 
only  of  Gyrene,  but  also  those  of  Egypt,  who  had  attached 
themselves  to  their  "  king  "  Lukuas.^^ 

The  outbreak  had  also  spread  to  the  island  of  Gypriis. 
Under  the  leadership  of  a  certain  Artemio,  the  Jews  there 
imitated  the  example  of  their  co-religionists  of  Gyrene,  and 
murdered  24,000  non-Jewish  inhabitants  of  the  island.*^ 
The  very  capital,  Salamis,  was  laid  waste  by  them.^°  In 
regard  to  the  suppression  of  the  revolt  we  have  no  informa- 
tion.    The  consequence  of  it  was  that  henceforth  no  Jew  was 

*''  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  ;  Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  32. 

^^  According  to  an  inscription  at  Sarmizegetbusa  in  Dacia,  his  full  name 
was  Q.  Marcius  Turbo  Fronto  Publicius  Severus  (Orelli,  Inscr.  Lat.  n.  831 
=  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  1462).  The  same,  but  incomplete,  occurs 
in  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  xiv.  n.  4243.  —  After  the  suppression  of  the 
Jewish  revolt  by  Hadrian,  Marcius  Turbo  became  successively  governor 
of  Mauretania,  Pannonia,  Dacia  (Spartian,  Hadrian,  c.  5  fin.  6  fin.  7), 
was  appointed  pracfectus  praetorio  (Spartian,  Hadrian,  c.  9  ;  Dio  Cassius, 
Ixix.  18  ;  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  1462),  and  is  described  as  one  of 
the  most  active  men  of  Hadrian's  time  (Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  18  ;  Frontonis 
epistulae,  ed.  Naber,  p.  165),  but  who,  as  many  of  his  like  had  done,  fell 
under  the  suspicion  and  awakened  the  dislike  of  Hadrian  (Spartian, 
Hadrian,  c.  15). 

*^  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2. — According  to  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed. 
Schoene,  ii.  164  sq. ;  Orosius,  vii.  12,  the  revolt  had  also  extended  into  the 
Thebaid. 

*9  Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  32. 

^0  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  164  sq.  (on  the  nineteenth  year 
of  Trajan,  2132  Abr.).  According  to  the  Armenian  :  "  Salaminam  Cipri 
insulae  urbem  Judaei  adorti  sunt  et  Graecos,  quos  ibi  nacti  sunt,  truci- 
darunt,  urbemqne  a  fundamentis  subverterunt."  According  to  the  Greek 
in  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  657  :  Toi)f  h  2aX«^w^<  r-?,g  Kinrpov  "'EXKnvot.g 
'lovdctloi  dvi'Ko'JT.c,  T7}u  izoKtv  KXTiaKccipxv. — Oroslus,  vll.  12  I  " SauB  Sala- 
minam, urbem  Cypri,  interfectis  omnibus  accolis  deleverunt." 


§  21.    (2)    THE  WAR  UNDER  TRAJAN.  285 

allowed  to  appear  upon  the  island ;  and  if  through  stress  of 
weather  any  Jew  should  happen  to  be  cast  upon  its  coasts, 
he  was  put  to  death/^ 

Finally,  when  Trajan  had  pressed  on  as  far  as  Ctesiphon, 
the  capital  of  the  Parthian  empire,  the  Jews  of  Mesopotamia 
in  his  rear  had  become  disturbed.  Such  a  disturbance  there 
upon  the  very  frontier  of  the  empire  was  a  most  serious 
affair.  Trajan  gave  orders  to  the  Moorish  prince  Lusius 
Quietus,  who  was  at  the  same  time  a  Eoman  general,  to 
sweep  the  rebels  out  of  the  province  {eKKadapau  r^?  iirap'^ia^i 
avTov<^).  With  barbarous  cruelty  Quietus  executed  his  com- 
mission. Thousands  of  Jews  were  put  to  death.  Thus  was 
order  restored,  and  Quietus,  in  recognition  of  his  services, 
was  appointed  governor  of  Palestine.^^ 

The  Jewish  revolt  was  not,  it  would  seem,  finally  suppressed 
until  the  beginning  of  Hadrian's  reign  in  a.d.  117.  At  least 
Eusebius  speaks  of  disturbances  in  Alexandria  which  Hadrian 
had  to  quell ;  ^^  and  the  biographer  of  Hadrian  states  that 
Palestine  also  had  taken  its  share  in  the  rebellion.^'*  In  any 
case,  however,  perfect  quiet  seems  to  have  been  restored  in 
tlie  first  year  of  Hadrian. 

*^  Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  32. 

*2  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  2  ;  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  164  sq.  (on 
the  eighteenth  year  of  Trajan,  2131  Abr.)  ;  Oiosius,  vii.  12  ;  Dio  Cassius, 
Ixviii.  32  (who  also  gives  many  personal  details  about  Quietus). — On  Lusius 
Quietus  compare  also  what  is  said  above  at  p.  262.  His  name  seems  at  an 
early  date  to  have  been  corrupted  in  the  text  of  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius, 
for  Jerome  has  Lysias  Quietus,  and  Syncellus  (ed.  Dindorf,  i.  657),  Avaix; 
KvvTo;.  The  correct  form  is  given  in  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  ed.  Heini- 
chen,  Dio  Cassius,  ed.  Dindorf,  and  Sijartian,  Hadrian,  c.  5. 

^■^  Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  164  sq.  (on  the  1st  year  of  Hadrian, 
2133  Abr.).  According  to  the  Armenian  :  "Adrianus  Judaeos  subegit  ter 
[tertio]  contra  Romanos  rebellantes."  According  to  Jerome  :  "  Hadrianus 
Judaeos  capit  secundo  contra  Romanos  rebellantes."  According  to  Syn- 
cellus :  '  Aopixvo;    lovdoiiov:  Kuroi    AT^i^av^piuv  aTaatK^ovrx;  'tKoT^arrs!/, 

•''  Spartan,  Hadrian,  c.  5  :  "Lycia  denique  ac  Palaestina  robelles  animos 
eirerebant. 


286  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

It  is  very  doubtful  indeed  whether  Palestine  generally  had 
any  share  in  the  rebellion.  This  is  maintained  by  Volkmar 
and  Gratz  in  the  interest  of  their  conception  of  the  Book  of 
Judith,  which  they  place  in  this  period  ;  but  it  has  been  rightly 
contested  by  Lipsius  and  others.^^  Eabbiuical  tradition  makes 
mention  distinctly  of  a  "war  of  Quietus,"  DiD^ip  b^  Di»^i3;56 
but  there  is  nothing  to  oblige  us  to  understand  by  this  any 
other  than  the  well-known  war  of  Quietus  in  Mesopotamia. 
In  Megillath,  Taanith  §  29,  the  12th  Adar  is  designated  the 
"  day  of  Trajan,"  D"i3"'''"nD  DV,^^  and  the  commentary  upon  this 
passage  remarks  that  this  day  was  celebrated  in  commemoration 
of  the  following  incident :  ^^  Two  brothers,  Julianus  and  Pappus, 

*5  Volkmar,  Theolog.  Jahrhiicher,  1857,  pp.  441-498,  and  especially,  Das 
Buck  Judith  (1860),  pp.  56  ff.,  64  ff.,  83  ff.,  90  ff.  Gratz,  Geschichte  der 
Judcn,  iv.  439  ff.  On  the  other  side,  see  Lipsius,  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissen- 
schaftliche  Tlieologie,  1859,  pp.  81-111.  On  the  subject  generally,  Hilgen- 
feld,  Zeitschrift,  1858,  p.  270  ff.,  and  1861,  p.  338  ff.  ;  Derenbourg,  Hidoire, 
p.  405  ;  Fritzsche  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexicon,  iii.  448  ff. ;  Eenan,  Les  e'van- 
giles,  p.  509  ;  Gregorovius,  Hadrian,  (3  Aufl.  1884),  pp.  27,  35-38. 

^^  Mishna,  Sola  ix.  14,  and  Seder  Olam.  sub  Jin.  In  both  passages,  instead 
of  the  common  reading  of  the  text,  D1t2''0  hu^  DIDijID,  we  should  read :  DIJIoi^lD 
D]2''p?'C>-  See  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  iv.  439  ff. ;  Volkmar,  Judith,  pp. 
83-90  ;  Lipsius,  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissenschaftliche  Theologie,  1859,  pp.  97-104  ; 
Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  404  f.  ;  Salzer,  Magazin  fiir  die  Wissenschaft  des 
Judenthums,  iv.  1877,  pp.  141-144. — In  the  Misliua  passages  DD^p  is  the 
reading  in  :  (1)  a  manuscript  of  the  Royal  Library  at  Berlin  {MSS.  Or.  fol. 
567,  previously  in  private  hands  ;  it  is  the  same  to  which  Gratz  had 
referred).  (2)  The  Cambridge  Manuscript,  edited  by  Lowe  in  1883  {Uni- 
versity Additional,  470.  1).  In  the  passage  from  the  Seder  O/a??;,  this  same 
leading  is  found  in  an  old  manuscript  collated  by  Azariah  de  Rossi.  See 
Gratz  in  the  work  above  quoted.  In  the  latter  passage  this  reading  is  also 
required  by  the  context ;  for  there  are,  according  to  it,  fifty-two  years  to  l;e 
reckoned  between  the  war  of  Vespasian  and  the  war  of  the  D"lD"'p)  and 
from  that  to  the  war  of  Ben-Cosiba  (Bar-Cocliba),  16  years.  Also  in  the 
Mishna  passage  the  war  of  the  DtJ^p  follows  upon  the  war  of  Vespasian, 
and  then  after  that  "  the  last  war,"  i.e.  that  of  Bar-Cochba. 

^''  Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  443,  446.  On  the  forms  of 
the  name  D"13''^"1'ID,  p''"I^D,  etc.,  see  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  408. 

^^  See  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  406  f.  ;  GrJitz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  iv.  p. 
445  ff.  ;  Volkmar,  Judith,  pp.  90-100  ;  Jji-psins,  Zeitschrift  fiir  wissenschaftl. 
Theologie,  1859,  pp.  104-110. 


§  21.    (3)    THE  GREAT  ItEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.         287 

were  arrested  by  Trajan  at  Laodicea,  when  tlie  emperor  called 
out  to  them  in  mockery :  Let  your  God  now  save  you  as  he 
saved  Hananiah,  Mishael,  and  Azariah,  The  two  brothers 
replied  that  neither  he  nor  they  were  worthy  of  having  sucli 
a  miracle  wrought,  but  that  God  would  indeed  require  their 
blood  of  him  if  he  slew  them.  But  before  Trajan  left  that 
place,  an  order  came  from  Eome,  in  consequence  of  which  he 
was  put  to  death.  This  fable,  which  deserves  no  attention 
whatever,  as  it  proceeds  on  the  assumption  that  Trajan  was 
only  a  subordinate  officer,  is  now  forsooth  offered  as  the  prin- 
cipal evidence  regarding  the  war  of  Trajan  in  Palestine  !  But 
it  should  be  observed  that  even  in  it  there  is  no  mention  either 
of  a  war  or  of  Judea,  but  expressly  of  Laodicea.^'' — The  one 
thing  that  seems  to  favour  Volkmar's  view  is  the  statement  of 
Spartian  above  referred  to,  according  to  which,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  Hadrian's  reign,  Palestine  rebelles  animos  efferebat. 
From  this  statement,  indeed,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  not 
altogether  in  a  quiet  condition.  But  it  can  hardly  have 
gone  the  length  of  an  actual  war.  Otherwise  our  original 
authorities  would  have  given  a  more  circumstantial  account 
of  it. 

3.  The  Great  Eebellion  under  Hadrian,  a.d.  132-135. 

Sources. 
Dig  Cassius,  Ixix.  12-14. 

EusEBius,  Hid.  eccl.  iv.  6  ;  Chronicon,  eel  Sclioene,  ii.  1GG-1G9. 

On  Aristo  of  Pella,  see  vol.  i.  of  this  work,  pp.  69-72. 

Eabbinical  traditions  in  Derenbourg,  pp.  412-438.     A  collection  of  tlie 

rabbinical  texts  wliicli  refer  to  the  history  of  Beth-ther  is  given  in 

Lebrecht,  Bether,  pp.  43-50  ;  comp.  also  p.  20  f. 
On  the  coins,  see  Appendix  IV. 


"^  At  the  basis  of  tlie  legend  there  may  lie  probably  an  obscure  remini- 
scence of  the  fact  that  Lusius  Quietus,  the  oppressor  of  the  Jews,  wan 
recalled  by  Hadrian,  and  subsequently  executed  (Spartian,  Hadrian,. 
5  and  7). 


288  THE  EOMAN-HEPvODIAN  AGE. 

Literature. 

Basnage,  Histoire  des  Juifs,  t.  vii.  (according  to  another  arrangement, 

t.  xi.),  1716,  pp.  328-378. 
TiLLEMONT,  Histoire  des  empereurs,  t.  ii.  (Venice  1732),  pp.  285-296. 
MuNTER,  Der  jiidische  Krieg  unter  den  Kaisern  Trajan  und  Hadrian,  1821  ; 

a  most  compreliensive  monograph. 
Cassel  in  Ersch  and  Gruber's  Enajclopaedie,  sec.  ii.  Bd.  27,  1850,  pp.  13- 

16  (in  article  "Juden"). 
Herzfeld,  Zur  Geschichte  des  Barkochba  (Alonatsschrift  fiir  Geschichte  und 

Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1856,  pp.  101-111). 
Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  Bd.  iv.  2  Aufl.  pp.  138-183. 
JosT,  Geschichte  des  Judenthums  und  seiner  SeMen,  ii.  75-83. 
Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  pp.  412-438. 
Neuburger,  Monatsschrift  fiir  Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums, 

1873,  pp.  433-445,  529-536. 
Williams,  The  Hohj  City,  vol.  1.  pp.  209-213. 
Morrison,  The  Jews  under  the  Roman  Empire,  pp.  198-206. 
"  The  Jewish  Wars  under  Hadrian  and  Trajan  "  {Journal  of  Sacred  Litera- 
ture, vol.  vii.  1851,  pjx  439-444). 
EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  viii.  271-311 
Hausrath,  Neutestamentliche  Zeitgesch.  2  Aufl.  iv.  327-342. 
Kenan,  Veglise,  chrdienne  (1879),  pp.  186-228,  541-553.     Revue  historigue, 

t.  ii.  1876,  pp.  112-120. 
Salzer,  "  Der  Aufstand  des  Bar-Cochba "  {Magazin  fiir  die  Wissenschaft 

des  Judenthums,  iii.  1876,  pp.  121-139,  173-190 ;  iv.  1877,  pp.  17-38). 
Hamburger,  Real-Encyclopaedie  fiir  Bibel  und  Talmud,  Abth.  ii.,  articles 

Akib,  Barkochba,  Bethar,  Hadrian,  Hadrianische  Verfolgungsedikte. 
Derenbourg,  "  Quelques  Notes  sur  la  guerre  de  Bar  Kozeba "  {Melanges 

publics  par  Vecole  des  hautes  etudes,  Paris  1878,  pp.  157-173). 
Darmesteter,  "  Notes  ^pigraphiques,"  etc.  {Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  i. 

1880,  pp.  42-55). 
Schiller,  Geschichte  der  romische  Kaiserzeit,  i.  2,  1883,  pp.  612-615. 
MoMMSEN,  Romische  Geschichte,  v.  pp.  544-546. 
Gregorovius,  Der  Kaiser  Hadrian  (3  Aufl.  1884),  pp.  38  f.,  147-153, 

188-216. 
Gregorovius,  "  Die  Griindung  der  romischen  Colonie  Aelia  Capitolina  " 

{Sitzungsherichte  der  philos.-philol.  und  hist.  Classe  der  Miinchener  Alca- 

demie,  1883,  pp.  477-508). 
ScHWARz,  Der  Bar-Kochhaische  Aufstand,  Briinn   1885  (worthless ;   see 

Bursian's  Jahresber.  der  class.  Alterthumswissensch.  pp.  48,  282  f.). 


§  -21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADfJAN.  289 

A  late  Jewish  legend  tells  how  in  the  days  of  Joshua  ben 
Chananiah,  that  is,  in  the  time  of  Hadrian,  the  pagan  govern- 
ment had  granted  authority  to  proceed  with  the  building  of 
the  temple.  But  the  Samaritans  had  made  representations 
against  the  enterprise.  And  in  consequence  of  these  the 
emperor  had  not  indeed  withdrawn  the  permission,  but  issued 
a  decree  that  the  new  building  should  not  be  erected  precisely 
on  the  site  of  the  old  temple,  which  came  to  the  same  thing 
as  an  actual  prohibition.  Then  the  Jews  gathered  together 
in  factions  in  the  valley  of  Beth-Eimmon.  But  E.  Joshua, 
in  order  to  quiet  them,  told  them  the  story  of  the  lion  and 
the  stork :  as  the  stork  ought  to  be  glad  to  have  got  its 
head  uninjured  out  of  the  jaws  of  the  lion,  so  also  ought  they 
to  be  glad  if  they  were  allowed  to  live  in  peace  under  a  heathen 
government.^'*  The  historical  value  of  this  legend  is  simply 
nil,  and  yet  it  forms  the  chief  ground  for  the  view  insisted 
upon  by  many  modern  scholars,  that  Hadrian  had  given  per- 
mission for  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple,  and  that  the  with- 
drawal of  this  permission  was  the  real  cause  of  the  great 
Jewish  rebellion.^^  In  confirmation  of  this  view  reference  is 
]iiade  to  statements  by  Christian  writers.  But  even  these 
are  little  calculated  to  support  such  a  theory.  Chrysostom, 
Cedrenus,  and  Nicephorus  Callistus  only  say  that  the  Jews 
in  the  time  of  Hadrian  had  rebelled  and  made  an  attempt  to 
rebuild  the  temple,  and  that  Hadrian  put  a  stop  to  that  under- 
taking.    The  ChronicoTh  Paschale  speaks  of  a  destruction  by 

"<•  Bereshith  rahha  c.  64.  See  tlie  passage  in  the  original  text,  and  in  a 
Frencli  translation  in  Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  p.  416  sq.  Text 
and  Latin  translation  in  Volkniar,  Judith,  pp.  108-111,  German  in 
Wiinsclie,  Der  Midrasch  Bereschit  Eahba  (1881),  p.  307  f, 

"^  So  Volkmar,  Judith,  pp,  108  ff.,  131  ff. ;  Griitz,  Geschichfe  der  Juden, 
iv.  138  ff.,  442  ff.  ;  Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  p.  412  sq.  ;  Neu- 
biirger,  Monatsschrifi  fur  Geschichte  und  JVissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1873, 
p.  433  ff.  ;  Hausrath,  Zeitgeschichte,  iv.  328  f.  ;  Salzer,  Magazin,  iii.  127  ff.  ; 
Hamburger,  Real-Encyclopaedie,  art.  "  Hadrian," 

DIV,  I.  VOL.  IL  T 


290  THE  KOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE, 

Hadrian  of  the  temple  that  had  actually  been  built.^  Of  a 
permission  to  build  the  temple  that  had  first  been  given  by 
Hadrian  and  afterwards  withdrawn,  there  is  no  mention  what- 
ever. The  attempt  to  rebuild  the  temple  was  really  itself 
one  of  the  acts  of  the  rebellion.  An  apparent  support  for  this 
theory  is  to  be  found  only  in  one  passage  in  the  Epistle  of 
Barnabas,  of  which,  however,  the  explanation  is  uncertain. 
Barnabas  seeks  to  show  that  it  is  not  according  to  God's  will 
that  the  Jews  should  continue  to  observe  the  law.  Their 
Sabbath  is  not  the  true  one.  "  And  almost  like  the  heathens 
have  they  honoured  God  in  a  temple."  In  order  to  prove  the 
heathenish  character  of  the  Jewish  temple,  Barnabas,  in  chap, 
xvi.,  quotes  the  prophecy  of  Isa.  xlix.  17  (LXX.) :  "Behold, 
they  who  have  cast  down  this  temple,  even  they  shall  build 
it  up  again ; "  and  then  proceeds,  in  chap.  xvi.  4 :  "It  has  so 
happened.  For  through  their  going  to  war  it  was  destroyed 
by  their  enemies ;  and  now  they  [together  with]  the  servants 
of  their  enemies  shall  rebuild  it "  (ylveTac  Sid  <yap  ro  iroXeiielv 
avTOV^  Kadrjpedr]  viro  twv  e')(6poiV  vvv  Koi  avTol  [/cat]  ot  rcov 
ij(dpoiv  vTTTjperai  avoLKohojxrjaovcnv  avrov).  Only  if  the 
bracketed  /cat  be  retained,  is  the  expectation  there  set  forth 
that  now  the  Jews  and  the  heathens  together  were  to  build 
in  common  the  Jewish  temple.  By  striking  out  the  /cat  the 
meaning  of  the  sentence  becomes  this  :  the  heathens  them- 
selves build  the  temple,  that  is,  for  heathenish  purposes. 
But  on  external  grounds  also  the  latter  reading  deserves  the 
preference.  Barnabas  seems  therefore  to  allude  to  Hadrian's 
intention   to   erect  a  building  for  heathen  worship.^'^ — Of  the 

"2  The  passages  are  collected  in  Miinter,  p.  64  f.,  and  Volkmar,  Judith, 
pp.  131-134.     Compare  also  under  note  93. 

^^  The  )c»i  is  given  only  in  the  Sinaiticus ;  in  all  other  texts  it  is  want- 
ing. The  explanation  given  above,  that  the  building  was  for  heathen 
worship,  is  supported,  for  example,  by  Lipsius  in  Schenkel's  Bibellexion, 
i.  371  f.  The  words  have  been  understood  of  the  aid  given  to  the  Jewish 
building  by  the  heathen8,especially  by  Volkmar,  and  that  indeed  even  before 


§  21.    (.3)  THE  GREAT  KEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  291 

alleged  permission  given  by  Hadrian  for  the  rebuilding  of 
the  Jewish  temple,  therefore,  we  do  not  meet  with  any  trace 
when  we  investigate  the  causes  of  the  rebellion.^  Such  per- 
mission, at  least  in  the  form  of  active  encouragement,  is  also 
improbable  on  internal  grounds.  For  while  Hadrian  zealously 
patronized  the  Greek- IJoman  religious  rites,  he  looked  witli 
contempt  upon  all  foreign  superstitions.*'* 

Only  two  accounts  of  the  causes  of  the  great  rebellion  are 
worthy  of  consideration.  Spartian  says :  **  "  moverunt  ea 
tempestate  et  Judaei  bellum,  quod  vetabantur  mutilare  geni- 
talia." Dio  Cassius,  on  the  contrary,  gives  his  account  thus:^ 
"  When  Hadrian  had  founded  at  Jerusalem  a  city  of  his 
own  in  place  of  the  one  destroyed,  which  he  called  Aelia 
Capitolina,  and  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of  their  God  erected 
another  temple  to  Jupiter,  the  great  and  long-continued  war 
broke  out.  For  the  Jews  regarded  it  as  a  horrible  outrage 
that  foreigners  should  settle  in  their  city,  and  that  temples 
for  strange  gods  should  be  built  in  it."      Since  Spartian  men- 

the  discovery  of  the  Sinaiticus,  resting  upon  the  common  reading  without 
the  Kut  {Theolog.  Jahrliichcr,  1856,  pp.  351-361,  and  elsewhere).  He  was 
followed  by  J.  G.  Miiller,  Erkldrung  des  Barnabasbriefe.^  (1869),  pp.  334-340  ; 
Harnack,  Patrum  apostolorum,  Opera,  i.  2,  ed.  2  (1878),  pp.  Ixx.-lxxii.,  and 
I  myself  adopted  this  view  in  the  first  edition  of  this  work.  Others  ex- 
plain the  words  metaphorically  of  the  building  of  the  spiritual  temple  by  the 
Gentile  Christians.  So,  e.g.,  Hilgenfeld,  Zeiischrift  fUr  wisscnscli.  T'heologie, 
1870,  pp.  116-121  ;  Barnabae  epistula,  ed.  2,  1877,  pp.  119-123  ;  Wieseler, 
Jahrbiicher  fiir  deutsche  Theologie,  1870,  pp.  612-614  ;  Riggenbach,  Der 
sogenannte  Brief  des  Barnabas  (1873),  pp.  41-45.  But  according  to  the 
language  of  the  passage  it  evidently  treats  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  actual 
temple.  Barnabas  wishes  to  say :  this  temple  was  not  better  than  a 
heatlien  temple,  as  even  then  it  actually  was  rebuilt  by  the  heathen. 
Special  emphasis  should  be  laid  on  the  ccvtov  at  the  close.  Against 
Weizsiicker's  reference  to  the  building  of  Zerubbabel  (Zur  Kritik  des 
Barnabasbricfes,  1863,  p.  21  If.),  the  vvv  and  the  future  are  decisive. 

^*  Compare  Renan,  L'eglise  chn'tienne,  p.  24  ;  Schiller,  Geschichte  der  rom. 
Kaiserzeit,  i.  613  ;  Gregorovius,  Hadrian,  3  Aufl.  p.  38  f. 

^*  Spartian,  vita  Hadriani,  c.  22  (in  the  Scriptores  llistoriae  Augustae,  ed 
Peter):  sacra  Romana  diligentissirae  curavit.  peregrina  contempsit. 

«6  Spartian,  Hadrian.  14.  e'   Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  12. 


292  TIIK  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

tions  only  the  one  and  Dio  Cassius  only  the  otlier,  it  is 
doubtful  whether  without  more  ado  we  are  entitled  to  com- 
bine the  two.  Gregorovius  rejects  the  statement  of  Spartian, 
and  regards  that  of  Dio  Cassius  as  alone  worthy  of  credence. 
In  fact,  a  prohibition  of  circumcision,  without  any  special 
occasion,  seems  little  in  accordance  with  the  mild  character  of 
Hadrian,  although  it  might  quite  conceivably  be  used  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  the  extinction  of  the  Jews  after  the 
suppression  of  the  revolt.^*  Nevertheless,  the  statement  of 
Spartian  is  to  be  defended.  For,  according  to  all  that  we 
know,  the  prohibition  of  circumcision  was  not  limited  to  the 
Jews,  and  was  not  immediately  directed  against  them, 
"When,  under  Antoninus  Pius,  the  Jews  were  again  allowed  to 
circumcise  their  children,  the  prohibition  still  stood  good 
against  the  non-Jewish  peoples.  It  was  therefore  originally  a 
general  order. ^^^     The  special  feature  of  this  legislation  was 

^^  Compare  Gregorovius,  Sitzungsherichte  der  philos.-2)hilol.  und  hist.  Classe 
der  Munchener  Akademie,  1883,  p.  499  ff. ;  Der  Kaiser  Hadrian,  p.  188  fF. 
In  favour  of  Gregorovius'  view  one  might  refer  to  tlie  state  of  the  original 
documents.  Dio  Cassius,  as  well  as  Spartian,  founds  partly  on  the  auto- 
biography of  Hadrian  (see  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  11,  u;  '  Aopiuvoi  ypoiCPit ; 
Spartian,  1.  1,  "  in  libris  vitae  suae  Hadrianus  ipse  commemorat ; "  7.  2, 
"  ut  ipse  vita  sua  dicit ; "  comp.  also  3.  3,  and  3.  5).  In  Dio  Cassius, 
however,  the  history  of  the  Jewish  war  follows  immediately  upon  the 
quotation  from  the  autobiography,  and  may  probably  have  been  derived 
from  it.  So  thinks  Diii'r,  Die  Reisen  des  Kaisers  Hadrian,  1881,  p.  14. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  probable  that  Spartian  derives  his  short  notice 
of  the  Jewish  war  from  some  other  source  (Diirr,  Reisen,  p.  82). 

^^*  Modestinus,  Digest,  xlviii.  8.  11,  pr.  :  "  Circumcidere  Judaeis  filios 
suos  tantum  rescripto  divi  Pii  permittitur  :  in  non  ejusdem  religionis  qui 
hoc  fecerit,  castrantis  poena  irrogatur."  This  statement  of  fact  is  also 
corroborated  by  other  witnesses.  In  the  Syrian  Dialogue  on  Fate,  which  is 
ascribed  to  Bardesanes,  as  a  historical  instance  of  the  fact  that  ofttimes  kings 
when  they  conquer  foreign  countries  have  abolished  the  native  laws  and 
introduced  their  own  without  the  stars  putting  any  hindrance  in  the  way, 
this  is  advanced  as  pre-eminently  applicable,  that  only  shortly  before  the 
Romans,  after  the  conquest  of  Arabia,  had  abolished  the  laws  of  that 
country,  especially  the  law  regarding  circumcision  (Cureton,  Spicilegium 
Syriacum,  1855,  p.  30 ;  in  the  somewhat  abbreviated  text  in  Eusebius, 


§  21.    (s)  TUE  GREAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  293 

not  that  it  aimed  at  the  rooting  out  of  Judaism,  but  that  it 
placed  circumcision  on  the  same  level  with  castration,  and 
punished  its  practice  accordingly."*^"  The  prohibition  was  not, 
therefore,  first  of  all  directed  against  Judaism,  but  it  is  at  the 
same  time  quite  evident  that  Judaism  would  receive  from  it  a 
deadly  wound.  In  addition  to  this  it  was  now  made  known 
that  Hadrian  designed  the  erection  of  a  new  heathen  city 
iipon  the  ruins  of  Jerusalem.  In  this  also  the  ruling  motive 
was  not  hostility  to  Judaism.  The  rearing  of  magnificent 
buildings  and  the  founding  of  cities  was  the  work  to  which 
Hadrian  devoted  the  energies  of  his  life.  But  this  proposal 
must  also  have  been  regarded  as  a  blow  in  the  face  to 
Judaism.  So  long  as  Jerusalem  lay  in  ruins,  the  Jews  could 
cherish  the  hope  of  its  restoration.  The  founding  of  a  heathen 
city,  the  erection  of  a  heathen  temple  on  the  holy  place,  put 
an  end  to  these  hopes  in  terrible   manner.     It  was  an  outrage 

Praeparatio  evangel,  vi.  10.  41,  ed.  Gaisford,  the  prohibition  of  circum- 
cision is  not  mentioned).  But  the  .same  author  speaks  immediately 
after  of  circumcision  as  an  existing  institution  among  the  Jews.  He 
wituesse.s,  therefore,  precisely  to  the  condition  of  matters  as  determined 
by  Antoninus  Pius.  A  further  witness  for  this  is  Origen,  who  distinctly 
says  that  only  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  practise  circumcision,  but  that 
it  was  forbidden  to  all  others  on  the  pain  of  death  (Contra  Gels.  ii.  13). 
The  jurist  Paul  us,  a  contemporary  of  Origen,  says.  Sent.  v.  22.  3-4  (in 
Huschke's  Jurisprudentiae  antcjustimanae  quae  supersunt,  ed.  5,  Lips. 
1886)  :  "  Gives  Romani,  qui  se  Judaico  ritu  vel  servos  suos  circumcidi 
patiuntur  bonis  ademptis  in  insulam  perpetuo  relegantur  ;  medici  capita 
puniuntur.  Judaei  si  alienae  nationis  comparatos  servos  circumciderunt, 
aut  deportantur  aut  capite  puniuntur."  The  prohibition,  therefore,  by 
no  means  applied  especially  to  the  Jews,  but  they  rather  were  by 
Hadrian's  immediate  successor  expressly  excluded  from  its  application. 
Compare  also  Noldeke,  Zeitschrift  der  deutschen  Morgenland  Gesdlschajt, 
Bd.  39,  1885,  p.  343  (who  has  also  paid  attention  to  the  above  passage  in 
the  Dialogue  on  Fate).     Gieseler,  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  i.  p.  119. 

*'**'^  Gompare  Mommsen,  Romische  Geschichte,  v.  549. — Hadrian  strict!  v 
forbade  castration;  it  was  to  be  punislied  under  the  lex  Cornelia  de  sicariis, 
i.e.  it  was  treated  as  murder  {Digest,  xlviii.  8.  4.  2).  Tliat  circumcision 
was  treated  in  the  same  category  as  castration,  is  seen  from  the  passage 
quoted  above  from  Modestiuus. 


294  THE  EOMAN-HEKODIAN  AGK. 

as  great  as  that  which  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  formerly 
committed,  and  was  answered,  as  that  had  been,  by  a  general 
uprising  of  the  excited  people. — Both  reasons,  therefore,  are 
not  in  themselves  improbable.  A  combination  of  the  two  is 
a  suggestion  which  has  much  to  commend  it,  if  the  two 
enactments  of  Hadrian  were  not  too  far  separated  in  time  from 
one  another. 

In  regard  to  the  date  at  which  the  building  of  the  Aelia 
Capitolina  was  begun,  various  statements  are  given  in  the 
original  authorities.  Epiphanius  had  been  informed  that 
Hadrian,  forty-seven  years  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
when  he  arrived  there  on  his  second  journey,  gave  orders  to 
rebuild  the  city  (not  the  temple),  and  commissioned  Aquila 
to  see  the  work  done.^  This  indication  of  date  gives  us 
A.D.  117,  immediately  after  Hadrian's  accession  to  the  throne. 
He  was  then  certainly  in  the  East,  but  Epiphanius  expressly 
refers  to  his  later  journey  taken  from  Eome,  and  thus  his 
statement  regarding  the  time  is  deprived  of  all  its  value.™  The 
Chronicon  Faschale  places  the  founding  of  Aelia  Capitolina  in 
A.D.  119  ;  but  it  does  so  only  because  it  has  also  placed  the 
great  Jewish  rebellion  in  that  year,  after  the  quelling  of 
which  Aelia  was  founded.'^  With  the  date  fixed  for  the 
Jewish  rebellion,  which  is  demonstrably  false,  falls  also  that 
fixed  for  the  founding  of  Aelia. ^^  Eusebius  also  regards  the 
founding  of  the  city  as  a  consequence  of  the  rebellion."  This 
is  correct,  inasmuch  as  only  thereafter  was  the  plan  carried 
out.      But,  according  to  Dio  Cassius,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted 

*^  Epiphanius,  De  mensuris  et  ponderihis,  §  14. 

'^°  It  has  been  turned  to  account  as  serviceable  by  Diirr,  Eeisen  des 
Kaisers  Hadrian,  p.  16.  Against  it :  Gregorovius,  Sitzungsberichte,  1883, 
p.  489. 

^^  Chronicon  Paschale,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474. 

'2  See  also  Gregorovius,  Sitzungsberichte,  1883,  p.  493  f. — Kenan's  asser- 
tion, that  the  foixnding  took  place  about  a.d.  122  {L'eglise  chretienne,  p. 
26),  has  no  support  from  the  original  authoritiea. 

''*  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6. 


§  21.    (:j)  THE  GREAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN,  295 

that  the  building  had  already  been  begun  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  rebellion,  and  indeed  not  very  long  before,  for  he  says 
that  the  Jews,  who  were  irritated  about  the  building,  renaained 
quiet  so  long  as  Hadrian  stayed  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  but 
that  they  broke  out  so  soon  as  he  had  left  those  regions/* 
In  accordance  with  this,  it  must  be  assumed  that  the  founding 
of  the  city  took  place  during  the  period  of  Hadrian's  visit  to 
Syria,  which  occurred  in  a.d.  130. 

Hadrian  at  that  time — it  was  during  his  last  great  journey 
in  the  East — arrived  in  Syria  from  Greece,  and  thence  went 
to  Egypt,  and  then  back  again  to  SyriaJ^  It  is  made  certain 
from  inscriptions  and  coins  that  he  was  in  Syria  in  a.d.  130, 
in  Egypt  in  November  a.d.  130,  and  so  again  in  Syria  in 
A.D.   131.^*     Generally,  wherever  he  went   he  furthered  the 

^■*  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  12. 

'^  This  route  is  particularly  described  in  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  11-12. 

^^  That  Hadrian's  visit  to  Egypt  occurred  in  a.d.  130,  upon  whicli 
all  the  other  dates  turn,  has  been  proved  by  Eckhel,  Doctrina  Numorum, 
vi.  489-491.  He  is  followed  by  :  Haakli  in  Pauly's  Beal-Encyclopaedie, 
iii.  1035,  article  "Hadrianus  ;"  Clinton,  Fasti  Boinani,  t.  i.  1885,  ad  ann. 
129-131,  p.  Chr. ;  Leti'onne,  Recueil  des  inscriptions  grecques  et  latines  de 
PEgypte,  t.  ii.  1848,  pp.  364-367  ;  Diirr,  Die  Reisen  des  Kaisers  Hadrian, 
1881,  pp.  62-65.  For  a  further  list  of  the  literature,  see  Diirr,  pp.  7,  8. — 
The  principal  proofs  are  :  (1)  An  inscription  at  Palmyra  of  the  year 
[4]42  aer.  Seleuc.  =  A.J).  130-131,  assumes  a  previous  visit  of  Hadrian  to 
Palmyra  (De  Vogiie,  Syrie  Centrale,  Inscriptions  de  Palrmjre,  n.  16;  Le  Bas 
and  Waddington,  Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n.  2585).  (2)  The  coins  of  Gaza  of  the 
time  of  Hadrian  have  an  era  beginning  with  a.d.  129  or  130,  the  occasion 
of  which  was  certainly  Hadrian's  residence  in  Gaza,  and  the  benefits  that 
had  been  thereby  conferred  upon  the  city.  On  this  see  the  literature 
mentioned  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  72.  The  year  1  of  the  new  era  is  the 
year  190-191  of  the  old  era  of  Gaza  ;  and  as  this  earlier  era  began  in 
B.C.  60  or  61,  is  equivalent  to  a.d.  129  or  130.  But  even  if  one  should 
assume  a.d.  129  with  Stark,  Gaza,  p.  5{i0,  Hadrian's  visit  may  still  be  put 
down  as  a.d.  130,  since  the  commencement  of  the  era  may  not  be  exactly 
Bynchronous  with  Hadrian's  visit.  (3)  In  Alexandria  coins  of  Hadrian 
were  minted  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  the  emperor,  that  is,  according  to  the 
reckoning  commonly  used  in  Egypt,  a.d.  130-131.  According  to  all 
analogies,  it  must  be  assumed  that  this  must  have  occurred  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  Hadrian's  visit  (Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  vi.  489  sq.).     (4)  The  most 


296  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGK 

interests  of  culture:  artistic  and  useful  buildings  were  erected: 
games  were  celebrated :  he  was  a  restitutor  in  all  the  pro- 
vinces/^ In  the  cities  of  Palestine  also  we  come  upon  traces 
of  his  presence.  Tiberias  had  obtained  an  'Ahpidveiov;  Gaza, 
a  'iravi]jvpi<;  'Ahpiavrj ;  Petra,  in  grateful  remembrance  of  the 
benefactions  of  the  emperor,  took  the  name  of  'ASpcavrj 
IleTpaJ^  His  residence  in  Judea  was  commemorated  by  coins 
bearing  the  inscription,  adventui  Aur/(jicsfi)  Judatae,!^ 

The  founding  of  Aelia  also,  without  doubt,  belongs  to  the 
period    of   the    emperor's    activity.       Pliny   calls   Jerusalem 

precise  information  is  supplied  by  an  inscription  on  the  Meninon  statue 
at  Tliebes,  from  which  it  appears  that  Hadrian  was  there  in  the  fifteenth 
year  of  his  reign,  in  the  month  Athyr.  This  date  corresponds  to  Novem- 
ber A.D.  130.  For  the  words  of  the  inscription,  see  Eckhel  and  Clinton ; 
more  correctly  given  in  Letronne,  ii.  3G5,  and  Diirr,  p.  123  ;  also  in 
Qorf.  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  4727.  An  exact  facsimile  is  given  by  Lepsius, 
Denkmdler  aus  Aegypten  und  Aethiopien,  Bd.  xii.  bl.  78;  Inscrip.  Graec. 
n.  91.  On  the  reckoning  of  the  years  of  the  emperor's  prevailing  in  Egypt, 
especially  the  years  of  Hadrian,  see  Ideler,  Handbuch  der  Chronologie, 
i.  117  ff. 

^"  Compare  generally :  Diirr,  Die  Reisen  des  Kaisers  Hadrian,  p.  4  f.  ; 
Gregorovius,  Der  Kaiser  Hadrian,  3  Aufl.  p.  468  ff. — On  numerous  inscrip- 
tions Hadrian  is  called  oaTr)p,  ointaTyi;,  fjspysrni,  trlaTn;.  See  the  texts 
in  Diirr,  p.  104  ff.  On  coins  of  Hadrian  are  found  the  following  inscrip- 
tions :  restitutori  Achaiae,  restitutori  Africae,  restitutori  Arabiae,  restitu- 
tori  Asiae,  restitutori  Bithyniae,  restitutori  Galliae,  restitutori  Hispaniae, 
restitutori  Italiae,  restitutori  Libyae,  I'estitutori  Macedoniae,  restitutori 
Nicomediae,  restitutori  orbis  terrarum,  restitutori  Phrygiae,  restitutori 
Siciliae."  See  Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  vi.  486-500  ;  Cohen,  M^dailles  im- 
perial.es,  ed.  2,  t.  ii.  1882,  pp.  209-214. 

''^  On  Tiberias,  see  Epiphanius,  Haer.  30.  12  :  tixog  Is  ^iyiaros  ev  rti 
"TToKst  irpov'T^'iipx.i'  Tflcptjof,  <Hi/,oe.i,  'Aopixusiou  tovto  skx'mvv. —  On  Gaza, 
Chronicon,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474 :  xul  ix.et  saryiasv  -Trxw/iyvpiu  .  .  .  xxl  'iu;  rou 
vvv  7}  TTctv^iyvpic  iiciivri  "KiyiTctt  'Alpixu'/;. — The  coins  of  Petra  with  the 
superscription  :  'A'hpixyi'^  UtTpsn,  in  Mionnet,  Description  de  M^dailles,  v. 
587-589 ;  Suppl.  viii.  387  sq. ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre 
tiainte,  pp.  351-353. 

'^  Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  vi.  495  sq. ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews  (1881), 
p.  231  ;  Cohen,  Me'dailles  imp^riales,  ed.  2,  t.  ii.  p.  110  sq.  The  coins 
were  minted  in  Rome  (S.  C). — There  were  similar  coins  for  almost  all  the 
provinces.     See  Eckhel,  vi.  486-501 ;  Cohen,  ii.  107-112. 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  EEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  297 

longe  clarissima  urbium  orientis,  non  Jiidaeae  modo.^  This 
celebrated  city  now  lay  in  ruins,  or  was  still  merely  a  Eoman 
camp.  What  then  could  be  more  attractive  to  the  emperor 
than  the  restoring  of  such  a  city  to  its  former  magnificence  ? 
It  was,  however,  manifestly  intended  that  this  new  magnificence 
should  be  of  a  heathen  character.  A  temple  of  the  Capitoline 
Jupiter  was  to  be  erected  on  the  spot  where  formerly  the 
temple  of  the  God  of  the  Jews  had  stood.  This  was  the  fatal 
proposal.  The  Jews  had  been  roused  to  a  most  violent 
degree  by  means  of  the  order,  issued  probably  not  long  before, 
against  the  practice  of  circumcision.  And  now  to  that  was 
added  a  new  outrage.  By  means  of  this  proposed  profanation 
of  their  city  matters  were  brought  to  a  crisis.  The  people 
remained  quiet  so  long  as  the  emperor  remained  in  Egypt, 
and  during  his  second  visit  to  Syria.  But  when  he  was  no 
longer  in  the  neighbourhood,  that  is,  in  a.D.  132,  they  broke 
out  into  revolt :  an  uprising  that,  in  its  extent  and  violence, 
and  its  unhappy  consequences,  was  at  least  as  serious  as  that 
of  the  time  of  Vespasian.  If  it  does  not  bulk  so  largely  in 
our  records,  it  is  only  because  of  the  meagreness  of  the 
original  sources  of  information  that  have  come  down  to  us.^^ 

Tiie  leader  of  the  revolt  is  called  in  the  works  of  Christian 
writers  Cochba  or  Bar-Cochba,  and  by  the  rabbinical  authori- 
ties Barcosiba  or  Bencosiba.^^     The  one  as  well  as  the  other 

8"  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  14.  70. 

^1  From  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  12,  it  appears  that  the  founding  of  Aelia 
occurred  in  the  time  of  Hadrian's  first  visit  to  Syria,  a.d.  130,  but  the 
outbraak  of  the  rebellion  after  his  second  visit  in  a.d.  131,  and  so  probably 
in  A.D.  132.  In  fact,  the  Chronicle  of  Eusebius  places  the  beginning  of 
the  rebellion  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  Hadrian,  i.e.  a.d.  132-133  (Eusebius, 
Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  166  sq.). 

^2  Xoxifix^  and  Chochebas  are  the  forms  of  the  name  in  the  Chronicle 
of  Eusebius,  and  in  Jerome,  ad  ann.  Abr.  2149  (ed.  Schoene,  ii.  168  sq.  ; 
the  Greek  form  in  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  660)  ;  so  too  in  Orosius, 
vii.  13  (ed.  Zangemeister).  Bapx^x^fi'^g  in  Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  i.  31 
(ed.  Otto),  and  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6  (ed.  Heinichen);  the  passage  from 
Justin  also  in  Eusebirs,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  8.     Barcochabas  in  Jerome,  Adv. 


298  THE  EOMAN'-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

is  only  a  designation ;  the  former  distinguishes  him  as  the 
star,  or  the  son  of  the  star,  with  reference  to  Num.  xxiv.  18, 
which  passage  R  Akiba  applied  to  him  f'^  the  latter  is  a  name 
derived  either  from  his  father  (the  son  of  Cosiba)  or  from 
his  home  (the  man  of  Cosiba),  and  not  until  a  comparatively 
late  period,  and  only  by  a  few  individual  writers,  in  view  of 
his  miserable  collapse,  was  it  taken  to  mean  liar  or  deceiver.^ 
The  designation  Cochba  or  Bar-Cochba  was  apparently  chosen 
on  account  of  its  similarity  in  sound  to  Barcosiba,  but  seems 
to  have  become  pretty  generally  current,  since  the  Christian 
authorities   are  acquainted   with   it   alone.      The   coins   have 

Rufin.  iii.  31  {0pp.  ed.  Vallarsi,  ii.  559). — In  the  rabbinical  sources,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  have  t<a''T"l3  "13  or  KTT1D  p  (Derenbourg,  Histoire  de 
la  Palestine,  p.  423  ;  Lebrecht,  Bether,  p.  13). — Compare  in  regard  to  him 
generally :  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Chald.  col.  1028  {s.v.  2T3);  Derenbourg,  Histoire, 
p.  423  sqq.  ;  Salzer,  Magazin  fiir  die  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  iii. 
184  fF.  ;  Lebrecht,  Bether  (1877),  pp.  12-20  ;  Hamburger,  Eeal-Encyclo- 
paedie,  article  "  Barkochba  ;"  Levy,  Neuhebraisches  Worterhuch,  ii.  312. 

'^^  Jer.  Taanith  iv.  fol.  68'^  (Cracow  ed.)  :  "  E.  Simon  ben  Jocliai  said  : 
R.  Akiba  my  teacher  expounded  the  passage :  There  shall  go  a  star  (3D1D) 
out  jof  Jacob"  (Num.  xxiv.  17),  as  follows:  'There  goes  saTID  out  from 
Jacob.'  When  R.  Akiba  saw  Barcosiba  he  said,  This  is  the  king  Messiah. 
Then  said  to  him  R.  Jochanan  ben  Torta  :  Akiba,  the  grass  will  grow  out 
of  thy  jaw-bone,  and  yet  the  Son  of  David  will  not  have  come."  See  the 
text  in  Lebrecht,  Bether,  p.  44  ;  German  in  Wiinsche,  Der  Jerusalemische 
Talmud,  1880,  p.  157. — The  correct  exi)lanation  of  Cochba  as  meaning  a 
star  (osffT^p)  is  also  given  in  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6,  and  Syncellus, 
i.  660.  According  to  Eusebius,  Barcoshba  also  gave  himself  out  for  a 
(PuGTrip   f|   ovp(zyov. 

^^  Since  Barcosiba  or  Bencosiba  is  the  prevailing  form,  even  in  the 
mouths  of  such  as  esteemed  him  highly,  like  Akiba,  it  cannot  have  had  a 
disrespectful  meaning.  Cosiba  is  either  the  name  of  his  father  (so  in 
earlier  days,  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  423,  note  3)  or  of  his  home,  K3T3, 
1  Chron.  iv.  22  =  2"'fD,  Gen.  xxxviii.  5  =  3'>t3S,  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  Josh. 
XV.  44 ;  Micah  i.  14  (hardly  to  be  identified  with  2V3N  in  the  tribe  of 
Asher  =  Ekdippa,  between  Tyre  and  Ptolemais,  as  conjectured  by  Deren- 
bourg, Melanges  publics  far  I'ecole  des  hautes  dudes,  1878,  p.  157  sq.). — The 
rendering  of  it  QTi^,  "  Liar,"  makes  its  appearance  first  in  the  Midrash, 
Echa  rabhathi,  see  Levy,  Neuhebraishches  Wdrterbuch,  ii.  312;  the  text  is 
given  in  Lebrecht,  Bether,  p.  46  ;  in  German  in  Wiinsche,  Der  Midrasck 
Echa  rabbati,  1881,  p.  100. 


§  2t.    (.s)  THE  GKEAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  299 

preserved  for  us  the  proper  name  of  two  men.  For  it  is  a 
fact  scarcely  admitting  of  question  that  the  Simon- coins, 
some  of  which  certainly,  and  others  most  probably,  were 
stamped  during  the  period  of  this  outbreak,  were  issued  by 
the  leader  of  this  outbreak,  who  was  certainly  Bar-Cochba. 
Those  minted  in  the  first  year  have  the  inscription,  "  Simon, 
Prince  of  Israel,"  bxitJ'''  X^B'J  pyc^J' ;  those  minted  in  the  second 
year  have  only  the  name  "  Simon  "  pyot^'.  On  some  the  figure 
of  a  star  appears  over  that  of  a  temple.  Besides  the  Simon- 
coins  there  are  also  coins  of  the  first  year  with  the  inscription, 
"  Eleasar  the  Priest,"  ]r\::r\  -irj;!)K.  There  thus  seem  to  have 
been  two  men  at  the  head  of  the  rebellion,  besides  the  Prince 
Simon,  the  Priest  Eleasar.  After  the  second  year  there  are 
no  more  Eleasar-coins.^"'  Since  in  late  rabbinical  documents 
the  R  Eleasar  of  Modein,  who  is  also  known  from  other 
sources,  is  described  as  the  uncle  of  Barcosiba,^^  some  have 
ventured  to  conjecture  that  this  man  is  the  same  as  the  one 
named  "  Eleasar  the  Priest "  on  the  coins.^  But  there  is 
nothing  anywhere  to  indicate  that  Eleasar  of  Modein  was  a 
priest. 

The  application  of  the  designation  of  the  "  Star,"  which 
should  come  out  of  Jacob,  to  Barcosiba,  shows  that  he  was 
regarded  as  the  Messiah.  R.  Akiba,  the  most  celebrated 
doctor  of  the  law  in  his  time,  is  said  to  have  distinctly 
announced  him  as  such.^  And  though,  indeed,  all  the 
colleagues  of  Akiba  did  not  recognise  him,  he   had  the  mass 

®'  See  on  the  coins  generally,  Appendix  IV. — The  coins  with  the  star 
are  given,  e.g.,  in  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews  (1881),  pp.  239,  244. 

^^  Midrash  on  Echa  ii.  2  ;  Giltin  57^  (in  Derenhourg,  Histoire,  pp. 
424,  433.  See  on  Eleasar  of  Modein  :  Bacher,  Die  Agada  der  Tannaiten 
(1884),  pp.  194-219.  lyilpn  '-\]V'hii  'n  is  frequently  referred  to  in  the 
Mechilta.     See  above,  vol.  i.  p.  209  f. 

*'■  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  \dii.  291 ;  De  Sanlcy,  Revue  Num.  1865,  p.  44. 

**  See  the  passage  quoted  in  note  83  ;  also  Bacher,  Die  Agada  der 
Tannaiten,  p.  291  f.  On  Akiba  generally :  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  375  f., 
and  the  literature  there  referred  to. 


SOO  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

of  the  people  on  Lis  side.  As  in  the  days  of  Vespasian,  so 
also  at  this  time  there  was  a  widespread  idea  that  the  day 
liad  come  when  the  old  prophecy  of  the  prophets  would  be 
fulfilled,  and  Israel  would  cast  off  the  yoke  of  the  Gentiles. 
The  Christian  legends  also  declare  that  Barcosiba  bewitched 
the  people  by  deceitful  miracles.^^ — Just  by  reason  of  the 
Messianic  character  of  the  movement  it  was  quite  impossible 
for  Christians  to  take  part  in  it.  They  could  not  deny  their 
own  Messiah  by  recognising  the  leader  of  the  political 
revolution  as  sucli.  Hence  they  were  persecuted  with 
peculiar  violence  by  the  new  Messiah,  as  Justin  Martyr  and 
Eusebius  testify.^ 

The  rebellion  spread  rapidly  over  all  Palestine.  Wherever 
strongholds,  castles,  caverns,  subterranean  passages  afforded 
hiding  -  places,  there  were  those  who  struggled  for  native 
customs  and  freedom  gathered  together.  An  open  conflict 
they  avoided ;  but  from  their  dens  in  the  mountains  they 
made  devastating  raids  upon  the  country,  and  fought  with  all 
who  did  not  attach  themselves  to  their  party .^  Jerusalem 
also  was  certainly  beset  by  the  rebels.  The  doubt  which 
many,  on  the  other  hand,  have  raised  is  mainly  supported  by 

8^a  Jerome,  adv.  Eufin.  iii.  21  {0pp.  ed.  Vallarsi,  ii.  559).  Jerome  says 
there  to  his  opponent  Rufinus  that  he  spits  fire  "  ut  ille  Barchochabas, 
auctor  seditionis  Judaicae,  stipulam  in  ore  succeusam  anhelitu  ventilabat, 
ut  flamnias  evomere  putaretur." 

*"  Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  i.  31  :  K«J  yxp  i»  ru  vvv  yiyiunuivu^  lovhx'iK.ijt 
ToT^ifta  'Bcipx^X^(^'*'j  OTVji  '  lovlociuv  oiTToaTxaiu;  ecpxyiyiTYi^,  'Hpiaritxi/ovs  f/.6tiov; 
if;  rt[^upiot,g  ^nva,;,  ii  fiVi  dpvoiuro  'Inaovv  roi/  'Kpiazou  kccI  j5'Kxa(i:yifiohv,  ix.i'Kiviv 
uTTocytaScit.  Eusebius,  Chroiiicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  168  sq.  ad.  ami.  Ahr.  2149. 
According  to  the  Armenian :  "  Qui  dux  rebellionis  Judaeorum  erat 
Chochebas,  multos  e  Christianis  diversis  suppliciis  aflfecit,  quia  nolebant 
procedere  cum  illo  ad  pugnam  contra  Romanes."  So,  too,  the  Latin  repro- 
duction of  Jerome  in  Schoene,  and  Syncellus,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  6G0.  Compare 
also  Orosius,  vii.  13. 

2"  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  12.  Compare  Jerome,  Chronicon,  ad  ann.  Ahr.  2148 
(Eusebius,  Chronicon,ed.  Schoene,  ii.  167):  " Judaei  in arma  versi  Palestinam 
depopulati  sunt."  The  Armenian  text  of  Eusebius  has :  "  Judae 
rebeliarunt  et  Palestinensium  terram  invasenrat." 


§  21.    (S)  THE  GREAT  REBELLION   UNDER  HADRIAN.  301 

this,  that  in  the  more  trustworthy  sources  (Dio  Cassius  and 
Eusebius*  Church  History)  there  is  no  mention  of  a  war  at 
Jerusalem.  But  how  unspeakably  meagre  are  these  sources 
generally  !  Even  upon  internal  grounds  it  is  probable  that 
the  rebels,  who  were  at  the  beginning  victorious,  should  have 
made  themselves  masters  of  Jerusalem,  which  was  not  then  a 
strongly  fortified  city,  but  only  a  Roman  camp.  But  this 
conjecture  is  confirmed  by  twofold  testimony.  In  the  first 
place  by  the  coins.^^  The  coins  that  with  the  greatest  con- 
fidence can  be  set  down  to  this  period,  bear  on  the  one  side 
the  name  of  Simon,  pyotr,  and  on  the  other  side  the  superscrip- 
tion, oyc"!"!''  niin^,  leclieruth  Jerusclialevfi,  "  the  freedom  of 
Jerusalem."  Therefore,  the  freeing  of  Jerusalem  was  com- 
memorated by  Simon  on  the  coins.  But  there  are  among  the 
coins  belonging  to  this  period  also  examples  which,  besides 
the  date  "  Eirst  Year  of  the  freeing  of  Israel "  or  "  Second 
Year  of  the  freedom  of  Israel,"  bear  only  the  name  Jeru- 
salem, D^u'iT.  These,  therefore,  have  been  minted  by  the  city 
itself  in  its  own  name,  and  hence  we  see  that  this  city  in  the 
first  year  as  well  as  in  the  second  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
rebels.  In  addition  to  this  witness  from  the  coins,  we  have 
the  contemporary  Appian,  by  whom,  as  will  be  told  farther 
on,  the  fact  of  the  reconquest  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Romans  is 
declared  as  a  fact.^' — Whether  during  these  troubled  years  of 

^'  In  regard  to  these  see  Appendix  IV. 

^2  The  besieging  of  Jerusalem  by  the  rebels  has  been  contested,  without 
any  sufficient  ground,  by  Cassel  in  his  article  "  Juden"  in  Ersch  and 
Gruber's  Encyclopaedie,  sec.  ii.  Bd.  27,  p.  14,  and  by  Jost,  Geschichte  dcs 
Judenthums,  ii.  79,  note.  Also  Renan  declares  that  it  is  very  improbable, 
in  the  treatise  :  "Jerusalem  a-t-elle  ete  assiegee  et  detruite  une  troisierae  fois 
sous  Adrien?"  in  Hevue  historique,  t.  ii.  1876,  pp.  112-120  =  L'e'glise 
cJire'tienne,  1879,  pp.  541-553.  His  final  judgment  is  :  "  que  I'occupation  de 
Jerusalem  ait  etc  un  Episode  court  de  ladite  guerre,  cela  est  strictement 
possible;  c'estpeu probable cependant;"  see Bevue,n.ll9  =  L'e'glise chrdiejincj 
p.  551.  Gregorovius,  founding  upon  the  coins,  holds  it  as  probable  that 
the  rebels  gained  at  least  a  temporary  possession  of  Jerusalem,  but  denies 
that  it  had  been  the  scene  of  any  regular  fighting  {Der  Kaiser  Hadrian, 


302  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

war  the  rebuilding  of  the  Jewish  temple  may  actually  have 
been  begun  must  be  left  undecided.  Late  Christians  declare 
that  this  was  so,  and  the  intention  to  carry  on  this  work  was 
certainly  entertained.^' 

In  regard  to  the  progress  of  the  war  we  know  almost 
nothing.  When  it  broke  out  Tineius  Eufus  was  governor  of 
Judea.''*  When  he  was  unable  with  his  troops  to  crush  the 
rebels,  the  revolt  not  only  increased  in  dimension  and 
importance  throughout  all  Palestine,  but  also  spread  itself  far 
out  beyond  the  limits  of  that  country.  Unstable  and  restless 
elements  indeed  of  another  sort  attached  themselves  to  the 
Jewish  rebellion,  so  that  at  last  "  the  whole  world,  so  to  speak, 
was  in  commotion."  ®^     The  severest  measures  were  necessary 

3  Aufl.  pp.  194,  200  f.;  Sitzungsherichte  der  Munchener  Akademie,  1883,  pp. 
502-505).  Similarly  Selzer,  Magazinfur  die  JVissenschaft  des  Judenthums 
'v.  22  f.  Upon,  the  whole  the  besieging  of  Jerusalem  by  the  rebels  is 
admitted  by  most,  e.g.  Deyling,  Observationcs  sacrae,  t.  v.  Lips.  1748,  pp. 
455-460  (in  the  dissertation:  "Aeliae  Capitolinae  origines  et  historia"); 
Miinter,  Der  jiidische  Krieg,  pp.  56  fF.,  69  ff.  ;  also  Schiller,  Geschichte  der 
rom.  Kainerzeit,  i.  612,  note  ;  Mommsen,  Bomische  Geschichte,  v.  545. 

^3  Chrysostom,  Orat.  adv.  Jadaeos,  v.  10,  speaks  of  an  attempt  at  the 
rebuilding  of  the  temple  in  the  time  of  Hadrian.  He  endeavours  there  to 
show  that  the  destruction  of  the  temple  had  been  brought  about  by  the 
Avill  of  God.  If  the  Jews  had  not  made  the  attempt  to  build  again  tlie 
temple,  then  they  might  say  :  If  we  had  chosen  we  might  have  built  it 
again.  Ni/^i  di  uiirov;  ieUvvfct,  on  ovx  cc'tto.^,  oiias  Bif,  «XX«  kxI  rpl; 
f7rt)i^sip7ia»uroc;  kolI  occyiuTot.;,  namely,  under  Hadrian,  Constantine,  and 
Julian.— Georgius  Cedrenus,  ed.  Bekker,  i.  437,  relates  :  etp'  ov  <TTecffix(Ta.vrut) 
TUU  "'lovhociuu  Kcci  rov  iv  '  lipoao'Avfiois  vctov  oix,ohoui;(Tciet  /BovTiYidhrau  opyl^ereti 
x.»r  ocvToiu  (T$ohpet  kxi  TroT^i/nov  yevociivov  fAiroc^v  oivii>.iv  t|  ecvrav  tu  iifiipct 
fn-ioi  f^vpta.'hot;  vn' •  In  the  details  of  his  statement  this  Cedrenus  agrees 
so  exactly  with  the  statement  of  Chrysostom  that  it  is  apparent  that  he 
must  have  drawn  his  information  either  directly  from  Chrysostom,  or  else 
from  the  sources  which  Chrysostom  had  used.  Nicephorus  Callistus  also, 
in  his  Eccles.  Hid.  iii.  24  (Migne,  Patrol.  Graec.  t.  cxlv.),  reproduces  this 
report.  The  Chronicon  Paschale  asserts  that  Hadrian  at  the  building  of 
Aelia,  after  the  suppression  of  the  revolt,  destroj'ed  the  Jewish  temple 
(ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474  :  kuSi'Kuv  t6v  vxov  rav  'JovOccU)v  tCv  tv  '  ItpoaoXvfioii). — 
Much  weight  cannot  be  laid  upon  any  of  these  witnesses. 

^*  On  the  correct  form  of  his  name  see  above,  p.  263. 

Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  13  :  TriaYK  u{  ilTiJy  Kivovf^iuris  Wi  rour^  rrj:  o'lKovu-ii/ri^. 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GKEAT  REBELLION   UNDER  EADRIAN,  303 

in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  uproar.  Large  bodies  of  troops 
from  other  provinces  were  called  in  to  strengthen  the  resident 
garrison.      The  best  generals  were  commissioned  for  Palestine.^^ 

^*  On  the  increasing  of  the  strength  of  the  troops :  Eusebins,  Hist, 
eccl.   iv.   6.   1  ;    Chronicon,  ad  ann.  Ahr.   2148. — Generals  :    Dio  Cassius, 

Ixix.  13  :  Tovg  KpxTt'arov;  tuv  nrpxrnycjv  6  AMptotvog  £t'  uvrwg  iTTif^il/iu. — 
By  inscriptions  it  can  be  proved  that  the  following  troops  took  part  in 
tlie  war  (see  Darmesteter,  Revue  des  dudes  juives,  t.  i.  1880,  pp.  42-49  ; 
Schiller,  Geschichte  der  rdm.  Kaiserzeit,  i.  614,  note  ;  the  facts  are  very 
incoirectly  stated  by  Gregorovius,  Der  Kaiser  Hadrian,  p.  199  :  (1)  The 
leg.  III.  Gyrenaica,  which  from  the  time  of  Augustus  to  that  of 
Trajan  had  remained  in  Egypt,  and  since  the  time  of  Trajan  had 
formed  the  garrison  of  the  new  province  of  Arabia  (Pfitzner,  Geschichte  der 
romischen  Kaiserlegionen,  1881,  p.  227  f.).  A  tribune  belonging  to  the 
legion  was  presented  "donis  militaribus  a  divo  Hadriano  ob  Judaicam 
expeditionem "  (Orelli-Henzen,  Inscr.  Lat.  n.  6501  =  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat. 
t.  xiv.  n.  3610);  a  centurion  of  this  same  legion  received  "ab  imp. 
Hadriano  corona  aurea  torquibus  armillis  phaleris  ob  bellum  Judeicum  " 
(Orelli,  n.  832  =  Inscr.  Regni  Neap.  n.  3542  =  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t. 
X.  n.  3733). — (2)  The  leg.  III.  Gallica,  which  probably  from  the  time  of 
Augustus  belonged  to  the  garrison  of  Syria  (see  above,  p.  50  ;  Marquardt, 
Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  ii.  1876,  p.  432  ff.;  Pfitzner,  p.  228  ff.).  An 
emeritus  of  this  legion  was  presented  "ex  voluntate  imp.  Hadriani  Aug. 
torquibus  et  armillis  aureis,"  undoubtedly  in  connection  with  the  Jewish 
war  (Orelli,  n.  3571). — (3)  It  is  also  self-evident  that  the  leg.  X.  Fretensis, 
as  the  resident  garrison  troops  of  Judea,  would  take  j^art  in  the  war.  A 
centurion  of  that  legion  was  presented  "ab  divo  Hadriano  ob  bellum 
Judaicum  corona  aurea  torquibus  armillis  phaleris"  (Bulletin  dc  correspond- 
ancs  helU^nique,  1888,  p.  424  sqq.  =  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  xvii.  1888,  p. 
299  sq.).— (4)  Presumably  also  the  legio  VI.  Ferrata  took  part  in  the  war, 
for  it  had  previously  formed  part  of  the  garrison  of  Syria,  and  formed  from 
the  time  of  Hadrian,  along  with  the  leg.  X.  Fretensis,  the  garrison  of  Judea 
(see  above,  pp.  50,  257  f.).  On  the  other  hand,  the  co-operation  of  the 
hg.  IV.  Scythica  in  this  war  is  highly  improbable,  although  insisted  upon 
by  Darmesteter.  See  on  this  point  the  next  note. — (5)  Of  auxiliary 
cohorts,  of  which  undoubtedly  a  great  number  took  part  in  the  war,  tlie 
inscriptions  refer  to  the  coh.  IV.  Lingonum,  the  commander  of  which  was 
presented  "  vexillo  mil(itari)  a  divo  Hadriano  in  expeditione  Judaica  " 

(Orelli-Henzen,   n.    5480  =  Corpus    Inscr.    Lat.    t.    vi.    n.    1523). (6)  A 

detachment,  whicli  took  part  in  the  Jewish  war,  is  also  mentioned  in 
Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  3505  :  "Sex.  Attius  Senecio  praef.  alae  I.  Fl. 
Gaetulorum,  trib.  leg.  X.  Geminae,  missus  a  Divo  Hadriano  in  expeditione 
Judaica  ad  vexilla(tione8  deducendas  ?)."  It  would  appear  as  if  this 
detachment  had  been  taken  from  the  kg.  X.  Gernina,  which  was  stationed 


304  THE  ROMAN- HEKODI AN  AGE. 

Even  the  governor  of  Syria,  Publicius  Marcellus,  hasted  to 
the  aid  of  his  endangered  colleague.'""  But  it  seems  that 
Eufus  for  the  most  of  the  time  retained  the  supreme  command  ; 
for  Eusebius  names  no  other  Eoman  commander,  and  speaks 
as  if  the  suppression  of  the  revolt  was  accomplished  by  Eufus.®* 
In  rabbinical  authorities  also,  "  Eufus  the  Tyrant,"  DiDn  d:"I"iI3, 
appears  the  chief  enemy  of  the  Jews  at  that  time.®*     But 

in  Pannonia. — (7)  Also  the  Syrian  fleet  had  been  called  to  give  assistance 
{dassis  Syriaca),  for  its  commander  was  presented  "  donis  militaribus  a 
divo  Hadriano  ob  bellum  Judaicura "  (Orelli-Henzen,  n.  6924  =  Eenier, 
Inscriptions  de  I'Algerie,  n.  3518  =  Corpus  Inscr.  Lot.  t.  viii.  n.  8934). 
That  the  fleet  did  actually  engage  in  a  helium  Judaeicum  is  also  stated  in 
a  fragmentary  inscription,  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  1565.  Here  too 
the  reference  clearly  is  to  the  war  of  Hadrian  (so  Mommsen,  Ephemeris 
epigraphica,  iii.  p.  331).  On  an  inscription  in  honour  of  a  certain 
P.  Lucilius  Gamala  at  Ostia,  near  Rome,  mention  is  made  of  a  bellum 
navale,  to  which  Ostia  had  contributed  a  large  contingent.  Since  this 
Lucilius  Gamala,  according  to  another  inscription,  lived  in  the  times  of 
Hadrian,  Antoninus  Pius,  and  Marcus  Aurelius,  it  might  indeed  have  been 
the  Jewish  war  of  Hadrian  that  he  was  engaged  in.  But  it  is  probably  the 
Marcomanian  war  of  Marcus  Aurelius  that  is  intended.  See  the  two  inscrip- 
tions in  the  Annali  dell'  Institute,  1857,  p.  323  sqq. ;  and  for  their  explana- 
tion, especially  Mommsen,  Ephemeris  epigraphica,  t.  iii.  1877,  pp.  319-332. 

^^  Corpus  Inscr.  Graec.  n.  4033  and  4034  (the  former  =  Archaolog.- 
epigraph.  Mitthcilungcn  aus  Oesterreich-Umjarn,  ix.  118).  In  both  inscrip- 
tions, which  are  almost  literal  copies  of  eacli  other,  it  is  told  that  Ti.  (or 
P.  V)  Severus  was  commander  of  the  leg.  IV.  Scythica,  and  administered  Syria 
as  commissary  when  Publicius  Marcellus  had  left  Syria  on  account  of  the 
outbreak  of  the  Jewish  revolt(2iot^>iooi/  .  .  .  ijys/ii6uix.7^syi6ouog^'  'S.KvStx.vj;  >ccct 
CiOKVjaa.vTCCToi  Iv  'S.vplcc  'Trpa.yft.oi.ra,,  iivix.»  Uovi3y\iKioi  MapjcsAXoj  diccTVjv  xiuriaiv 
riv' lovhoLU'/jv  fiirat,(ii(ivix.it  »%(>  ^vpict;).  Publicius  Marcellus  led  a  portion 
of  the  Syrian  garrison,  which  consisted  of  three  legions  (Pfitzner,  p.  187), 
against  Judea,  while  Severus  undertook  as  commissary  the  administration 
of  Syria,  presumably  still  retaining  the  command  of  his  legion.  The 
leg.  IV.  Scythica  therefore  probably  remained  in  Syria. 

^^  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6.  1  :  7ro><s/xov  -n  v6fAii>  raj  xupoL^  etlnuv 
i^oti/'hpaTrohi^^ofisvo;. 

39  Bab.  Tannith  29^  in  Derenbourg,  Historic,  p.  422.  Generally: 
Schoettgen,  Horae  hebraicae,  ii.  953-957  ;  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Clialdaicum, 
col.  916  (s.v.  pto) ;  Levy,  Neuhebra'isches  Worterhuch,  ii.  149,  s.v. 
DIJIID  ;  Bacher,  Die  Agada  der  Tannaiten,  1884,  pp.  294-300  =  Monats- 
schrift  filr  Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1883,  pp.  303  ff. 
347  fl". — The  form  DIDIl  DIJIID  is  indeed  only  a  corruption  of  Tineius 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  EEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  305 

from  Dio  Cassius,  whose  statements  on  this  point  are 
corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  inscriptions,  we  know  that 
during  the  last  period  of  the  war  Julius  Severus,  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  of  Hadrian's  generals,  had  the  supreme 
command,  and  that  it  was  he  who  succeeded  in  bringing  the 
rebellion  to  an  end.  He  was  summoned  from  Britain  to 
conduct  this  war,  and  took  a  considerable  time  in  crushing 
the  revolt.  In  an  open  engagement  no  decisive  result  was 
gained.  The  rebels  had  to  be  hunted  out  of  their  hiding- 
places  one  by  one  ;  and,  where  they  kept  concealed  in  mountain 
caverns,  they  were  exhausted  by  having  their  supplies  cut  off. 
Only  after  long  continued  conflicts  with  individuals,  in  which 
there  was  great  expenditure  of  life,  did  he  at  last  succeed  in 
harrying,  exterminating,  and  rooting  them  out  of  the  whole 
country  (KaraTpl-xlrat,  koX  eKTpv^coaat  koI  eKKO'^^ai)}^ 

Where  Hadrian  was  residing  during  the  war  cannot  be 
determined  with  certainty.  Probably  during  the  critical  year 
he  was  himself  personally  present  at  the  seat  of  war.  He 
had  left  Syria  before  the  rebellion  broke  out.  The  evil 
tidings  seem  to  have  led  him  to  return  to  Judea ;  for  his 
presence  at  the  seat  of  war  is  not  only  presupposed  in  the 
rabbinical  legends,'"  but  is  also  made  probable  by  some  par- 
ticulars derived  from  inscriptions.'"^     There  is  no  reference  to 

Rufus.  In  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  the  oUler  editions  {e.g.  tliat  of  Cracow) 
have  in  several  places,  Berachoth  ix.  foL  14^  from  below,  Sota  v.  Ibl. 
20c  from  below,  D1Sl"lLDD131D,  Tunustrufus,  where  the  t  between  the  s  and 
r  seems  to  have  been  introduced  as  a  modification  in  pronunciation,  as  in 
Istrahel,  Esdras,  and  such  like  forms. 

i°"  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  13. — That  Julius  Severus  was  recalled  from  Britain 
is  shown  by  an  inscription,  Corjms  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  2830,  which 
gives  his  entire  cursus  honorum  (see  above,  p.  2G3  f.). 

^"^  Gittin  57a,  in  Derenlxjurg,  Histoire,  p.  433  sq. 

i"2  Hadrian's  presence  at  the  seat  of  war  was  denied,  e.g.  by  Grcgorovius, 
Der  Kaiser  Hadrian,  3  Aufl.  p.  197  ;  but  is,  on  the  contrary,  maintained 
without  any  detailed  proof  by  Ditrr,  Die  Keisen  des  Kaisers  Hadrian, 
1881,  p.  65  ;  Mommsen,  Rom.  Geschichte,  v.  545  ;  and,  on  the  ground  of 
the  rabbinical  documents,  is  assumed  by  Lebrecht,  Bether,  p.  37,  and 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  ir.  U 


306  THE  ROMAN-HEEODIAX  AGE. 

his  presence  in  Eonie  again  till  May  of  a.d.  134.*"^  He  would 
return  so  soon  as  he  had  been  assured  of  a  successful  issue  to 
the  war,  without  waiting  for  the  completion  of  the  operations. 
Dio  Cassius  as  well  as  Eusebius  is  silent  regarding  the  fate 
of  Jerusalem.  It  certainly  did  not  form  the  middle  point  of 
the  conflict,  as  it  had  done  in  the  Vespasian  war.  Its  forti- 
fications were  quite  nnimportant.  Even  although  the  rebels 
had  succeeded  in  driving  out  the  Eoman  garrison,  the  recap- 
ture of  the  city  would  have  been  no  very  serious  undertaking 
for  a  sufficiently  strong  Eoman  military  force.  But  that  it 
had  been  actually  taken  after  a  violent  assault  is  plainly 
stated  by  Appian,  a  contemporary  witness.^"*  When  Appian 
speaks  of  a  destruction  {KaTaaKdirreiv),  he  is  undoubtedly 
right,  inasmuch  as  violent  seizure  is  not  conceivable  without 
destruction  to  a  certain  extent.  But  after  all,  as  following 
tlie  thoroughgoing  work  of  Titus,  the  object  arrived  at  was 

others.  Darniesteter,  Bevue  des  ehides  juives,  i.  49-53,  and  Scliiller, 
Geschichte  der  romischen  Kaiserzeit,  i.  613,  note,  attempt  to  prove  it  from 
the  inscriptions.  Both  seek  support  for  their  view  from  the  following 
data:  (1)  One  Q.  Lollius  was  "legatus  imp.  Hadriani  in  expeditione 
Judaica,  qua  donatus  est  hasta  pura  corona  aurea "  (Orelli-Henzen,  n. 
6500  =  Renier,  Inscriptions  de  I'Alge'rie,  n.  2319  =  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  viii. 
11.  6706).  The  expression  "legatus  imp.,"  without  any  particularizing 
addition,  can  only  be  understood  as  designating  a  personal  adjutant,  wlio 
occupied  the  position  of  an  immediate  attendant  upon  the  emperor.  (2) 
On  an  inscription,  certainly  in  a  very  fragmentary  condition,  but  undoubt- 
edly belonging  to  the  later  period  of  Hadrian's  reign,  very  jirobably  to 
A.D.  134  or  135,  it  is  said  that  he  "(lab)oribus  max(imis  rempublicam  ab 
ho)ste  liberaverit"  (Orelli-Henzen,  n.  5457  =  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n. 
974).  Since  the  only  event  occurring  in  this  later  period  is  the  Jewisli 
war,  the  inscription  would  seem  to  refer  to  Hadrian's  active  participation 
in  it.  See  Henzen's  remarks.  According  to  Schiller,  Hadrian's  presence 
at  the  seat  of  war  is  made  certain  from  the  fact  tliat  to  Juliue  Severus 
were  awarded  only  "ornamenta  triumphalia,"  not  "  supplicationes  "  (Co?-^x 
laser.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  2830),  "he  was  not  therefore  commander-in-chief." 

^"■■^  Corp.  Inscr.  Grace,  n.  5906.  Diirr,  Die  Eeisen  des  Kaisers  Hadrian, 
p.  33. 

^''*  Appian,  Syr.  50  :  tsjj'  fnyiarnv  -aoKtv  Yipotsi/Kvy-v. — ,  rt'j  o»j  x.ct\  TItoXe- 
f/.ctlo;  6  Trpono;  AiyvTrrov  fictct'hivg  KetdyipriKii,  x.oe.1  OOtaTrxcrixyo;  audi:  oiy^f 
oSilaxv  KXTttrKx-^if  Kcti  'Aoptxvoi  xvStg  i-rr  i/aoi. 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  307 

comparatively  limited.  And,  on  the  otlier  hand,  the  Iiomans 
after  once  they  had  made  themselves  masters  of  the  city, 
would  not  go  further  in  the  work  of  destruction.  This  was 
necessary  in  view  of  their  purposed  new  building  of  Aelia.  A 
siege  of  the  city  is  assumed  by  Eusebius  in  his  Dcmonstratio 
cvangelica}^^  Many  Church  Fathers  (Chrysostom,  Jerome,  and 
others)  maintain  that  Hadrian  completely  destroyed  the 
remnants  of  the  old  city  which  were  still  left  standing  after 
the  destruction  by  Titus.  By  this  they  really  only  mean 
tliat  Hadrian  made  an  utter  end  of  the  old  Jewish  city,  and 
erected  a  new  heathen  city  in  its  place.'"®  In  the  Mishna  it 
is  related  that  Jerusalem  was  run  over  on  the  9tli  Ab  by  the 

105  Eusebius,  JJemonsirah'o  evangel,  vi.  18.  10,  ed.  Gaisford  :  the  prophecy 
of  Zech.  xiv.  2,  i^iT^svaiTxt  to  vtf^tav  rii;  TroXioi:  iv  oe,l)(,!^ot'huoicc,  was  fulfilled 
in  the  time  of  Vespasian  ;  the  other  half  of  the  city,  i.e.  of  the  inhabitants, 
was  besieged  in  Hadrian's  time  and  driven  out,  to  "Kot-ov  ttjs  Troy.sug  f^ipog 

TlfiiaV    'TlO'hlOpx.YlSiU    OtvStg    i^iy^CtVUirXt,    iig    S^    ixu'vOV    KOtt    ll;    ^ivpo    '7VCl,(A,V0t,V 

oLiSxTOv  otvroig  yiviadoii  tov  toVoj/.  Eusebius  therefore  does  not  speak  of 
the  destruction  of  the  city,  but  only  of  the  driving  forth  of  the  Jewish 
population  after  a  siege  had  been  conducted  against  the  city. 

loe  Chrysostom,  Adv.  Judaeos,  v.  11  :  tas  "Atiipavx  d^xuiax;  Truvrx. — 
Cedren.  ed.  Bekker,  i.  437  :  kxI  roe  ftev  ■Ku.'ha.ioi  'Ai(\px:/x  r'/};  'ttoMus  x.ut 
TfS  vxov  Kxrif'ii'TTuaxi  x.Ti^'-i  v'ixv  Xipwaa.'hri^. — Nicephorus,  Callisf.  Evcl. 
hist.  iii.  24  :  oax  ys  fiviu  rfi  tto'Asi  '7riptihii(pdyi  ZTjg  Ik  Tra.'hxi  oiKOOofi^s  "Aii-d/xi/ni 
ipifTTuaxt  X.XI  vxvrxTzxaLv  x<fxviaxi. — Hieronynius,  Comrn.  in  Jes.  i.  .'i 
(0pp.  ed.  Yallarsi,  iv.  15):  "post  Titum  et  Vespasianum  et  nltimam 
eversionem  Jerusalem  sub  Aelio  Hadriano  usque  ad  praesens  temjius 
nullum  remedium  est."  Idem,  in  Jer.  xxxi.  15  (Vallarsi,  iv.  1065) :  ".sul) 
Hadriano,  quando  et  urbs  Jerusalem  subversa  est."  Idem,  in  Ezek.  c.  5 
(Vallarsi,  v.  49) :  "  post  quinquaginta  annos  sub  Aelio  Hadriano  usque 
ad  solum  incensa  civitas  atque  deleta  est  ita  ut  pristinum  quoque  nomen 
amiserit."  Idevi,  in  Ezek.  c.  24  (Vallarsi,  v.  277):  "post  quinquaginta 
annos  sub  Hadriano  civitas  aeterno  igne  consumta  est."  Idem,  in  Dan. 
c.  9  fm.  (Vallarsi,  v.  G96).  Idem,  in  Joel.  i.  4  (Vallarsi,  vi.  171) :  "  Aelii 
quoque  Hadriani  contra  Judaeos  expeditionem  legimus,  qui  ita  Jei'usalem 
murosque  subvertit,  ut  de  urbis  reliquiis  ac  favillis  sui  nominis  Aeliam 
conderet  civitatem."  Idem,  in  Hab.  ii.  14  (Vallarsi,  vi.  622) :  "  usque 
ad    extremas   ruinas   Hadriani  eos   perduxit  obsidio."      Idem,  in   Zech. 

viii.  19  (Vallarsi,  vi.  852).     Idevi,  in  Zech.  xi.  4,  5  (Vallarsi,  vi.  885). 

Passages  from  other  writers   on  Church  history  are  given  in  Miinter 
pp.  G9-71. 


308  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

plougli.  By  this,  as  the  context  shows,  the  time  of  Hadrian 
is  meant.  In  the  Babylonian  Talmud  and  by  Jerome  this 
deed  is  ascribed  to  Eufus ;  only  they  both  speak,  not  of  a 
ploughing  of  the  city,  but  of  the  site  of  the  temple.'"'  The 
sliort  statement  in  the  Mishna  is  specially  deserving  of  notice. 
What  this  ceremony  would  signify,  however,  would  be,  not 
the  destruction,  but  the  new  founding ;  and  the  incident  must 
therefore  be  placed  before  the  outbreak  of  the  revolt.^"^  The 
story  of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  Hadrian  as  told  in  the 
Samaritan  chronicle  is  wholly  fabulous.'**^ 

1"^  Mislma,  Taanith  iv.  6,  enumerates  five  unfortunate  events  as 
happening  on  17tli  Thammuz,  and  five  unfortunate  events  as  happening 
on  9th  Ab.  In  reference  to  the  latter  it  is  said  :  "  On  9th  Ab  sentence 
was  pronounced  upon  our  forefathers  that  they  shoukl  enter  into  the 
country,  and  the  temple  was  on  the  first  occasion  and  on  the  second 
occasion  destroyed,  and  Beth-ther  was  conquered  and  Jerusalem  levelled 
down  with  the  plough "  ("I'lyn  Ht^inj)-  The  Babylonian  Talmud,  bab. 
Taanith  29a  (Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  422),  relates  more  particularly  that 
it  was  the  "turannus  Eufus"  (diSII  D:"11D)  who  caused  the  plough  to 
pass  over  the  site  of  the  temple  (it  is  there  called  pSTin,  not  T^i'il). — The 
whole  passage  is  to  be  found  quoted  almost  literally  in  Jerome,  who 
expressly  refers  for  authority  to  the  Jewish  tradition  ("cogimur  igitur 
ad  Habraeos  recurrere "),  ad  Zechar.  viii.  19,  C^pp.  ed.  Vallarsi,  vi.  852  : 
"  In  quinto  mense,  qui  apud  Latinos  appellatur  Augustus,  quum  propter 
exploratores  terrae  sanctae  seditio  orta  esset  in  populo,  jussi  sunt  montem 
non  ascendere,  sed  per  quadraginta  annos  longis  ad  terram  sanctani 
circuire  dispendiis,  ut  exceptis  duobus,  Caleb  et  Josue,  omnes  in 
Bolitudine  caderent.  In  hoc  mense  et  a  Nabuchodonosor  et  multa  post 
saecula  a  Tito  et  Vespasiano  templum  Jerosolymis  incensum  est  atque 
destructum  ;  capta  urbs  Bethel  [1.  Betlier],  ad  quam  multa  millia 
confugerant  Judaeorum  ;  aratum  templum  in  ignominiam  gentis  op- 
pressae  a  T.  Annio  [1.  Tinnio]  Rufo." 

^"^  That  the  plough  should  have  been  driven  over  Jerusalem  as  a  sign 
of  devastation  and  utter  ruin  is  not  probable,  since,  indeed,  the  building 
of  a  new  city  was  contemplated.  But  this  act  may  indeed  have  been 
performed  at  the  beginning  of  the  founding  of  the  new  city  as  a  ceremony 
of  initiation.  The  ceremonial  act  would  be  in  either  case  the  same  ;  see 
Servius  on  Virgil.  Aeneid,  iv.  212  :  "cum  conderetur  nova  civitas,  aratrum 
adhibitum,  ut  eodem  ritu  quo  condita  subvertatur."  An  exact  description 
of  the  ceremony  is  given  in  a  passage  from  Varro  quoted  by  Servius  on 
Virgil.  Aeneid,  v.  755. 

^"^  Chronicon   Samaritanum,  Arahicc  conscriptum,  cui   tituhis  est  Liber 


§  21.    (a)  THE  GEEAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRL\N.  309 

The  last  hiding-place  of  Bar-Cocliba  and  his  followers  was 
the  strong  mountain  fastness  of  Beth-ther,^-'*'  according  to 
Eusebius  not  very  far  from  Jerusalem,  probably  on  the  site 
of  the  modern  Bettir,  three  hours  south-west  of  Jerusalem. ^^^ 

Josuae,  ed.  Juynboll  (Lugd.  Bat.  1848),  p.  47. — The  liopes  wliicli  Miinter 
entertained  from  the  publication  of  this  chronicle  have  not  been  realized. 

'1"  The  name  of  the  city  is  given  by  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6,  as  Bi'ddnp 
(accus.  Bi'dd^poi),  or  according  to  some  manuscripts,  Biddnp,  B-JiSSrip  ;  in 
Rufinus,  Bethar.  In  the  Jerusalem  Talmud,  Taanith  iv.  fol.  68'i-69'^, 
where  the  name  occurs  frequently,  it  is  almost  constantly  "inn''3,  only 
very  rarely  -in''a.  In  the  Mishna,  Taanith  iv.  6,  the  Cambridge  and 
Hamljurg  manuscripts  have  -inn"'3  ;  the  editio  princeps  and  cod.  de  Rossi, 
138,  in^a  ;  a  Berlin  manuscript,  -\r\2-  The  correct  form  is  undoubtedly 
~inn''3,  Beth-ther. — On  the  ground  of  the  common  printed  text  of  the 
Mishna  it  is  generally  assumed  that  our  Beth-ther  is  also  referred  to  in 
Challa  iv.  10.  But,  according  to  the  context,  the  place  there  intended 
lies  beyond  the  borders  of  the  land  of  Israel,  and  the  correct  reading 
there  is  -|in''"'3,  Be-jittur.  —  In  other  passages  also,  where  it  has  been 
thought  that  our  place  was  referred  to,  this  is  found  to  be  extremely 
(juestionable.  Thus  in  Josephus,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  8.  1,  where  a 
village,  B'JiTctpi;,  is  mentioned  as  "in  the  midst  of  Idumea."  We  may 
also  compare  Bcii6'/)p,  which,  according  to  some  manuscripts  of  the  Septua- 
gint  text  of  Josh.  xv.  59,  is  named  among  the  cities  of  Judah  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Bethlehem  (cod.  Vatica^ms  has  Qid-zjp,  Init  Alexandrinus, 
Bot.iSr,p  ;  so  also  read  Jerome,  Gomm.  in  Micham,  v.  2,  0pp.  ed.  Vallarsi, 
vi.  490).  Also  BxiSdvip,  which  the  text  of  the  cod.  Alex.  1  Chron.  vi.  59 
(\'i.  44),  names  besides  Beth-shemesh.  In  the  passage  in  the  Song  of 
Songs  ii.  17,  iri3  is  not  Nomen  proprium  but  aptpellativum.  On  Bethar, 
south  of  Caesarea,  see  the  next  note. 

^^^  In  determining  the  site  many  have  allowed  themselves  to  be  led 
astray  by  adopting  a  wrong  point  of  view.  In  the  Itinerarium  Antonini, 
and  by  the  Pilgrim  of  Bordeaux,  a  Bethar  is  spoken  about  south  of 
Caesarea  on  the  road  to  Lydda  ;  and  the  rabbinical  legends  tell  how 
that  the  blood  of  those  slain  in  Beth-ther  rolled  away  with  it  great  masses 
of  rock  until  it  flowed  into  the  sea  (jer.  Taanith  iv.  fol.  69*  from  above, 
text  in  Lebrecht,  Bether,  p.  45  ;  French  in  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  434  ; 
(Jerman  in  Wiinsche,  Der  jerusalemische  Talmud,  1880,  p.  159).  On  the 
basis  of  these  statements  many  have  assumed  that  it  lay  in  the  neighbour- 
liood  of  the  coast,  and  was  identical  with  that  Bethar.  But  whoever  will 
follow  the  rabbinical  legend  must  follow  it  out  fully.  Now  it  expressly 
states  that  the  blood  flowed  from  Beth-ther  into  the  sea,  although  Beth- 
ther  was  forty  mil.  pass,  from  the  coast.  See  Derenbourg's  and  Wiinsche's 
translations  of  the  jer.  Taanith  iv.  fol.  G9^ .  Only  l>y  later  writers,  who 
found  the  statement  too  absurd,  has  the  distance  been  reduced  to  four  or 


310  THE  ROMAN-IIEKODIAN  AGE. 

After  a  long  and  stubborn  defence  this  stronghold  was  also 
conquered  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  Hadrian  =  a.d.  134-135/'^ 
according  to  rabbinical  calculation  on  the  9th  Ab.^^^     In  the 

one  mil.  pass,  (see  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  434,  note  4).  That  Betliar  of 
the  Itineraries  cannot  therefore  be  identified  with  our  Betli-ther,  because 
it  lay  in  a  predominantly  heathen  district,  and  on  the  plain,  and  was 
therefore  certainly  not  an  important  military  post  in  the  Jewish  war. 
The  only  certain  point  of  view  for  determining  the  site  is  that  offered  by 
the  statement  of  Eusebius,  that  it  was  not  far  from  Jerusalem  {Hist, 
eccl.  iv.  6:  tuv'  lipoaoXv/nuu  ou  aCpoboa  Tioppa  dtioruijoc).  It  is  accordingly 
scarcely  to  be  doubted  that  it  is  identical  with  the  modern  Bettir,  some 
three  hours  south-west  of  Jerusalem.  A  steep  ridge,  which  only  in  the 
south  joins  the  mountain  range,  there  breaks  into  the  valley.  The  place 
is  therefore  admirably  fitted  for  a  stronghold,  and  indeed  traces  of  an 
early  fortress  are  still  to  be  found  there.  Finally,  from  this  to  the  sea 
the  distance  is  just  about  forty  mil.  pass.,  as  mentioned  in  the  Jerusalem 
Talmud  ;  as  the  crow  flies,  thirty-one.  The  identity  of  this  locality  with 
Beth-ther  has  therefore  been  rightly  accepted  by  :  Eitter,  Erdkunde, 
xvi.  428  f.  ;  Williams,  The  Holy  City,  i.  209  -  213  ;  Tobler,  Dritte 
Wanderimg  nach  Paldstina  (1859),  pp.  101  -  105  ;  Guerin,  Jud^e, 
ii.  387-395  ;  Sepp,  Jerusalevi,  2  Aufl.  i.  647-650 ;  Eenan,  Les  evangiles, 
1877,  pp.  26-29  ;  L'eglise  chre'tienne,  1879,  p.  202  sq.  ;  Derenbourg, 
Melanges  publies  par  I'e'cole  des  hautes  e'tudes,  1878,  pp.  160-165  ;  Tlie 
Survey  of  Western  Palestine,  Memoirs  by  Conder  and  Kitchener,  iii.  20,  and 
with  it  Sheet  xvii.  of  the  large  English  Map. — The  identity  with  Bethar 
soutli  of  Caesarea  is  maintained  by :  Cassel  in  Ersch  and  Gruljer'.s 
Encyclopaedie,  sec.  ii.  Bd.  27,  p.  14  ;  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  iv.  156  ; 
Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  viii.  290  ;  Gottingen  gel.  Anzeiger,  1868,  p.  2030  ff. ; 
Gregorovius,  Hadrian,  j^p.  191,  202  f.  —  Yet  otherwise :  Herzfeld  in 
Erankel's  Monatsschrift  fiir  Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums, 
1856,  pp.  105-107  (=  Betaris  in  Idumea)  ;  Eobinson,  Biblical  Researches 
in  Palestine,  iii.  270  (identifies  it  with  Bethel)  ;  Neubauer,  Geographic  da 
Talmud,  pp.  103-114  (=  Beth-shemesh,  but  as  he  identifies  this  with  the 
modern  Bettir  he  is  so  far  correct) ;  Lebrecht,  Bether,  die  fragliche  Stadt 
im  hadrianisch-jiidischen  Krierje,  1877  (Bether  =  vetera  I !,  by  which  title 
the  old  castle  of  Sepphoris  is  said  to  have  been  designated  !  !  !) ;  Ham- 
burger, Real  -  Encyclopaedie,  article  "Bethar"  (in  general  correct  but 
indefinite  :  "on  the  mountains  of  Judea"). — Material  on  Beth-ther  is  also 
to  be  found  in  Buxtorf,  Lexicon  Chaldaicum,  s.v.  "iriQ  ;  Lightfoot,  Centuria 
Matthaeo  praemissa,  c.  52  (Opp.  ii.  208  sq.). 

112  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6. 

1^3  Mishna,  Taanith  iv.  6,  and  Jerome,  Comm.  in  Zech.  viii.  19,  Opp.  ed. 
Vallarsi,  vi.  852  (see  the  passage  quoted  in  note  107).—  If  we  could  give 
any  credence  still  to  this  tradition  it  might  be  understood  of  Ab  of  the 


§  21.    (3)  THE  GREAT  EEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  311 

sack  of  the  city  they  found  Bar-Cochba,  "  the  originator  of  all 
the  mad  fanaticism  which  had  called  down  the  punishment."^^* 
We  have  absolutely  no  information  about  the  siege  and 
conquest.  The  rabbinical  legends  tell  all  manner  of  stories 
about  this  struggle  ;  but  these  productions  of  the  wildest 
fancy  do  not  deserve  even  once  to  be  mentioned.  This  one 
point  alone  may  perhaps  deserve  to  be  repeated,  that  before  the 
fall  of  the  city  E.  Eleasar,  the  uncle  of  Bar-Cochba,  is  said  to 
have  been  slain  by  his  nephew  because  he  falsely  suspected 
him  of  having  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Eomans.-^^^ 
With  the  fall  of  Beth-ther  the  war  was  brought  to  a  close, 
after  having  continued  for  somewhere  about  three  years  and 
a  half,  A.D.  132-135.^^^     During  the  course  of  it  also  many 

year  135  ;  for  the  war  was  probably  carried  on  into  that  year.  The  years 
of  Hadrian's  reign  run  from  11th  August  to  11th  August  (Spartian, 
Hadrian,  c.  4).     The  9th  Ab  would  correspond  to  the  end  of  July. 

^'■'  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6. 

^'^  The  legends  about  the  fall  of  Beth-ther  are  found  principally  in  jer. 
Taanith  iv.  fol.  68''-69*  (German  in  Wiinsehe,  Der  jerusalemische  Talmud, 
1880,  pp.  157-160),  and  Midrash,  Echa  rabbathi  c.  ii.  (German  in 
Wiinsehe,  Der  Midrasch  Echa  rabbathi  1881,  pp.  100-102).  The  texts  are 
collected  by  Lebrecht,  Bether,  p.  44  ff.  On  their  relation  to  one  another, 
see  Lebrecht,  p.  20  f. — The  story  of  the  death  of  Eleasar  is  given  also  in 
Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  433  sq.  —  In  the  description  of  the  fearful 
massacre  which  the  Romans  perpetrated,  the  rabbinical  legends  use  the 
same  hyperbole  which  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Revelation  also 
employs  :  that  the  blood  reached  up  on  the  horses  as  far  as  the  nostrils 
(Apoc.  xiv.  20 :  up  to  the  horses'  bridles,  olxoi  tuv  ;iaX/i/S»  rat> 
'i-TTiruu).  Even  Lightlbot  and  Wetstein  have  called  attention,  in  their 
notes  on  Rev.  xiv.  20,  to  the  parallel  between  that  passage  and  jer. 
Taanith  69*  and  Midrash,  Echa  rabbathi,  c.  ii, 

^^^  That  "  the  government  of  Barcosiba"  lasted  three  and  a  half  years 
is  stated  in  Seder  Olam  (in  Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  413  :  ti^TlS  p  013^0 
nVriDI  CJC^*  t^vt^  ;  the  reading  three  and  a  half  is  certainly  the  correct 
one  ;  see  Salzer,  Magazin  fur  die  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthiims,  iv.  1877, 
pp.  141-144).  Jerome  also  mentions  it  as  the  opinion  of  some  Hebraei 
that  the  last  week  year  of  Daniel  (Dan.  ix.  27)  covers  the  period  of 
Vespasian  and  of  Hadrian  (Comm.  in  Daniel  9  Jin.  =  Opp.  ed.  Vallarsi, 
V.  696  :  "  tres  autem  anni  et  sex  menses  sub  Hadriano  supputantur, 
quando  Jerusalem  omnino  subversa  est  et  Judaeorum  gens  catervatini 
caesa  ").    In  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  the  three  and  a  half  years  are  mentioned 


312  THE  r.OMAN-IlERODIAN  AGE. 

Eabbis  died  a  martyr's  death.  The  later  legends  have 
glorified  hj  poetic  amplification  and  exaggeration  especially 
the  death  of  ten  such  martyrs,  among  them  that  of  E.  Akiba.^^^ 

as  the  period  of  the  siege  of  Beth-ther  ( jer.  Taanith  iv.  fol.  68'*  in  Lehrecht, 
Bether,  p.  44  ;  Wiinsche,  p.  158) ;  in  the  Midrash,  Echa  rabbathi,  three  and 
a  half  years  are  assigned  to  Vespasian's  siege  of  Jerusalem  and  three  and  a 
half  years  to  Hadrian's  siege  of  Beth-ther  (Derenbourg,  Histoire,  p.  431).— 
Although  these  witnesses  do  not  carry  any  great  weight,  they  are  correct 
in  saying  that  the  war  lasted  about  three  and  a  half  years.  Later  docu- 
ments confound  the  continuance  of  the  siege  of  Beth-ther  with  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  war.  That  the  beginning  is  to  be  placed  in  a.d.  132  has 
been  shown  above  in  p.  297.  The  end  is  to  be  placed,  according  to 
Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  Hadrian  =  a.d. 
134-135,  and,  indeed,  in  135  rather  than  134.  For  on  inscriptions  of 
the  year  134  Hadrian  does  not  yet  bear  the  title  (Im.p)erator  II., 
which  Avas  given  him  in  consequence  of  the  Jewish  war.  The  war  was 
therefore  then  not  yet  ended  (comp.  note  118). — It  is  singularly  perverse 
on  the  part  of  Jewish  scholars  like  Cassel  (Ersch  and  Gruber's  Encydo- 
■paedie,  art.  "  Juden,"  p.  14  f.),  Herzfeld  {Monatsschrift,  1856,  pp.  107-111), 
and  Bodek  (ilf.  Aiirelixis  Antoninus,  1868,  pp.  50-54),  in  opposition  to  all 
certain  data,  to  set  the  fall  of  Beth-ther  some  ten  yeai's  earlier  ;  Cassel 
and  Herzfeld  in  a.d.  122,  and  Bodek  in  a.d.  125.  In  this  they  follow  the 
Jerusalem  Talmud,  which  places  the  conquest  of  Beth-ther  fifty-two  years 
after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  {jer.  Taanith  iv.  fol.  69^^ :  "iDIX  "'D1''  '"1 

^i\>\2r\  jT-a  pin  inNb  "inn'^a  nt^y  n^c  cnc'i  D'^^'on ;  on  nc>y="to  spend, 

continue  in  existence,"  as  in  Eccles.  vi.  12,  see  Salzer,  Magazin,  iii.  175  f.). 
This  statement  has  arisen  out  of  a  confusion  between  the  war  of  Hadrian 
and  that  of  Vespasian  (see  above,  note  56).  The  error  here  is  improved  in 
the  course  of  being  repeated  by  Jerome  in  epist.  ad  Dardanum,  c.  7 
(Vallarsi,  i.  974):  "deinde  civitatis  usque  ad  Hadrianum  principem  per 
quinquaginta  annos  mansere  reliquiae."  Idem,  Comm.  in  Jes.  c.  6  s.  Jin. 
(Vallarsi,  iv.  100) :  "  quando  post  annos  ferme  quinquaginta  Hadrianus 
venerit  et  terram  Judaeam  penitus  fuerit  depraedatus."  Idem,  Comm.  in 
Ezech.  c.  5  (Vallarsi,  v.  49).  Idem,  Comm.  in  E:xch.  c.  24  (Vallarsi,  v.  277) ; 
the  last  two  passages  are  quoted  above  in  note  106. — The  authority  also 
of  the  Chronicon  Paschale,  which  places  the  war  of  Hadrian  in  the  year 
119  (ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474),  is  not  of  such  a  kind  that  its  statement  can 
override  all  other  witnesses. — Essentially  correct  is  the  statement  of  the 
Seder  Olam,  that  the  war  of  Bencosiba  occurred  sixteen  years  after  the 
war  of  Quietus.  On  the  correct  reading  see  Salzer,  Magazin  fiir  die 
JVissenschaft  des  Judentliums,  iv.  141-144. 

^^'^  According  to  the  lab.  Berachoth  6P ,  R.  Akiba  was  put  to  a  martyr's 
death  by  torture,  his  flesh  being  torn  from  his  body  with  iron  combs. 
But  during  his  sufferings  he  prayed  the  Shema,  and  while  he,  proceeding 


§  -21.    (s)  THE  GKEAT  EEBELLION  UNDER  IIADrJAN.  313 

In  honour  of  the  victory  Hadrian  was  greeted  for  the 
second  time  as  Imperator}^^  Julius  Severus  received  tlie 
ornamenta  triumphalia ;  to  officers  and  men  were  given  the 

with  tlie  repetition  of  it,  lingered  long  over  the  word  Ecliad  (Deut.  vi.  4), 
he  breathed  out  his  spirit.  Then  there  sounded  forth  a  Bath  Kol, 
a  voice  from  heaven,  saying:  "Blessed  art  thou,  E.  Akiha,  that  thy  soul 
departed  with  'Echad.'" — Elsewhere  also  in  the  older  Midrash  literature, 
and  in  the  Jerusalem  and  Babylonian  Talmud,  casual  reference  is  made 
to  the  martyr  death  of  this  and  that  rabbi.  The  gathering  together  of 
ten  martyrs,  on  the  other  hand,  makes  its  appearance  first  in  the  Mid- 
rashim  of  the  post  -  Talmudic  period.  Jellinek,  Midrasch  Ele  Eskera, 
edited  for  the  first  time,  according  to  a  manuscript  of  the  Hamburg  City 
Library,  with  dissertations,  185.3,  and  in  Bet  ha- Midrasch,  Bd.  ii.  64-72 
and  vi.  19-35,  gives  some  texts.  Comimre  further :  Zunz,  Die  gottes- 
dienstlichen  Vorirdge  der  Juden,  p.  142  ;  Griitz  in  the  Monatsschrift  filr 
Geschichte  und  JVissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1851-1852,  pp.  307-322; 
Geschichte  der  Juden,  iv.  175  ff .  ;  Mobius,  Midrasch  Ele  Eskcra,  die  Sage 
von  den  zehn  Martyrern,  metrisch  iibersetzt,  1854  ;  Derenbourg,  Histoire, 
p.  436  ;  Hamburger,  lieal-Encyclopaedie  fiir  Bibel  und  Talmud,  Supple- 
mentalhand,  i.  (1886)  pp.  155-158,  art.  "Zehn  Miirtyrer"  (this  last  the 
relatively  best  statement).  —  Bibliographical  hints  are  also  given  in 
Hteinschneider,  Catalog,  librorum  hcbr.  in  Biblioth.  Bodl.  col.  585,  n. 
3730-3733. 

^'s  In  this  designation  of  Hadrian  the  title  Imp(crator)  II.  is  wanting 
in  two  military  diplomas  which  are  dated  2nd  April  and  15th  September 
A.D.  134  (Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  pp.  877  and  878,  Dipil.  xxxiv.  and  xxxv.  ; 
the  latter  also,  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  x.  n.  7855).  Also,  it  is  wanting  on 
other  inscriptions  of  a.d.  134  {Corp).  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  973,  Inscr. 
liegni  Neapiol.  n.  5771  =  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  ix.  n.  4359).  Particularly 
decisive  is  the  witness  of  the  military  diplomas,  which  in  the  designatory 
clauses  are  usually  most  precise. — Even  from  a.d.  135  {Hadr.  trib.  pot. 
xix.)  up  to  a  very  recent  period  the  title  had  not  been  proved.  But 
perhaps  certain  inscription- fragments,  on  which  the  number  xix.  and  the 
letters  teru  are  found,  should  be  expanded  into  Hadr.  trib.  pot.  xix. 
imp.  iterum  (so  Hiibner,  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  ii.  n.  478). — The  title  7???^. 
II.  is  certainly  demonstrate  for  a.d.  136  (Hadr.  trib.  pot.  xx.) ;  see  Orelli, 
Inscr.  Lat.  n.  813  and  2286  =  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  975  and  976  ; 
also  on  an  inscription  which  bears  this  date  (Hadr.  trib.  pot.  xx.),  but 
belongs  probably  to  the  very  beginning  of  that  year,  namely,  December 
A.D.  135,  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  xiv.  n.  3577  =  4235  (the  tribunicial  year 
began  then  in  December).  —  Hadrian  therefore  received  tlie  title  Imp. 
II.  in  A.D.  135,  uiuloubtedly  in  consequence  of  the  successful  ending  of 
the  Jewish  war.  Compare  Darmesteter,  Eevve  des  etudes  juires,  i.  53  ; 
Schiller,  Geschichte  der  rdm.  Kaiseiyxit,  i.  614,  note  4. 


314  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

customary  rewards.^^^  The  victory  was  won  indeed  at  a  very 
heavy  cost.  So  great  were  the  losses  that  Hadrian  in  his 
letter  to  the  Senate  omitted  the  usual  introductory  formula, 
that  "  he  and  the  army  were  well."  ^^°  Still  more  grievous 
than  this  direct  loss  of  men  was  the  desolation  of  the  fruitful 
and  populous  province.  "All  Judea  was  well-nigh  a  desert." 
Fifty  fortresses,  985  villages  were  destroyed,  580,000  Jews 
(?)  fell  in  battle,  while  the  number  of  those  who  succumbed 
to  their  wounds  and  to  famine  was  never  reckoned.^'^^ 
Innumerable  was  the  multitude  of  those  who  were  sold 
away  as  slaves.  At  the  annual  market  at  the  Terebinth  of 
Hebron  they  were  offered  for  sale  in  such  numbers  that  a 
Jewish  slave  was  of  no  more  value  than  a  horse.  What 
could  not  be  disposed  of  there  was  brought  to  Gaza  and  there 
sold  or  sent  to  Egypt,  on  the  way  to  which  many  died  of 
hunger  or  by  shipwreck.^^^ 

1^^  On  Julius  Severus,  see  Corp.  Inscr.  Led.  t.  iii.  n.  2830 :  "  Huic 
senatus  auctore  imperatore  Txajano  Hadriano  Auf:;usto  ornamenta  trium- 
phalia  decrevit  ob  res  in  Judea  prospers  gestas."  Julius  Severus  was 
probably  the  last  upon  whom  this  honour  was  bestowed.  See  Mommsen, 
Mom.  Staatsrecht,  i.  378. — On  the  rewards  of  officers  and  men,  see  above, 
notes  96  and  102. — The  coin  with  the  inscription  exercitus  Judaicus  is 
not  as,  e.g.,  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  iv.  ]  64,  supposes,  a  memorial  coin, 
by  which  it  was  intended  to  recognise  the  services  rendered  by  the  army 
in  the  war.  For  there  are  many  similar  coins  in  provinces  in  which 
during  the  time  of  Hadrian  no  war  had  been  carried  on  (Eckhel,  Doctr. 
Num.  vi.  486  sqq.  ;  Cohen,  AIMailles  imperiales,  ed.  2,  t.  ii.  1882, 
p.  153  sqq.).  Besides,  its  very  existence  is  questionable.  It  is  given  by 
Eckhel  after  older  authorities,  but  is  now  no  longer  demonstrable  (Renan, 
L'eglise  chretienne,  p.  209,  note).     Cohen  therefore  has  not  reckoned  it. 

^''^  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  14.  Comp.  Pronto,  De  hello  Parthico,  s.  init.  (ed. 
Mai,  1823,  p.  200  =  Frontonis  epistulae,  ed.  Naber,  1867,  p.  217  sq.) : 
"  Quid  ?  avo  vestro  Hadriano  imperium  optinente  quantum  militum  a 
Judaeis,  quantum  ab  Britannis  caesum  ? " 

^2^  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  14. 

^-2  Jerome,  ad  Zechar.  xi.  5  (Vallarsi,  vi.  885) ;  ad  Jerem.  xxxi.  15 
(Vallarsi,  iv.  1065)  ;  Ghronicon  Paschale,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474.  See  the 
passage  in  Miinter,  pp.  85  f.,  113.  On  the  terebinth  at  Hebron  :  Josephus, 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  7. 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  llEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN".  315 

With  respect  to  the  capital  Jerusalem,  that  was  now  pro- 
ceeded with  which  had  been  projected  before  the  war :  it 
was  converted  into  a  Eoman  colony  with  the  name  Aelia 
Capitolina.'^*  In  order  to  make  permanent  the  purely 
heathen  character  of  the  city,  the  Jews  still  residing  there 
were  driven  out,  and  heathen  colonists  settled  in  their 
stead.^^*  No  Jew  was  allowed  thereafter  to  enter  the 
territory  of  the  city ;  if  any  one  should  be  discovered  there 
he  was  put  to  death. '"^  The  official  name  of  the  newly- 
founded  city  is  given  on  the  coins  as  Col{onia)  Ael(ta) 
Caij{itolina) ;   writers   designate  it  in  their  works,  as  a  rule, 

^2^  Compare  on  the  founding  of  Aelia  gcneially  :  Deyling,  "Aeliae 
Capitolinae  origines  et  historia"  (Obserrationes  sacrae  P.  V.,  Lips.  1748,  pp. 
433-490)  ;  Milnter,  Der  jiidische  Krieg,  p.  87  ff. ;  Smith,  Dictionary  of 
Greek  and  Roman  Geograjjhy,  ii.  27  ;  Kuhn,  Die  stddtische  und  biirgerliclie 
Verfassung  des  rdm.  Keichs,  ii.  357  ff.  ;  Renan,  Deglise  chre'tiejine,  pp.  21- 
30,  223-226  ;  Gregorovius,  "  Die  Grundung  der  romischen  Colonic  Aelia 
Capitolina"  {Sitzungsberichte  der  philos.  -  philol.  und  hist.  Classe  der 
Miinchener  Akademie,  1883,  pp.  477-508)  ;  Der  Kaixer  Hadrian,  3  Aufl. 
1884  pp.  209-216. 

^2-1  Die  Cassius,  Ixix.  12  ;  Ensebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6  ;  Demunstratio 
evangelica,  vi.  18,  10,  ed.  Gaisford.  The  latter  passage  is  quoted  above 
in  note  105.      Malalas,  ed.  Dindorf,  p.  279. 

^2'  Justin,  Apologia,  i.  47  :  on  Is  (pv'hot.aaiTxt  vd^  v^uv  oz-ug  fx.yihil;  iv 
ai/Tyj  yiuYiTOii,  kuI  6c>t,voiTog  KctToi  rov  x.xrcc'heiu/iiic'jof/.iiJOV  \ov6xiov  duto'jro; 
apiorxt,  ccxpifiojc  iTriarxads.  Dialog,  c.  Trijpho,  c.  16  ;  92.  Aristo  of  Pella 
in  Eusebius,  Hist.  eccl.  iv.  6 :  u;  »v  i^vici'  s|  d'^oTnov  h'jipoltv  to  'zccrpuov 
Uct^oc  (comp.  on  Aristo,  vol.  i.  pp.  69-72).  Tertullian,  Adv.  Judaeos,  c. 
13  init. :  "  de  longinquo  earn  oculis  tantum  videre  permissum  est,"  seems 
to  be  a  conscious  modification  of  the  words  of  Aristo  for  the  purpose  of 
harmonizing  them  with  Isa.  xxxiii.  17.  See  Grabe,  Spicilegium  patr.  ii. 
131  sq.  :  Routh,  Reliquiae  sacrae,  i.  104  sq.  :  "  saltim  vestigio  salutare 
conceditur  ; "  Eusebius,  Demonstratio  evangel,  vi.  18.  10,  ed.  Gaisford  ; 
Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed.  Schoene,  ii.  168,  arf.  arm.  Abr.  2151  ;  according  to 
the  Armenian:  "ex  hoc  inde  tempore  etiam  ascendere  Hierosolymain 
omnino  prohibiti  sunt  primum  Dei  voluntate,  deinde  Romanorum 
mandato  ; "  Jerome,  Comm.  in  Is.  vi.  11  sqq.,  ed.  Vallarsi,  iv.  100;  in 
Jerem.  xviii.  15,  ed.  Vallarsi,  iv.  971:  "nullus  Judaeorum  terram 
juondam  et  urbem  sanctam  ingredi  lege  permittitur; "  in  Dan.  ix.fin., 
ed.  Vallarsi,  v.  696  :  "  ut  Judaeae  quoque  finibus  pellerentur."  Other 
passages  are  given  by  Renan,  L'^glise  chre'iicnnc,  p.  221,  note  1. 


316  THE  EOMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

only  Aelia.^^®  Its  constitution  was  that  of  a  Eoman  colony, 
but  it  had  not  the  jus  Italicum}'^''  It  may  readily  he 
supposed  that  it  did  not  want  beautiful  and  useful  buildings. 
The  Chronicon  Paschale  mentions :  ra  hvo  STj/xoaia  koX  to 
Oearpov  kuI  to  TpiKafxapov  Kol  to  TeTpavv/ji(pov  kuI  to 
Boo^eKairvXov  to  irplv  ovofxa^opbevov  avajSaOpol  koX  ttjv 
KuBpav}'''^  At  the  south  gate  of  the  city  toward  Bethlehem 
the  figure  of  a  swine  is  said  to  have  been  engraved.-^"^     The 

12G  Dio  Cassius,  Ixix.  12 ;  Ulpian,  Digest.  1.  15.  1.  6,  and  Tabula 
Peuting.  (Helya  Capitolina)  gives  the  name  in  full,  Aelia  Capitolina.  In 
Ptolemy,  v.  16.  8  and  viii.  20.  18,  the  common  printed  text  lias  in  botli 
cases  A/x/«  KctTriTu'hiii.;. — It  was  called  Aelia  after  the  family  name  of 
Hadrian  :  Capitolina  after  the  Capitoline  Jupiter. — The  coins  are  given 
in  Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  441-443  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  MMailles 
antiques,  v.  516-522,  Supplem.  viii.  360,  363;  De  Saulcy,  Becherches  sur  la 
N^imismatique  juda'ique',  pp.  171-187  ;  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatik,  ii. 
68-73  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  211-231  ;  Reichardt  in 
the  Wiener  Numismat.  Zeitschrift,  Jahrg.  i.  1869,  pp.  79-88  ;  Kenner, 
Die  MUnzsammlung  des  Stiftes  St.  Florian  in  Ober-Oesterreick,  1871  ;  De 
Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  1874,  pp.  83-109  ;  Madden, 
Numismatic  Chronicle,  1876,  pp.  55-68  ;  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881, 
pp.  247-275,  where  the  material  is  given  most  fully. 

^''  Vlina,!!,  Digest.  1.  15.  1.  6:  "In  Palestina  duae  fuerunt  coloniae, 
Caesariensis  et  Aelia  Capitolina,  sed  neutra  jus  Italicum  habet." — Paulus, 
Digest.  1.  15.  8.  7  :  similes  his  (namely,  like  the  Caesariens  who  had  not 
t\\&  iwW  fus  Italicum)  Capitulenses  esse  videntur. — A  memorial  inscription 
which  the  courts  of  the  colony  set  up  in  honour  of  Antoninus  Pius  is 
given  by  De  Saulcy,  Voyage  atour  de  la  mer  morte,  ii.  204,  with  atlas,  pi. 
xxiv.  n.  6  =  Le  Bas  and  Waddington,  Inscriptions,  iii.  2,  n.  1895  =  Corpus 
Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  116  :  "  Tito  Ael(io)  Hadriano  Antonino  Aug.  Pio  P. 
P.  pontif(ici)  Augur(i)  d(ecreto)  d(ecurionum).  Compare  also  Marquardt, 
Romische  Staatsvencaltung,  i.  2  Aufi.  1881,  p.  428.  The  coins  of  the  colony 
extend  down  to  Valerian  (a.d.  253-260). — According  to  the  Chronicon 
Paschale,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474,  the  city  was  divided  into  seven  districts  :  kuI 
if^ipioiv  T7i'J   TzoKiv  SI?  S'TTTcc  oi.,iifotct  x.oti  iaT'/iaiv  cci/Spu-z-ov;  lliovc  »(^!^o(iccpx»i 

1^*  Chronicon  Paschale,  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  474. 

i-»  Jerome,  Chronicon,  ad.  ann.  Abr.  2152  (Eusebius,  Chronicon,  ed. 
Schoene,  ii.  169):  "Aelia  ab  Aelio  Hadriano  condita,  et  in  fronte  ejus 
portae  qua  Bethleem  egredimur  sus  scalptus  in  marmore  significans 
Romanae  potestati  subjacere  Judaeos." — The  figure  of  the  swine  was  found 
also  upon  a  coin  of  the  leg.  X.  Fratensis  discovered  in  Jerusalem,  which 
De  Saulcy  has  published  {Revue  arche'ologique,  nouv.  serie,  t.  xx.  1869,  pp. 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  317 

chief  religious  worship  in  the  city  was  that  of  the  Capitoline 
Jupiter,  to  whom  a  temple  was  erected  on  the  site  of  the 
former  Jewish  temple.^^*^  It  would  also  seem  that  in  it 
there  was  the  statue  of  Hadrian  of  which  Christian  writers 
speak.^^^  On  the  coins,  as  deities  of  the  city,  besides  Jupiter 
are  mentioned :  Bacchus,  Serapis,  Astarte,  the  Dioscuri.  A 
sanctuary  of  Aphrodite  (Astarte)  stood  on  the  place  where, 
according  to  the  Christian  tradition,  the  sepulchre  of  Christ 
had  been  ;  ^^^  or,  according  to  another  version,  a  sanctuary  of 
Jupiter  on  the  site  of  the  sepulchre,  and  a  sanctuary  of 
Venus  ou  the  site  of  the  cross  of  Christ.-^^^ 

251-260,  and  De  Saulcy,  Namismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  p.  83  sq.,  jil. 
V.  n.  3).  Compare  generally  on  figures  of  animals  on  the  coins  of 
the  legions :  Domaszewski,  Die  Fahnen  im  rdmischen  Heere,  1885,  pp. 
54-56. 

^"•^  Dio  Cassias,  Ixix.  12. — The  figure  of  Jupiter  often  occurs  on  the 
coins  of  Aelia. 

131  Jerome,  Comm.  in  Jes.  ii.  9  (Vallarsi,  iv.  37) :  "  ubi  quondam  erat 
templum  et  religio  dei,  ibi  Hadriana  statua  et  Jovis  idolum  coUocatum 
est."— /(^em,  Comvi.  in  Matt.  xxiv.  15  (Vallarsi,  vii.  194)  :  "  potest  autem 
simpliciter  aut  de  Antichristo  accijii  aut  de  imagine  Caesaris,  quam 
Pilatus  posuit  in  templo,  aut  de  Hadiiana  equestri  statua  quae  in  ipso 
sancto  sanctorum  loco  usque  in  praesentem  diem  stetit." — Since,  according 
to  this,  the  statue  of  Hadrian  stood  on  the  site  of  the  Jewish  temple, 
where,  according  to  Dio  Cassius,  the  temple  to  Jupiter  was  erected,  and 
since  it  is  mentioned  by  Jerome  in  the  former  passage  alon"  with  the 
figure  of  Jupiter,  it  must  have  stood  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter.  Comi^are 
also,  Chrysostom,  Orat.  adv.  Judaeos,  v.  11  ;  Cedrenus,  ed.  Bekker,  i.  438 
{a~i;ax;  to  ixvtov  si'oaT^ov  sv  ru  vetu)  ;  Nicephorus  Callistus,  Ecd.  Hist.  iii. 
24.— The  Pilgrim  of  Bordeaux  speaks  of  two  statues  of  Hadrian  (Palaestinae 
descriptiones,  ed.  Tobler,  p.  4  :  "  sunt  ibi  et  statuae  duae  Hadriani "). 

132  Eusebius,  vita  Constantini,  iii.  26.  Constantine,  it  is  well  known, 
caused  a  church  to  be  built  on  that  site.  According  to  the  later  legend 
which  to  Eusebius  was  still  unknown,  the  cross  of  Christ  was  found  upon 
the  excavation  of  the  sepulchre  in  its  neighbourhood  (Socrates,  Hist.  ecd. 
i.  17 ;  Sozomenus,  Hist.  ecd.  ii.  1,  and  others.  Compare  Holder,  Inventio 
sandae  crucis,  1889  ;  Nestle,  De  sanda  criice,  1889). 

1^3  Jerome,  Einst.  58  ad  Paulinum,  c.  3  (Vallarsi,  i.  321)  :  "  Ab  Hadriani 
tempoiibus  usque  ad  imperium  Constantini  per  annos  circiter  centum 
octoginta  in  loco  resurrectionis  simulacrum  Jovis,  in  crucis  rupe  statua 
ex   marmore   Veneris   a   gentibus   posita   colebatur." — The  difference  of 


318  THE  ROMAN-HERODIAN  AGE. 

The  complete  ethnicizing  of  Jerusalem  was  the  actual 
accomplishment  of  a  scheme  which  previously  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  had  in  vain  attempted.  In  another  respect  also 
the  enactments  of  Hadrian  were  similar  to  those  of  the 
former  attempt.  The  prohibition  of  circumcision,  which  had 
been  issued  probably  even  before  the  war,  and  was  directed 
not  specially  against  the  Jews  (see  above,  p.  292),  was  now 
without  doubt  continued  in  force.  It  -was  only  under 
Antoninus  Pius  that  the  Jews  were  again  allowed  to  circum- 
cise their  children  (see  above,  p.  292).  The  Jewish  tradition, 
which  certainly  refers  to  this  prohibition,  affirms  that  even 
the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  and  the  study  of  the  law  had 
been  forbidden.^^*  "Whether  this  statement  be  reliable  or 
not,  the  prohibition  of  circumcision  was,  according  to  Jewish 
notions,  equivalent  to  a  prohibition  of  the  Jewish  religion 
generally.  So  long  as  this  prohibition  was  maintained  and 
acted  on,  there  was  no  use  speaking  of  a  pacification  of  the 
Jewish  people.  In  fact  we  hear  again,  even  in  the  time  of 
Antoninus  Pius,  of  an  attempted  rebellion  which  had  to  be 
put  down  by  strong  measures.^^^  To  the  Eoman  authorities 
there  was  here  only  the  choice  :  either  to  tolerate  the  religious 
ceremonies,  or  to  completely  exterminate  the  people.  "We 
may  indeed  assume  that  the  knowledge  which  the  emperor 
Antoninus  had  of  this  alternative,  led  him  to  allow  again  and 
grant  toleration  to  the  practice  of  circumcision. 

statement  between  Jerome  and  Eusebius  has  its  origin  evidently  in  the 
legend  of  the  finding  of  the  cross.  Socrates  and  Sozomen  still  speak, 
like  Eusebius,  only  of  a  sanctuary  of  Aphrodite.  On  account  of  the 
story  of  the  finding  of  the  cross,  however,  they  assumed  that  this  was  the 
site  of  the  sepulchre  as  well  as  of  the  crucifixion.  Jerome,  on  the  other 
hand,  endows  each  of  the  two  holy  places  with  an  idol  of  its  own. 

^^*  Derenbourg,   Histoire   de   la  Palestine,   p.  430 ;    Hamburger,  Beal- 
Encyclopaedie  fiir  Bibel  und  Tabnud,  2  Abth.  pp.  328-332  (art.  "  Hadri 
anische  Verfolgungsedikte  "). 

^^^  Capitolin.  Antoniyius  Pius,  c.  5  (in  the  Scriptores  Historiae  Augustae, 
ed.  Peter)  :  "  Judaeos  rebellantes  contudit  per  praesides  ac  legates." 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  EEBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  319 

Under  Hadrian's  successor,  therefore,  essentially  the  same 
state  of  matters  is  seen  still  to  exist  as  had  existed  since  the 
time  of  Vespasian.  He  did  not  by  any  means  answer  the 
political  ideals  of  the  Jews.  But  in  regard  to  religious 
matters  they  could  be  satisfied  with  him.  The  extinction  of 
their  political  existence  just  led  to  this,  that  those  tendencies 
obtained  the  supremacy  which  represented  undiluted  Judaism  : 
Pharisaism  and  Eabbinism. 

The  development  now  proceeded  forth  upon  those  lines 
which  became  prominent  in  consequence  of  the  great  revolu- 
tion of  seutiment  that  followed  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
Without  a  political  home,  grouped  together  into  a  unity  only 
by  the  ideal  power  of  the  common  law,  the  Jews  continued 
all  the  more  persistently  to  hold  by  and  cherish  this  birth- 
right in  which  they  all  shared.  In  this  way  the  separation 
between  them  and  the  rest  of  the  world  was  more  and  more 
sharply  defined.  While,  during  the  period  in  which 
Hellenistic  Judaism  flourished,  the  boundaries  between  the 
Jewish  and  Graeco-Eoman  view  of  the  world  threatened  to 
melt  away,  the  Jews  and  their  opponents  now  gave  attention 
with  all  their  combined  strength  to  deepen  the  cleft  even 
more  and  more.  Jewish  Hellenism,  which  proclaimed  the 
common  brotherhood  of  man,  disappeared,  and  Pharisaic 
Judaism,  which  sharply  repudiated  all  communion  with  the 
Gentile  world,  won  universal  acceptance.  But  paganism 
also  had  become  more  intolerant :  the  rush  of  the  masses  to 
the  worship  of  the  Jewish  God  had  ceased,  partly  because  of 
other  powerful  spiritual  forces,  pre-eminently  that  of  Chris 
tianity,  which  exercised  a  more  potent  influence,  but  partly  also 
because  of  the  civil  legislation  which,  without  abrogating  the 
guaranteed  toleration  of  the  Jewish  religion,  imposed  legal 
limitations  to  the  further  encroachments  of  Judaism. 

And  thus  the  Jews  became  more  and  more  what  they 
properly  and  essentially  were  :  strangers  in  the  pagan  world. 


320  THE  EOMAN-HEEODIAN  AGE. 

The  restoration  of  a  Jewish  commonwealth  in  the  Holy 
Land  was,  and  continued  even  to  be,  a  subject  of  religious 
hope,  which  they  held  by  with  unconquerable  tenacity.  The 
difference  between  the  ideal  and  the  actual,  however,  was  at 
first,  and  even  after  centuries  had  passed,  so  marked  and 
severe,  that  they  could  enter  even  their  own  capital  only  as 
strangers.  Even  in  the  fourth  century  it  was  permitted 
them  only  once  in  the  year  to  enter  the  city  on  the  9  th  Ab, 
the  day  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  in  order  that  they 
might  be  able,  on  the  site  of  the  temple,  to  pour  forth  their 
lamentations.  In  graphic  terms  Jerome  describes  how  the 
Jews  on  that  day  were  wont  to  gather  in  mournful  companies, 
to  utter  forth  their  grievous  complaints,  and  by  gold  to 
purchase  from  the  Eoman  watch  permission  to  linger  longer 
in  the  place  of  mourning :  ^^'^  "  Usque  ad  praesentem  diem 
perfidi  coloni  post  interfectionem  servorum  et  ad  extremuni 
filii  dei  excepto  planctu  prohibeutur  ingredi  Jerusalem,  et  ut 
ruinam  suae  eis  flere  liceat  civitatis  pretio  redimunt,  ut  qui 
quondam  emerant  sanguinem  Christi  eniant  lacrymas  suas  et 
ne  fletus  quidem  eis  gratuitus  sit.  Videas  in  die,  quo  capta 
est  a  Eomanis  et  diruta  Jerusalem,  venire  populum  lugubrem, 
confluere  decrepitas  mulierculas  et  senes  pannis  annisque 
obsitos,  in  corporibus  et  in  habitu  suo  iram  Domini  demou- 
strantes.  Congregatur  turba  miserorum  ;  et  patibulo  Domini 
coruscante  ac  radiante  avaarda-ei  ejus,  de  oliveti  monte 
quoque  crucis  fulgente  vexillo,  plangere  ruinas  templi  sui 
populum  miserum  et  tamen  non  esse  miserabilem :  adhuc 
iletus  in  genis  et  livida  brachia  et  sparsi  crines,  et  miles 
merceden  postulat,  ut  illis  flere  plus  liceat.  Et  dubitat 
aliquis,  quum  haec  videat,  de  die  tribulationis  et  angustiae, 
de  die  calamitatis  et  miseriae,  de  die  tenebrarum  et  caliginis, 
de  die  nebulae  et  turbinis,  de  die  tubae  et  clangoris  ?  Habent 
euim  et  in  luctu  tubas,  et  juxta  prophetiam  vox  solleunitatis 
^3^  Jerome,  ad  Zej^han.  i.  15  sq^.  (Vallarsi,  vi.  692). 


§  21.    (s)  THE  GREAT  REBELLION  UNDER  HADRIAN.  321 

versa  est  in  planctum.  Ululant  super  cineres  sanctuarii  et 
super  altare  destructum  et  super  civitates  quondam  munitas 
et  super  excelsos  angulos  templi,  de  quibus  quondam  Jacobum 
fratrem  Domini  praecipitaverunt."^^'^ 

^3''  Compare  also  Origen,  in  Josuam  homil.  xvii.  1  (ed.  Lommatzsch,  xi. 
152  sq.) :  "  Si  ergo  veniens  ad  Jerusalem  civitatem  terrenam,  o  Judaee, 
invenies  earn  subversam  et  in  cineres  ac  favillas  redactam,  noli  flere  sicnt 
nunc  facitis  tanquam  pueri  sensibus  ;  noli  lamentari,  sed  pro  terrena 
require  coelestem."  —  Itinerarium  Burdigalense  (Palcsiinae  descriptiones, 
ed.  Tobler,  p.  4) :  "  est  non  longe  de  statuis  [Hadriani]  lapis  pertusus,  ad 
quern  veniunt  Judaei  singulis  annis,  et  unguent  eum  et  lamentant  se  cum 
gemitu,  et  vestimenta  sua  scindunt  et  sic  recedunt." — Some  other  passages 
are  given  by  Eenan,  L'^i/Hse  chretienne,  p.  221,  note  3. 


DIV.  I.  VOL.  TI. 


APPENDICES   I.-VIII. 


823 


APPENDIX  I. 


HISTORY  OF  CHALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE. 

Literature. 
NoRis,  Anyius  et  epochae  Syrornacedonum,  iii.  9.  3,  ed.  Lips.  pp.  316-322 

(History  of  the  City  of  Chalcis). 
Belley,  "  Observations  sur  les  medailles  du  tetrarque  Zenodore  "  (M^moires 

de  I'Acad^mie  dcs  Inscriptions  et  Belles- Lettres,  first  series,  vol.  xxviii. 

1761,  pp.  545-656). 
MiJNTER,  Derebus  Ituraeorum,  Hafniae  1824  (a  compreliensive  monograpli). 
Winer,  Biblisches  liealworterb.  articles  "Abilene"  (i.  7  f.)  and  "Iturea" 

(i.  622). 
Schenkel,  Bibellexicon,  articles  "Abilene"  and  "  Itnrea." 
Riehm's    Handworterbuch   des   hiblischen    Altertums,   articles    "Abilene," 

"  Iturea,"  and  "  Lysanias." 
Herzog,   Eeal-Encyclopaedie,   2  Aufi.   i.    87-89   (article    "Abilene"    by 

Wieseler)  and  vii.  261  f.  (article  "  Ituraa  "  by  Riietschi). 
Cless,  art.  "Ituraa"  in  Pauly's  Rcal-Encijclopaedie  der  class.  Alterthums- 

wissenscliaft,  iv.  337-340. 
Ritter,  Erdhunde,  xvii.  1,  pp.  14-16  (on  the  Itureans). 
KuHN,  Die  stdd.tische  und  biirgerliche  Verfassung  des  romischen  lieichs,  ii. 

(1865),  pp.  169-174  (on  the  dynasties  of  Chalcis,  Abilene,  and  Iturea). 
Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  2  Aufi.  i.  1881,  pp.  400-403  (on 

the  dynasties  of  Chalcis  and  Abilene). 
Wieseler,  Beitrage  zur  richtigen  Wurdigung  der  Evangelien  (1869),  pp. 

169-204  (Lysanias  of  Abilene). 
De  Saulct,  "  Recherches  sur  les  monnaies  des  t^trarques  herMitaires  de 

la   Chalcidene  et  de  1' Abilene"  {Wiener  numismatische  Monatshefte 

von  Egger,  5  Bd.  1  Abth.  (1869)  pp.  1-34). 
Reichardt,  Numismat.  Zeitschrift,  edited  by  Huber  and  Karabaeek,  ii. 

1870,  pp.  247-250  (Review  of  the  treatise  of  De  Saulcy). 
Renan,  "  Mdnioire  sur  la  dynastie  des  Lysanias  d' Abilene  "  {M(fmoires  de 

r Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-lettres,  t.  xxvi.  2,  1870,  pp.  49-84). 

32o 


326  APPENDIX  I 

Among  the  sons  of  Ishmael  there  is  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament  one  i^t:^^  (Gen.  xxv.  15;  1  Chron.  i.  31,  v.  19). 
It  is  without  doubt  the  same  tribe  that  is  referred  to  in  the 
later  history  under  the  name  ^iTovpalot  or  'IrvpacoL.  Tlie 
earliest  mention  of  this  people,  so  far  as  I  know,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  writings  of  the  Jewish  Hellenist  Eupolemus  (in  the 
middle  of  the  second  century  before  Christ),  who  mentions 
the  Itureans  among  the  tribes  fought  against  by  David.^ 
Then  we  know  from  Josephus  and  his  authorities,  Strabo  and 
Timagenes,  tliat  the  Jewish  king  Aristobulus  L,  B.C.  105—104. 
fought  against  the  Itureans  and  took  from  them  a  portion  of 
their  territory  (^?i%.  xiii.  11.  3).  And  from  this  time 
onward  they  are  frequently  mentioned.  They  were  designated 
sometimes  as  Syrians,  sometimes  as  Arabians.^  The  proper 
names  of  Iturean  soldiers,  which  are  mentioned  on  Latin 
inscriptions,  are  Syrian.^ — At  the  time  of  the  Eoman  conquest 
they  were  still  an  uncivilised  robber  tribe,*  but  greatly 
celebrated  for  their  skill  as  bowmen.  Even  Caesar  made 
use  of  Iturean  bowmen  in  the  African  war.^     The  triumvir 

^  Eusebius,  Praep.  evang.  ix.  30 :  'iTpu.zivaoLt  S'  uvtov  x,xi  Ivl  'thovfuziovg 
xxl  'Afi/^ocviTU;  >c»l  Muot.[iirotg  xeti  'iTovpcciovg  kxI  l^x/iuTcciov;  x.xt 
J^oifi'hoi.iovg. 

2  Appian,  Civ.  v.  7:  TV^u'lrovpoclccv  x.ot.i  oacc  a.Kkx  yiyn  "Svpui/. — Vibius 
Sequester,  ed.  Hessel,  p.  155  :  "  Itliyrei  vel  Itharei  Syrii." — Also  Pliny, 
Hist.  Nat.  V.  23.  81,  names  the  Ituraeorum  gentes  among  the  tribes  of 
Syria. — Dio  Cassius,  lix.  12:  t^u  tZv  'Irovpxiuv  ruu  'Aptkfiuv.  Strabo, 
p.  735,  joins  'IrovpoeTiot  ti  Kcti  " Apxjis;.  So,  too,  at  p.  756. — Epiphanius, 
Haer.  xix.  1  :  «7ro  tvh  Na/3«T/x^j  %o)pxg  x»i  'Irovpxixs.  Compare 
Eupolemus  in  Eusebius,  Praep.  evang.  ix.  30. 

3  We  have,  e.g.  Bargathes,  Baramna,  Beliabus,  Bricbelus(all  four  on  one 
inscription,  Miinter,  de  rebus  Ituraeorum,  p.  40  sq.,  more  correctly  in  Corp. 
Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  4371),  Monimus,  Jerombal  (Miinter,  p.  42  =  Cor2).  Inscr. 
Rhenan.  ed.  Brambach,  n.  1234),  Hanel,  Jamlicus  (Miinter,  p.  42  sq.= 
Brambach,  n.  1233  =  Wilmanns,  Exavipla  Inscr.  Lat.  n.  1530). — Compare 
besides,  Miinter,  pp.  8-10. 

*  Strabo,  pp.  755,  756  ;  Cicero,  Philipp.  ii.  112. 

5  Bell.  Africa7ium,  20  :  "  sagittariisque  ex  omnibus  navibus  Ityreis  Syris 
et  cuj  usque  generis  ductis  in  castra  compluribus  frequentabat  sua  scopias." 


HISTORY  OF  CIIALCIS,  ITUEEA,  AND  ABILENE.  327 

Marc  Antony  had  some  of  them  as  his  bodyguard,  and  with 
them  he  terrorized  the  Senate  to  the  great  scandal  of  Cicero.^ 
Poets  and  historians  speak  of  the  Iturean  bowmen  down  to 
the  later  days  of  the  empire.'^ 

The  districts  inhabited  by  them  may  not  always  have  been 
the  same.  But  during  the  period  of  which  we  have  fullest 
and  most  accurate  information  about  them,  they  are  never 
spoken  of  as  resident  elsewhere  than  in  Mount  Lebanon. 
Christian  theologians  indeed  endeavour  to  place  it  as  near  as 
possible  to  Trachonitis  on  account  of  Luke  iii.  1.  Even 
Eusebius  has  for  this  reason  identified  Trachonitis  and  Iturea.^ 
But  all  historical  authorities  point  most  distinctly  to  Lebanon. 
So  pre-eminently  Strabo,  who  repeatedly  designates  the  Itu- 
reans  mountaineers  and  inhabitants  of  tbat  particular  mountain 
which  rises  upon  the  plain  of  Massyas,  and  says  that  they  had 
Chalcis  as  their  capital.^     Tlie  plain  of  Massyas  or  ]\Iarsyas 

6  Cicero,  Philipp.  ii.  19  :  "  confiteare  liunc  ordinem  hoc  ipso  tempore  ab 
Ituraeis  circumsederi." — Philipp.  ii.  112  :  "cur  homines  omnium  gentium 
maxims  harbaros  Ituraeos  cum  sagittis  deducis  in  forum  1 " — Philipp.  xiii. 
18  :  "  haec  subsellia  ab  Ituraeis  occupabantur." 

"  Virgil,  Georg.  ii.  448  :  "  Ituraeos  taxi  torquentur  in  arcus." — Lucan, 
Pharsal.  vii.  230 :  "  Ituraeis  cursus  fuit  inde  sagittis."  Ibid.  vii.  514 : 
"tunc  et  Ituraei  Medique  Arabesque  soluto  arcu  turba  minax."  —  A 
military  dijiloma  of  a.d.  110  {Corp.  Inscr.  Led.  t.  iii.  p.  868  :  "  cohors  I. 
Augusta  Ituraeorum  sagittariorum. — Arrian,  Alan.  18  :  o/  -Tn^ol  to^otxi,  oi 
ruv  l^ofixQav  x,ocl  K.vpYiuxiuv  kxI  HoaTropxi/ov  n  xai  iTOvpaiuv. — Vopisc. 
vita  Aureliani,  c.  11  (in  the  Scriptores  hi4oriae  Augusfae)  :  "habes  sagit- 
tarios  Ityraeos  trecentos." — Vibius  Sequester,  ed.  Hessel,  p.  155  :  "  Ithyiei 
vel  Itharei  Syrii  usu  sagittae  periti." 

^  Eusebius,  Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde,  p.  268  :  iToupxia  ij  kxI  Tpxxuvin;. 
Tldd.  p.  298  :  T/9i56%4ji/7t/j  x'^P'"  *I  "*'  'irovpacix. 

^  Strabo,  xvi.  2.  10,  p.  753:  ow  voppu  o'  SI'S' 'Hx/oi^ttoX/j  y.oc.1  Xx'akI;  ij 
i/TTo  ITtoT^s/hxIu  Tu  Mevvxiou  tZ  Tov  Mxaavxv  xXTixovri  kxI  rviv  ' Ijovpxluu 
opsivJ]!/.  Ibid.  xvi.  2.  18,  p.  755  :  f/.srx  ^e  rou  MxKp»v  ka-lv  6  'Slxauiix; 
'ix,uu  Tivx  X.XI  opitvx,  Iv  oi;  i;  XaTixi?  ua-^rip  xKpoTTOht;  rou  Mxaai/ov'  xpy^vi  o' 
cLVTW  Axuoix,itx  i]  "Trpo;  Ai/ixi/u.  tx  f^sv  ov  v  opeivcc  'i)(,ov(jt  txvtx 
' IrovpxJof  rt  xxl  'Apx/ii;.  Ibid.  xvi.  2.  20,  p.  756:  iTriirx  Tpo;  rx 
'Apxficiiv  /icipYi  xxl  rojv  'Itov poiiuv  xvx,ul^  opri  "hvcjixTx  (in  regai'd  to  this 
Bee   note    16).  —  Christian   lexicographers    also    explain    "Iturea"    by 


328  APPENDIX  I. 

is  the  plain  between  the  Lebanon  and  the  Anti-Lebanon,^" 
beginning  in  the  north  at  Laodicea  of  the  Lebanon  and 
stretching  south  as  far  as  Chalcis.^^  Since  the  Itureans 
are  often  named  together  with  the  Arabians/^  they  are  to  be 
looked  for  in  the  mountain  range  that  bounds  the  Massyas 
plain  on  the  east,  that  is,  in  the  Anti-Lebanon.  They  appear 
also  in  later  accounts  as  inhabitants  of  the  Lebanon.  Dio 
Cassius  (xlix.  32)  plainly  names  tlie  older  Lysanias  king 
of  the  Itureans.  But  he  was  son  and  successor  of  Ptolemy 
Mennaus,  whose  kingdom  just  embraced  the  Lebanon  and  the 
plain  of  Massyas  with  the  capital  Chalcis  (see  below,  p.  329  f.). 
On  the  well-known  inscription  of  the  time  of  Quirinius  his  sub- 
ordinate general  Q.  Aemilius  Secundus  says  of  himself :  "  missu 
Quirini  adversus  Ituraeos  in  Libano  monte  castellum  eorum 
cepi."  ^^  During  the  time  of  the  Vespasian  war,  Josephus  in 
his  Life,  xi.,  mentions  a  Ovdpo<}  jSaa-ikiKov  <yevov^,  eKyovo<i 
Iloe/xov  Tov  irepl  rtv  Al^avov  rerpap'^ovvro^.  But  this 
Soemus  was  probably  the  same  as  is  designated  by  Dio 
Cassius  and  Tacitus  the  ruler  of  the  Itureans.^*  We  never 
hud  anywhere  any  indication  that  the  Itureans  had  dwelt  in 
any  other  region  than  in  the  Lebanon.  The  opinion  of  Wetz- 
stein,  that  they  are  to  be  looked  for  on  the  eastern  borders  of 
the  Hauran,^^  is  therefore  just  as  erroneous  as  the  older  view 
that  the  valley  of  Dschedur,  south  of  Damascus,  had  received  its 

"mountain  land"  {montenae,  opeiv/j).  See  Onomasticon,  ed.  Lagarde, 
pp.  64,  176,  193  ;  Apuleius,  Florida,  i.  6,  styles  the  Itureans  frugum 
jMuperes,  which  precisely  rej^resents  the  condition  of  dwellers  in  moun- 
tainous regions. 

10  Polybius,  v.  45.  8  f. 

^1  This  may  be  inferred  from  the  passages  quoted  from  Strabo.  On  the 
position  of  both  cities,  see  below,  notes  17  and  18. 

1^  Strabo,  xvi.  2.  18.  p.  755.     Compare  also  above,  note  2. 

1*  Ephemeris  epigrajjhica,  vol.  iv.  1881,  p.  538. — On  the  genuineness  of 
the  inscription,  see  vol.  i.  of  present  work,  p.  357. 

1*  Dio  Cassius,  lix.  12  ;  Tacitus,  Annales,  xii.  23. 

1^  Wetzstein,  Eeisebericht  iiber  Hauran  und  die  Trachonen,  1860,  pp. 
90-92 


HISTORY  OF  CIIALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  329 

name    from    them.       The    latter    theory    is    now    found    on 
philological  grounds  to  be  impossible.^^ 

In  the  last  decades  before  the  arrival  of  Pompey,  the 
Itureans  belonged  to  an  important  confederacy,  which 
recognised  as  its  head  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Menniius  (ITroXe- 
/Liato?  0  Mevvalov) ;  for  his  kingdom,  according  to  the  first 
passage  quoted  from  Strabo  (xvi.  2.  10,  p.  753),  embraced 
"  the  mountain  lands  of  the  Itureans "  and  the  plain  of 
"  Massyas  "  with  the  capital  Chalcis.^'^     The  plain  of  Massyas 

^^  It  would  seem  that  Wetzsteiii's  view  is  favoured  ouly  by  the  third 
passage  of  Strabo  (xvi.  2.  20,  p.  756),  where  Strabo  mentions  the 
Trachones  in  connection  with  Damascus  and  "  those  inaccessible  moun- 
tains in  the  territories  of  the  Arabians  and  Itureans."  The  order  of 
succession  in  the  enumeration  seems  to  point  to  the  Hauran.  In  fact,  it 
must  be  intended  at  least  that  this  district  should  be  included.  But  how 
the  matter  is  to  be  understood  is  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  words  of 
Strabo  that  follow  with  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  10.  1-3.  Strabo  proceeds 
to  say  that  in  these  mountains  there  are  enormous  caverns,  which  robbers 
used  as  hiding-places.  But  the  robber  bands  led  by  Zenodorus  were  now 
destroyed  by  the  Eomans.  This  undoubtedly  is  the  same  state  of  matters 
as  is  described  by  Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  10.  1-3.  From  this  particular  and 
detailed  report  we  see  that  the  proper  domain  of  Zenodorus  was  the 
district  of  Panias  {Antiq.  xv.  10.  3),  but  that  he  made  common  cause  with 
robbers  haunting  Trachonitis  and  Auranitis  (xv.  10.  1).  The  territory  of 
Zenodorus  (on  the  southern  spaces  of  this  Lebanon)  is  now,  as  our  sketch 
will  show,  a  portion  of  the  once  important  Iturean  kingdom.  When, 
therefore,  Strabo  says  that  this  mountain  range,  full  of  caverns,  lay  "  in 
the  territories  of  the  Arabians  and  Itureans"  {p^pog  tx.  '  Apxii&iu  fiipn  x.ot,\ 
Tuu  ^Irovpxi'cuu),  he  means  by  the  fiip^i  'Irovpxtav  evidently  the  country  of 
Zenodorus.  It  cannot  therefore  from  his  words  be  concluded  that  the 
Itureans  themselves  dwelt  in  the  Hauran. 

^^  Josephus  also  names  Chalcis  on  the  Lebanon  as  the  capital  of 
Ptolemy  (Antiq.  xiv.  7.  4  :  Ivi/ctarsvau  Xa.'hx.ioo;  t-^c  vtto  riJ  Aiiixva  opu  ; 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  9.  2  :  S;  iKpxrsi  riig  Ctto  ra  Aifiavu  XxKkIoo;).  It  lay 
on  the  route  of  Pompe/s  march,  Antiq.  xiv.  3.  2,  south  of  Heliopolis. 
Compare  also :  Robinson,  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  v.  90 ;  Later  Biblical  Re- 
searches, p.  500 ;  Eitter,  Erdkunde,  xvii.  1,  p.  186  if.  ;  Furrer,  Zeitschrift 
des  deutschen  Paldstina-Vereins,  viii.  1885,  p.  35. — There  is  one  other 
Chalcis  not  to  be  confounded  with  this  one,  from  which  the  province  of 
Chalcidice  has  its  name.  This  Chalcis  lay  much  farther  north,  according 
to  the  Itinerarium  Antonini  only  18  mil.  pass,  south  of  Ber'da  (Vetera 
Eomanorum  itineraria,  ed.  Wesseling,  p.  193  sq.).     Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  23. 


660  APPENDIX  I, 

runs  north  as  far  as  Laodicea  of  Lebanon.^^  But  it  would  seem 
from  the  other  passages  that  Ptolemy,  like  Alexander  Jannaus, 
pushed  his  conquests  beyond  this  limit.  His  territory  (for  to 
him  applies  what  Strabo,  xvl  2.  18,  p.  755,  says  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Lebanon)  extended  westward  to  the  sea. 
Botrys  and  Theuprosopon  {@eov  irpoacoirov)  belonged  to  him. 
Byblus  and  Berytus  were  threatened  by  him.  In  the  east 
the  Damascenes  suffered  at  his  hands.^^  In  the  south  the 
district  of  Panias,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  history 
of  Zenodorus  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  10.  1—3,  compare  with 
this  passage  also  below,  p.  333),  belonged  to  him.  Indeed 
in  the  time  of  the  Jewish  king  Aristobulus  I.,  the  kingdom  of 
the  Itureans  seems  to  have  embraced  even  Galilee  (see  vol.  i. 
of  present  work,  pp.  293,  294).  In  any  case  the  Itureans 
were  in  that  direction  immediate  neighbours  of  the  Jews. 
We  have  therefore  before  us  a  State  constructed  precisely  in 
the  same  fashion  as  was  the  Jewish  State  of  that  time,  only 
that  Ptolemy,  son  of  Mennaus,  was  in  point  of  civilisation  a 
good  way  in  advance  of  Alexander  Jannaus. 

Ptolemy,  son  of  Mennaus,  reigned  from  about  B.C.  85  to  about 
B.C.  40.  About  B.C.  85,  from  fear  of  him,  the  Damascenes 
called  in  the  aid  of  Aretas,  king  of  the  Arabians  (Antiq.  xiii. 

15.  2  ;  Wai's  of  the  Jews,  i.  4.  8).  About  B.C.  78,  Aristobulus, 
son  of  Queen  Alexandra,  made  a  journey  to  Damascus,  avowedly 
with  the  object  of  protecting  it  against  Ptolemy  (Antiq.  xiii. 

16.  3  ;    Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  i.  5.  3).     When  Pompey  arrived, 

81,  calls  if.  Clmlcidem  cognominatam  ad  Belum.  Compare  also  v.  26.  89. 
Generally  :  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  xvii.  2,  1592  ff. — On  both  cities,  Noris, 
Annus  et  epochae,  p.  316  sqq.  ;  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsvencaltung, 
i.  400. 

^8  Strabo,  xvi.  2,  18,  p.  755. — Laodicea  on  the  Lebanon  (not  to  be  con- 
founded with  Laodicea  by  the  sea)  lay,  according  to  the  Itinerarium 
Antonini  (ed.  Wesseling,  p.  198),  18  mil.  pass,  south  of  Eniesa.  Compare 
Pauly's  Eeal  -  Encyclopaedie,  iv.  763  f .  ;  Furrer,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV. 
viii.  31. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  16.  3  :  o;  /ixpv:  iju  t},  tt&'A:/  yihuv. 


HISTORY  OF  CIIALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  331 

Ptolemy  purchased  immunity  from  him  by  the  payment  of  a 
thousand  talents  (Antiq.  xiv.  3.  2).  Pompey,  however,  destroyed 
the  fortified  places  in  the  Lebanon  (Strabo,  xvi.  2.  18.  p.  755), 
and  undoubtedly  also  curtailed  the  territory  of  Ptolemy  in  a 
way  similar  to  that  in  which  he  dealt  with  the  Jewish  ter- 
ritory.^*' In  B.C.  49,  Ptolemy  took  under  his  personal  care  the 
sons  and  daughters  of  the  Jewish  king  Aristobulus  II.,  who 
had  been  deposed  and  quite  recently  murdered  by  the  party 
of  Pompey  (Antiq.  xiv.  7.  4  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  9.  2).  In 
B.C.  42,  when  Cassius  had  left  Syria,  Ptolemy  supported  Anti- 
gonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  in  his  endeavour  to  secure  to 
himself  the  government  of  Judea  (Antiq.  xiv.  12.  1).  Ptolemy 
died  during  the  progress  of  the  Parthian  war,  B.C.  40  (Antiq. 
xiv.  13.  3;  Waj's  of  the  Jews,  i.  13.  1).  As  he  is  never 
designated  "  king "  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  7.4:  hwaaTevwv), 
it  is  possible  that  the  coins,  which  for  the  most  part  have  tlie 
incomplete  superscription  UToXe/JLaiov  rerpup'^ov  ap-^(iepk(a<i), 
belong  to  him.^i 

Ptolemy  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Lysanias  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xiv.  13.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  13.  1),  who  therefore 
obtained  the  kingdom  with  the  same  extent  of  territory  as 
had  been  left  to  his  father  by  Pompey.  Dio  Cassius  styles 
him   "King  of  the  Itureans "   (Dio  Cassius,  xlix.  32).      His 

20  Reference  is  made  to  the  subjugation  of  Ptolemy  in  the  accounts  given 
of  the  subjugation  of  the  Itureans  by  Pompey  in  Appian,  Mithridat.  106  ; 
Eutropius,  vi.  14 ;  Orosius,  vi.  6. 

21  Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  263  sq. ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  mMailles, 
V.  145,  Sappl.  viii.  119  ;  Miinter,  Be  rebus  Ituraeorum,  p.  37  ;  Lenor- 
mant,  Tr^sor  de  numismatique,  p.  116,  pL  Ivi.  n.  14 ;  Renan,  M^moires  de 
r Academic  des  Inscr.  xxvi.  2,  p.  62  ;  De  Saulcy,  Wiener  numismat.  Monats- 
hefte,  V.  1,  pp.  26-28 ;  Melanges  de  Numismatique,  t.  iii.  1882,  p.  198  sq. 
(on  the  coins  there  given  is  to  be  read  .  .  .  T^sfcai  .  .  .  irpxpxo  »px')- — Inihoof- 
Blumer,  Portratkopfe  auf  antiken  Munzen,  1885,  p.  44,  contends  that  the 
word  Xx'Ax.io  is  to  be  found  on  the  coins.  All  the  more  then,  in  conse- 
quence of  our  defective  knowledge  of  these  matters,  it  still  remains  a  pos- 
sibility that  the  coins  belong  to  some  unknown  Ptolemy.  Head,  Historia 
Numorum  (1887),  p.  655. 


332  APPENDIX  I. 

reign  falls  in  the  time  of  Antony,  who  also  laid  the  Itureans 
under  a  heavy  tribute  (Appian,  Civ.  v.  7).  At  the  instigation 
of  Cleopatra,  Antony  caused  Lysanias  to  be  executed  in  B.C. 
36  (on  the  reckoning  of  the  date,  see  vol.  i.  p.  402),  on  the 
pretence  that  he  had  been  conspiring  with  the  Parthians,  and 
gifted  a  large  portion  of  his  territory  to  Cleopatra  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  XV.  4.  1  ;  Wars  of  tlie  Jews,  i.  22.  3  ;  Dio  Cassius,  xlix. 
32).^^  Since  Dio  Cassius  and  Porphyry  call  him  "king,"  it 
is  doubtful  whether  the  coins  bearing  the  superscription 
AvaavLov  rerpap^ov  koI  ap-^Lepeca  belong  to  him,  for  there 
were  one  or  more  younger  princes  of  this  name.^^  At  the  same 
time  writers  were  accustomed  to  apply  the  title  of  ^aatXevf 
in  a  loose  way  even  to  tetrarchs. 

The  farther  history  of  the  country  cannot  be  followed  out 
in  more  detail.  But  it  is  certain  that  the  once  important 
kingdom  of  Ptolemy  and  Lysanias  was  gradually  cut  up  more 
and  more  into  smaller  districts.  We  can  quite  definitely 
distinguish  four  different  districts,  all  of  which  originally 
belonged  to  the  one  kingdom  of  Chalcis. 

1.  About  the  year  23  B.C.  (with  regard  to  the  chronology, 
see  vol.  i.  p.  409)  Josephus  tells  of  a  certain  Zenodorus  who 
had  taken  on  lease  the  possessions  that  previously  belonged 
to  Lysanias  {Antiq.  xv.  10.  1  :  if^efiiadcoro  rov  oIkov  tov 
Avaavlov  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  i.  20.  4  :   o  rov  Avaaviov  ytte/xtcr- 

2^  To  this  also  refers  tlie  statement  of  Porphyry  in  Eusebius,  Chronicon, 
ed.  Schoene,  i.  170  :  To  B'  kiacxidUccTO'j  {soil,  "year  of  Cleopatra")  uuof^xad/i  to 

Mxpx,o;  ' AvTuviog  6  uvroKpirup  t/jv  n  Xa£>;c/3o«  x.ot,l  rov;  Tnpl  avTViv  to'ttov; 
-TTxpi^uKi  rfi  KXiQ-ix.Tpct.  Instead  of  Ay (;/,c4«;i(;oy  it  is  now  generally  admitted 
that  we  should  read  Avaaviov. 

23  See  the  coins  in  Mionnet,  Suppl.  viii.  119  f .  ;  Miinter,  Dc  rebus 
Ituraeorum,  p.  38  ;  Lenormant,  Tresor  de  numismatique,  p.  116  sq.  pi.  Ivi. 
n.  15,  16  ;  Renan,  Memoires  de  VAcade'mie  des  Inscr.  xxvi.  2,  p.  62  sq.  ; 
De  Saulcy,  Wienernumismat.  Alonatshefte,  v.  1,  p.  29;  Imhoof-Blumer, 
Pcrtratkopfe,  p.  44,  table  vi.  18  ;  Head,  Historia  Numorinn,  p.  655. — In 
settling  the  question  as  to  whether  our  Lysanias  bore  the  title  of  Tetrarch 
the  inscription  given  in  note  26  has  to  be  taken  into  account. 


HISTORY  OF  CtlALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  333 

da)/u,evo<;  oIkov).  This  Zenodorus  took  part  in  the  robberies 
in  Trachonitis,  on  account  of  which  Trachonitis  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  dominions  under  the  sway  of  Zenodorus, 
and  was  conferred  upon  Herod  (Antiq.  xv.  10,  1-2;  Wars 
of  the  Jews,  i.  20.  4).^*  Three  years  later,  in  B.C.  20,  Zeno- 
dorus died,  and  then  Augustus  conferred  upon  Herod  also 
the  territories  over  wliich  he  had  ruled,  namely,  Ulatha  and 
Panias  (Antiq.  xv.  10.  3:  Tr;f  rovrov  fiotpav  ovk  oXljiju 
ovaav  .  .  .  OukdOav  real  IlavidSa  Kal  ryu  irepi^  '^copau;  com- 
pare Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  20.  4  ;  Dio  Cassius,  liv.  9  :  Zrjvo- 
Bcopov  Tiv6<i  T€Tpap)(^iav)r^  A  difficulty  arises  here  inasmuch  as 
Zenodorus  is  mentioned  at  first  only  as  lessee  or  farmer  of 
the  oIko<;  Avaavtov,  whereas  mention  is  afterwards  made  of 
his  own  country,  Dio  Cassius  speaking  of  his  tetrarchy, 
which  was  obtained  by  Herod.  The  difficulty  might  be 
explained  by  regarding  the  two  as  different  territories.  But 
against  this  may  be  alleged  the  circumstance  that  Jose^^hus 
most  decidedly,  at  least  in  his  first  reference  to  him,  would 
have  designated  him  by  his  own  territor}'-,  if  that  territory 
had  been  different  from  the  one  which  he  had  farmed  out. 
We  are  therefore  constrained  to  regard  tlie  two  as  identical. 
That  the  district  of  Ulatha  and  Panias  had  formerly  belonged 
to  the  dominion  of  Lysanias,  i.e.  to  the  Iturean  kingdom,  is 
highly  probable,  since  the  latter  extended  as  far  as  the  borders 
of  the  Jewish  country  (see  above,  p.  330).  It  seems  therefore 
that  Zenodorus,  after  the  death  of  Lysanias,  had  received  on 
rent  a  portion  of  his  territory  from  Cleopatra,  and  that  after 
Cleopatra's  death  this  "  rented "  domain,  subject  to  tribute, 
was  continued  to  him  with  the  title  of  tetrarch. 

2*  Compare  Strabo,  xvi.  2.  20,  p.  V56 :  x.ctTxKvdiurcuv  wA  ruv  mpl  Znvo- 

^^  Ulatha  is  the  district  on  the  Merom  or  Semechonitis  Lake  which 
is  now  called  Beer-el-Huloh,  and  is  clearly  identical  with  the  t^nhm  X?:'"' 
mentioned  in  the  rabbinical  literature  (Neubauer,Za  gtfographie  du  Talmud, 
ISaS,  pp.  24,  27  sq.). 


33-i  APPENDIX  I. 

Ou  a  monument  to  the  dynasty  of  Lysanias  at  Heliopolis, 
of  the  inscription  on  which  we  have  indeed  only  fragments, 
mention  is  made  of  a  "  Zenodorus,  son  of  the  tetrarch 
Lysanias."  ^^  The  reference  has  almost  universally  been 
supposed  to  apply  to  our  Zenodorus,  and  he  has  therefore 
been  regarded  as  a  son  of  the  Lysanias  executed  by  Antony. 
Although  this  also  is  uncertain,  because  Lysanias  is  designated 
as  tetrarch  (see  above,  p.  332),  yet  there  is  proved  from  the 
inscriptions  a  genealogical  connection  between  the  two  families, 
in  which  the  same  name  may  have  been  often  repeated. — It 
may  be  taken  as  certain  that  the  coins  with  the  superscription 
Zrjvohaypov  rerpdpyov  ap^i€p60)<?  belong  to  our  Zenodorus.^'^ 
They  have  the  year  numbers  11^,  BII^,  Zn[Sl  i.e.  280, 
282,  287  aera  Seleuc.  or  B.C.  32,  30,  and  25,  which  precisely 
fit  our  hypothesis.28 

After  the  death  of  Herod  the  Great,  a  portion  of  the  former 

'■^^  See  the  inscription  in  Corpus  Inner.  Graec.  n.  4523,  in  De  Saulcy, 
Voyage  autour  de  la  mer  morte,  atlas  (1853),  pi.  liii.  n.  5  ;  Le  Bas  and  Wad- 
dington,  Inscriptions  grecques  et  latines,  t.  iii.  n.  1880  ;  most  correctly  in 
Eenan,  Mission  de  Phenicie,  pp.  317-319,  and  with  a  complete  commentary 
in  the  M^moires  de  VAcad^mie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres,  xxvi.  2,  pp. 
70-79.  The  legible  portions  run,  with  Kenan's  filling  up  of  lacunae,  as 
follows  : — 

.  •   .   SvyxTYjo  ZyivodMou  Ava\oe,viov  rjirpizpxw  x,xt  A.vo\_oe.uici\ 
.  .  .  \x,u\  ToT\i  Viol;  ^[i/J5jM)7]j  X°^P"'  {_ii>(Tsl3ui\  oci^edyiKSu. 

^^  See  the  coins  in  Belley,  Memoir es  de  V Academic  des  Inscr.  et  Belles- 
Lettres,  first  series,  t.  xxviii.  1761,  pp.  545-556  ;  Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  iii. 
496  sq.;  Mionnet,  Description  de  me'dailles,  v.  576,  Suppl.  viii.  381  ; 
Miinter,  De  rebus  Ituraeorum,  p.  38  sq.  ;  Renan,  Memoires  de  I'Acad^mie 
xxvi.  2,  p.  63  ;  De  Saulcy,  Wiener  numismat.  Montashefte,  v.  1  [1869],  pp. 
29-32  ;  Annuaire  de  la  Socie't^  frangaise  de  Numismatique  et  d'Archeologie, 
t.  V.  (  =  second  series,  t.  1),  fasc.  3,  1879,  p.  182  sq.  [coins  with  the  date 
zn] ;  Madden,  Gains  of  the  Jews  (1881),  p.  124  ;  Imhoof-Blumer,  Portrdt- 
Mpfe  auf  antiken  Munzen,  1885,  p.  44,  table  vi.  19  ;  Head,  Ilistoria  Numo- 
rum(l88'7),  p.  663. 

**  The  year  number  112  =  280,  aera  Seleuc,  or  B.C.  32,  is  indeed  incom- 
plete (Mionnet,  v.  576  :  "cette  date  ne  paroit  pas  entiere").  It  would  be 
strange  indeed  if  Zenodorus  should  have  received  the  title  of  Tetrarch  so 
long  as  Cleopatra  continued  to  rule. 


HISTORY  OF  CHALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  335 

tetrarcliy  of  Zenodorus  went  to  Herod's  son,  Philip  (Antiq.  xvii. 
11.4;  TFa7's  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3).-^  This  is  the  portion  referred 
to  by  the  evangelist  Luke  (Luke  iii.  1),  when  he  says  that  Philip 
was  governor  of  Iturea  (tt}?  'Irovpaia^). — The  tetrarcliy  of 
Philip  was  subsequently  obtained  by  Agrippa  L  and  Agrippa  IL 
2.  Another  tetrarchy  was  sliced  off  from  the  earlier  Itu- 
rean  empire  in  the  East  between  Chalcis  and  Damascus  to 
form  the  district  of  Abila  in  the  Lebanon.  This  Abila, 
accordinsij  to  the  Itinerarium  Antonii^^  and  the  Peutincer 
tables,  lay  1 8  mil.  pass,  from  Damascus  on  the  road  from  that 
city  to  Heliopolis,  consequently  on  the  site  of  the  present 
village  of  Suk  on  the  Barada,  where  are  still  to  be  seen 
the  ruins  of  an  old  city.  In  the  neighbourhood  on  the  wall 
of  rock  is  engraved  an  inscription,  on  which  it  is  said  that 
the  Emperors  Marcus  Aurelius  and  L.  Verus  viam  Jluminis  vi 
abruptam  interciso  monte  restituerunt  .  .  .  imjyendiis  Abile- 
noriLmP-  In  the  same  neighbourhood,  too,  they  point  out 
the  so-called  grave  of  Abel  {Nebi  AMI),  evidently  a  legendary 
creation,  which  had  its  origin  in  the  name  of  the  place  Abel. 
The  identity  of  Abila  and  Suk,  therefore,  is  placed  beyond  all 
doubt.^2     Much  more  uncertain  is  this  identification  with  our 

2^  In  tlie  passage,  IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  6.  3,  instead  of  ^Iccuvituv  we 
should  read  rioss/e/aB*,  according  to  Antiq.  xv.  10.  3. 

^^  Vetera  liomanorum  itineraria.  ed.  Wesseling,  p.  198. 

21  See  the  inscription,  e.g.  in  De  Saulcy,  Voyage  autour  de  la  mer  morte, 
atlas  (1853),  pi.  Ii. ;  Robinson,  Later  Biblical  Researches.,  p.  480  ;  De 
Saulcy,  Numisviatique  de  la  Terre  Sairite,  p.  20  ;  Le  Bas  and  Waddington, 
Inscriptions  grecques  et  latines,  t.  iii.  n.  1874;  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii. 
n.  199  ;  Facsimile  in  Lepsius,  Denhniiler  aus  Aegypten  und  Aethiopien, 
Bd.  xii.  Blatt  101  ;  Inscr.  Lat.  n.  64. — The  inscription,  from  its  refer- 
ence to  the  two  emperors  in  its  formula,  belongs  to  a.d.  163-165.  See 
Waddington  on  n.  1874,  and  Mommsen  in  the  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat. 

3^  See  on  Abila  generally :  Reland,  Palaestina,  p.  527  sqq. ;  Ritter, 
Erdkunde,  xvii.  2,  p.  1278  ff . ;  Porter,  Five  Years  in  Damascus  (1855), 
1.  261  ff. ;  Robinson,  Later  Biblical  Researches,  pp.  479-484  ;  Sepp,  Jeru- 
salem, 2  Aufl.  ii.  393  ff . ;  Baedeker-Socin,  Faldstina,  1  4utl.  jx  511  ; 
Ebers  and  Guthe,  Palasiina,  i.  456-460  ;  Furrer,  Zcitschrift  des  deutschen 
Baldstina-Vereins,  viii.  1885,  p.  40. 


336  APPENDIX  I. 

Abila  of  a  city  Leucas,  urged  by  many  numismatists,  of 
which  several  coins  are  still  extant.  In  support  of  this, 
reference  is  made  to  a  coin  on  which,  besides  the  words 
[AevKJaBttov  K\av[Biecov],  is  to  be  read  also  the  name  of  the 
river  Xpvaopoa<i.  In  ancient  times,  certainly,  the  Barada 
was  called  Chrysorrhoas,  and  it  had  upon  its  banks,  besides 
Damascus,  no  other  city  than  Abila.  But  the  name  Chrysor- 
rlioas  is  also  met  with  elsewhere,  e.g.  on  the  inscription  of  the 
Gerasenes,  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  118  ;  and  it  should  be  particularly 
observed  that  on  the  coin  in  question  the  designation  of  the 
city  is  restored  only  by  means  of  filling  up  the  lacunae.^^ 

Our  Abila  was  before  the  time  of  Caligula  the  capital  of 
a  tetrarchy  which  is  often  spoken  of  by  Josephus.  When 
Caligula  ascended  the  throne  in  a.d.  37,  Agrippa  I,  besides 
the  tetrarchy  of  Philip,  received  also  "  the  tetrarchy  of 
Lysanias"  (Antiq.  xviii.  6.  10:  rrjv  Avaavlov  Terpap'^iav). 
By  this  is  meant  the  tetrarchy  of  Abila.  For  when  Claudius 
came  to  the  throne  in  a.d.  41,  he  confirmed  and  increased  the 
domain  of  Agrippa  by  handing  over  to  him  the  whole  empire 
of  his  grandfather  Herod  as  his  hereditary  possession,  and  add- 
ing thereto :  ^A/3i\av  rrjv  Avaavlov  xal  oirocra  iv  Ta>  Ai^dvw 
vpec  (Antiq.  xix.  5.  1  ;  compare  Wa7's  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  11.  5  : 
^aaikeiav  ttjv  Avaavlov  KoXov/xevrjv).^^  After  the  death  of 
Agrippa  I.,  in  a.d.  44,  his  territory  was  administered  by  Eoman 
procurators.  But  in  a.d.  53,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  Claudius, 
Agrippa  II.  obtained  what  had  been  the  tetrarchy  of  Philip, 
together  with  Abila,  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias  {Antiq.  xx.  7.  1  : 

22  See  on  the  coins :  Belley,  M^moires  de  VAcad^mie  des  Inscriptions  et 
Belles-Lettres,  first  series,  t.  xxxii.  1768,  pp.  695-706  ;  Eckhel,  Dodr. 
Num.  iii.  337  sq. ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  m^dailles,  v.  308-310,  Suppl. 
viii.  214-216 ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte,  pp.  20-29. — 
The  identification  of  Leucas  and  Abila  was  first  suggested  by  Belley,  and 
has  been  specially  favoured  by  De  Saulcy.  Eckhel  expresses  himself  in  a 
hesitating  manner  ("quae  aliud  non  sunt  quam  conjecturae  probabiles "). 

^^  There  is  no  word  here  in  reference  to  Abila  about  a  new  donation, 
but  only  about  a  confirmation  of  the  donation  of  Caligula. 


HISTORY  OF  CHALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENK  337 

axjv  'Aj3i\a,  Avaavia   he   avrrj   iyeyovei  rerpap-y^la.      Compare 
Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  8  :  rrjv  re  Avaaviov  jSaa Ckeiav). 

Erom  these  passages  we  see  that  the  tetrarchy  of  Abila  had 
belonged  previously  to  a.d.  37  to  a  certain  Lysanias.^^  And 
seeing  that  Josephus  nowhere  previously  makes  any  mention 
of  another  Lysanias,  except  the  contemporary  of  Antony  and 
Cleopatra,  B.C.  40—36,  theological  criticism  has  endeavoured  in 
various  ways  to  show  that  there  had  not  afterwards  been  any 
other,  and  that  the  tetrarchy  of  Abilene  had  its  name  from 
that  older  Lysanias.  But  this  is  impossible.  Lysanias  L  had 
possessed  the  Iturean  kingdom  with  the  same  boundaries  as  his 
father  Ptolemy.  The  capital  of  his  kingdom  was  Clialcis  (com- 
pare also  especially  the  passage  quoted  from  Porphyry  on  p.  8  3  2). 
The  domain  of  Abila  did  indeed  belong  to  that  territory ;  for 
the  empire  of  Ptolemy  bordered  on  the  territory  of  Damascus. 
But  it  certainly  formed  only  a  small  portion  of  that  important 
kingdom  which  embraced  almost  all  of  the  Lebanon.  It  is 
therefore  impossible  that  the  district  of  Abila  could  have 
been  characterized  as  "  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias."  It  must 
therefore  be  assumed  as  certain  tliat  at  a  later  date  the 
district  of  Abilene  had  been  severed  from  the  kingdom  of 
Chalcis,  and  had  been  governed  by  a  younger  Lysanias  as 
tetrarch. 

The  existence  of  a  younger  Lysanias  is  also  witnessed  to  by 
the  following  inscription  found  at  Abila : — ^'^ 

Tirep  T7]<i  T(t)v  Kvptcov  ^€[/3aaT(ov^ 

a(OTr]pia<;  Kal  rov  cFV/jL[7ravT0<i] 

avTwv  oIkqv,  NviJi(^aio<i  .... 

Avaaviov  Terpdp^ov  txTreXe^vdepo^^ 

Tr]V  oBov  KTLcra<i  K.rX. 

85  The  designation  (ixai'Aiix,  in  JFars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  11.  5  and  12.  8,  is 
evidently  inexact. 

2^  Corpus  Inscr.  Grace,  n.  4521  (compare   Addenda,  p.  1174  =  Renan, 
Memoires  de  I' Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles- Lettres,  t.  xxvi.  2,  p.  67. 
DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  Y 


338  APPENDIX  I. 

Since  the  correctness  of  the  filling  up  of  the  word  ^e[^a(7- 
Twi/]  cannot  be  doubted,  the  inscription  cannot  be  placed 
earlier  than  the  time  of  Tiberius.  For  the  title  Augusti 
in  the  plural  was  never  before  given.  The  first  contemporary 
Xe^aoToi  were  Tiberius  and  his  mother  Livia,  who  from  the 
death  of  Augustus,  in  consequence  of  the  last  expressed  wish 
of  her  husband,  took  the  title  of  Augusta?''  In  the  time 
of  Tiberius,  therefore,  at  least  fifteen  years  after  the  death 
of  Lysanias  I.,  it  is,  indeed,  hardly  conceivable  that  a  freedman 
of  his  would  have  built  a  street  and  erected  a  temple,  as 
is  said  on  the  inscription.  Undoubtedly  Nyraphaus  was  the 
freedman  of  the  younger  tetrarch  Lysanias. — Also  the  inscrip- 
tion from  Heliopolis,  quoted  on  p.  334,  makes  it  probable  that 
there  had  been  several  princes  of  the  name  of  Lysanias. — 
The  evangelist  Luke  is  thoroughly  correct  when  he  assumes 
(Luke  iii.  1)  that  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius  there  was  a 
Lysanias  tetrarch  of  Abilene.^ 

The  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias  L  remained  in  possession  of 
Agrippa  II.  down  to  his  death  in  A.D.  100  ;  but  the  name  of 
Lysanias  long  clung  to  the  place.      Also  in  Ftolemaeiis,  v. 

^''  Tacitus,  Annales,  i.  8  :  "  Livia  in  familiam  Juliam  nomenque  Au- 
gustum  adsumebatur."  Tiberius  and  Livia  (Julia)  are  named  on  a 
Palestinian  coin  as  ^.i^uaroi  (Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  497) ;  its  reading, 
however,  is  doubtful  (Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  180). — For  further 
criticism  see  also  Corpus  Inscr.  Grace,  t.  iii.  p.  1174  {Addenda  io  n.  4521) ; 
Eenan,  M^moires,  p.  63  sq.  (with  reference  to  Renier  and  Waddington)  ; 
Wieseler,  Beitrdge  zur  richtigen  IVurdigung  der  Evangelien,  p.  191,  under- 
stands the  two  2s,3«(rTo/  to  be  Augustus  and  Tiberius,  the  latter  having 
only  in  the  last  years  of  Augustus  received  the  title  of  ^sfixTroi.  But 
this  is  in  contradiction  to  everything  else  that  we  know,  and,  owing  to 
the  uncertain  date  of  the  coin  to  which  Wieseler  himself  refers,  is  in- 
capable of  proof.  Compare  against  Wieseler's  hypothesis,  Mommsen, 
Edmisches  Staatsrechf,  ii.  2  (1  Au'fl.  1875),  pp.  731-733,  772  f.,  1064  ff. 

^*  On  the  existence  of  this  younger  Lysanias,  and  generally  on  Luke 
iii.  1,  see  the  pro  and  contra  in  the  following  treatises,  in  addition  to  the 
literature  mentioned  on  p.  325  :  Frid.  Gott.  Siiskind,  "  Symbolae  ad 
illustr.  quaedam  evangeliorum  loca"  (in  Rylloge  commentt.,  ed.  Pott, 
vol.  viii.  1807,  pp.  90-99  ;    Schneckenburger,    Ueber  Luc.  iii.  1  {Theol. 


HISTORY  OF  CHALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  339 

15.  22,  Abila  is  called  "A^iXa  eiriKX-rjOelaa  Avaaviov,  as  may 
be  supposed  because  Lysanias  was  not  only  a  previous  pos- 
sessor, but  the  new  founder  of  the  city  (compare  Caesarea 
Philippi). 

o.  The  domains  of  Zenodorus  and  Lysanias  lay  on  the 
circumference  of  the  earlier  Iturean  kingdom.  In  the  time 
of  Quirinius,  his  subordinate  general,  Q.  Aemilius  Secundus, 
undertook  a  warlike  expedition  against  the  Itureans  proper, 
as  is  told  us  on  an  inscription  ("  missu  Quirini  adversus 
Ituraeos  in  Libano  monte  castellum  eorum  cepi").^^  Perhaps 
just  at  that  time  a  breaking  up  of  the  Iturean  kingdom  took 
place.  At  any  rate,  in  the  time  of  Claudius  we  find  a  kingdom 
of  Chalcis  and  a  kingdom  of  Iturea  alongside  of  one  another. 
In  A.D.  38,  Caligula  deprived  a  certain  Soemus  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Itureans  (Dio  Cassius,  lix.  12:  ^oatfirp  rrjv  twv 
^Irvpatwv  Tcbv  ^Apd^cov  .  .  .  i-^aplaaTo)}^  This  Soemus 
died  in  a.D.  49,  and  then  his  territories  were  incorporated 
with  the  province  of  Syria.  Tacitus,  Annalcs,  xii.  23  : 
"  Ituraeique  et  Judaei  defunctis  regibus  Sohaemo  atque  Agrippa 
provinciae  Suriae  additi."  But  at  the  same  time  a  Herod 
reigned  in  Chalcis,  so  that  now  the  one  kingdom  of  Ptolemy 

Stud,  und  Krit.  1833,  p.  1056  ff.)  ;  Siiskind  (son  of  above-named),  "Einige 
Bemerkungen  zu  den  Worten  u.  s.  w.  Luc.  iii.  1 ''  (Theol.  Shod,  und  Krit. 
1836,  pp.  431-448);  Strauss,  Leben  Jesu,  i.  (4  Aufl.  1840)  p.  341  flF. ; 
Hug,  Gutachten  iiher  das  Leben  Jesu  von  Strauss,  1840,  pp.  119-123 ; 
Wieseler,  Chronological  Synopsis  of  the  Four  Gospels,  pp.  159-167  ;  Ebrard, 
Gospel  History,  Edin.  1869,  §  30,  pp.  143-146:  "Lysanias  of  Abilene  ;" 
Lichtenstein,  Lebenscjeschichte  des  Herrn  Jesu  Christi  (1856),  pp.  130-136  ; 
Winer,  Eealworterb.  art.  "Abilene;"  Kneucker  in  Sclienkel's  Bibcllexicon, 
i.  26-28,  art.  "Abilene  ;"  Sevin,  Chronologie  dcs  Lebens  Jesu  (2  AuH.  1874), 
pp.  106-112;  Keim,  Jesus  of  Nazara,  ii.  381-384;  Aus  dem  Urchristen- 
thum  (1868),  pp.  9-13  ;  Bleek,  Synoptisclie  Erhlarung  der  drei  ersten  Evan- 
gclien,  i.  1862,  pp.  154-157.  See  Commentaries  on  the  New  Testament 
by  Meyer  and  others  on  Luke  iii.  1. 

^"  Kphemeris  epigraphica,  vol.  iv.  1881,  p.  538. 

^°  The  name  Soemus  is  found  also  in  the  dynasty  of  Emesa.  An 
Iturean  Soemus  of  the  time  of  Herod  the  Great  is  spoken  of  in  Antiq. 
XV.  6.  5,  7.  1-4 


340  '  APPENDIX  I. 

and  Lysanias  was  partitioned  into,  at  least,  four  divisions. 
The  kingdom  of  Soemus  is  supposed  to  have  embraced  the 
northern  part,  from  about  Heliopolis  to  Laodicea  in  the 
Lebanon." 

When,  upon  the  death  of  Soemus,  his  territory  was  confis- 
cated, it  would  seem  that  his  son  Varus  (or  Noarus,  as  he  is 
called  in  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  ii.  18,  6)  was  portioned  off  with 
a  small  part  of  his  ancestral  domains,  and  even  this  he  held 
only  till  A.D.  53.  In  that  year  Claudius  bestowed  upon 
Agrippa,  in  addition  to  the  tetrarchies  of  Philip  and  Lysanias, 
rrju  Oudpov  <yevo[Jievr}v  iirap'^Lav  (JVars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  8  ; 
in  regard  to  the  date,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1).  This  Varus  was, 
according  to  Josephus,  Life,  xi.,  probably  the  son  of  that 
Soemus  who  died  in  a.D.  49  {Ovapa  ^aat\t,Kov  yevou<i, 
cKjovof;  Xoepbov  rov  trepX  top  Ai^avov  TCTpap'x^ovvTO'i).'^^ 

After  the  Iturean  territories  had  been  amalgamated  with 
the  province  of  Syria,  regular  Eoman  troops  were  enlisted 
there.  We  meet  with  Iturean  alae  and  cohories  from  the  last 
decades  of  the  first  century  in  this  farthest  distant  province 
of  the  Eoman  empire.'*^ 

•*^  The  city  of  Heliopolis  cannot  have  belonged  to  this  kingdom  of 
Soemus,  since  it  was  from  the  time  of  Augustus  a  Roman  colony  (Mar- 
quardt,  Eomische  Staatsvenoaltung,  i.  1881,  p.  428). 

*-  The  identity  of  the  Soemus  referred  to  in  the  latter  passage  with  the 
one  who  died  in  a.d.  49  is  not,  indeed,  quite  certain,  since  there  was 
duiing  the  time  of  Nero  and  Vespasian  a  Soemus  of  Emesa  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xx.  8.  4 ;  TFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  18.  9,  iii.  4.  2,  vii.  7.  1  ;  Tacitus, 
Hist.  ii.  81,  V.  1).  The  present  mpoipxovi/roc  might  be  used  with  reference 
to  the  latter.  But  this  grammatical  argument  is  not  decisive  (comp. 
Winer's  Grammar,  §  45.  7) ;  and  Josephus  would  scarcely  have  designated 
the  ruler  of  Emesa  as  t6v  -Trepl  rov  Ai'ficcuov  rirpapxovvrot,  especially  if,  as 
from  Tacitus,  Annales,  xiii.  7,  we  must  assume  to  have  been  the  case,  he 
ruled  over  Sophene  that  lay  far  off  across  the  Euphrates  to  the  north  of 
Edessa. 

*^  The  inscriptions  in  regard  to  this  matter  afford  us  the  following 
data  (compare  the  list  of  Mommsen,  Ephemeris  epigraphica,  vol.  v.  1884, 
p.  194)  :— 

The  ala  I.  Augusta  Ituraeorum  was  stationed  during  a.d.  98  in  Pannonia 


HISTORY  OF  CHALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  341 

4.  The  history  of  Chalcis,  the  centre  of  the  former  Iturean 
kingdom,  is  unknown  to  us  from  the  death  of  Cleopatra  down 
to  the  date  of  Claudius'  accession.  The  Emperor  Claudius, 
on  his  coming  to  the  throne  in  a.d.  41,  gifted  it  to  a  grandson 
of  Herod  the  Great,  who  was  also  called  Herod.^     He  was  a 

{Corp.  Inner.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  862,  Dipl.  xix.),  in  a.d.  110  in  Dacia  {Corp. 
Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  868,  iJipl.  xxv.),  in  a.d.  167  again  in  Pannonia  {Corp. 
Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  888,  Dipl.  xlvi.). — Compare  also  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t. 
iii.  n.  1382,  3446,  3677,  4367,  4368,  4371  ;  Corp.  Inscr.  Ehenan.,  ed.  Bram- 
bacli,  n.  2003. — An  inscription  of  HeliopoHs  dedicated  to  Jupiter  by  a 
vexillatio  alae  Ituraeorum,  therefore  by  a  detacliment  of  this  ala  under  a 
separate  command,  has  been  found  at  Rome  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi. 
n.  421). 

The  cohors  I.  Augusta  Ituraeorum  was,  in  a.d.  80,  stationed  in  Pannonia 
{Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  854,  Dipl.  xi.),  in  a.d.  98  it  was  still  in 
Pannonia  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  862,  IJi2)l.  xix.),  in  a.d.  110  in  Dacia 
{Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  868,  Dipl.  xxv.). — Compare  also  Corp.  Inscr. 
lihenan.,  ed.  Brambach,  n.  1099. 

The  cohors  I.  Ituraeorum;  distinct  from  the  above,  was  stationed  in  a.d. 
110  in  Dacia  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  p.  868,  Dipl.  xxv.). — Compare  also 
Corp.  Inscr.  Rhenan.,  ed.  Brambach,  n.  1233,  1234,  1289.  Notitia  diyni- 
tatum  Occidentis,  xxvi.  16  (ed.  Seeck,  p.  178). 

The  cohors  II.  Ituraeorum  was  stationed,  in  a.d.  83,  in  Upper  Egypt 
{Ephemeris  epigr.  vol.  v.  1884,  p.  612  sq.).  Greek  inscriptions  in  the 
temples  at  Talmis,  Pselchis,  and  Hiera-Sycaminus  (all  on  the  borders  of 
Upper  Egypt  and  Ethiopia)  tell,  with  reference  to  the  time  of  Hadrian 
and  Antoninus  Pius,  that  these  soldiers  of  this  cohort  had  offered  their 
devotions  (Corp.  Inscr.  Oraec.  n.  5050,  5081,  5110). — Subsequently  it  was 
stationed  in  Lower  Egypt  {Notitia  dignitatum  orientis,  xxviii.  44,  ed. 
Seeck,  p.  60). 

The  cohors  III.  Ituraeorum  was  stationed,  in  a.d.  83,  in  Upper  Egypt 
{Epihemeris  epigr.  vol.  v.  p.  612  sq.). — Compare  also  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat. 
t.  viii.  n.  2394,  2395,  t.  ix.  n.  1619. 

A  cohors  VIL  Ituraeorum  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to  in  an  inscription 
on  the  Memnon  statue  at  Thebes  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  iii.  n.  59).  But  it 
has  been  conjectured  that  there  instead  of  VII.  we  should  read  III. 

Reference  perhaps  is  made  to  the  sending  of  Iturean  troops  to 
Moesia  in  the  fragmentary  in.scription  in  Le  Bas  and  Waddington, 
Inscriptions  grecques  et  latines,  t.  iii.  n.  2120  (ed.  el-Hit,  north  of  the 
Hauran) : — 

.   •    Yi^i'hci.'ju  Tov   ii;  MoiTix  .   .    . 
.   ,   Tovpotl'uu   Kelt   arpxzYi  .    .    . 

**  Josephus,  Aiitiq.  xix.  5.  1  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  5. 


342  APPENDIX  I. 

brother  of  Agrippa  I.,  and  so  a  son  of  AristoLulus,  the  son  of 
Herod  the  Great.^^ 

Herod  of  Chalcis  had  the  title  ^aacXev^,  and  praetorian 
rank.^^  He  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  Mari- 
amme,  a  granddaughter  of  Herod  the  Great.  By  her  he  had 
a  son,  Aristobulus,  *'^  who  married  Salome,  the  daughter  of 
Herodias,  and  widow  of  the  tetrarch  Philip,  and  obtained  from 
Nero  the  government  of  Lesser  Armenia.^^  The  second  wife  of 
Herod  was  Berenice,  the  daughter  of  his  brother  Agrippa,  who 
gave  her  to  him  in  marriage  after  the  death  of  Marcus,  son  of 
Alexander,  the  alabarcli  of  Alexandria,  to  whom  she  was  first 
betrothed.*^  By  her  he  had  two  sons,  Berenicianus  and 
Hyrcanus.^° 

At  the  assembly  of  princes  which  was  once  convened  by 
Agrippa  I.  at  Tiberias,  but  had  been  so  rudely  treated  by  the 
Eoman  governor  Marsus,  we  find  our  Herod  also  preseut.^^ 
After  the  death  of  Agrippa  I.  in  a.d.  44,  he  besought  from 
the  emperor — and  this  is  the  point  that  makes  him  an  object 
of  interest  in  the  Jewish  history — the  oversight  of  the 
temple  and  the  temple  treasury,  as  well  as  the  right  of 
nominating  the  high  priest.  His  prayer  was  granted,  and  he 
exercised  his  right  by  frequent  appointments  and  depositions 
of  high  priests.^^ 

*'  Josephu?,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  4  ;  Wars  of  the  Jetcs,  i.  28.  1. 

■*^  He  is  always  desiguated  ^uaChiv:  by  Josephns.  Dio  Cassiup,  Ix.  8, 
speaks  of  his  praetorian  rank  {arpxTnyiKou  d^iauot.). 

*''  Josephns,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  4,  xx.  5.  2  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6. 

^8  Josephns,  Antiq.  xviii.  5.  4,  xx.  8.  4 ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  13.  2  ; 
Tacitus,  Annales,  xiii.  7,  xiv.  26. 

^^  Josephns,  Antiq.  xix.  5.  1  :  TocvTYiv  fiiv  {n'hivroi  yxp  'Mipy.o;  6  tov 
' AXslccvBpov  vl(ii)  "TtotpSi'jov  "Kocliuv  »(ti7^<[io'  ru  ctinov  Ayp/xs-ssf  'Hp^jdjj  otoaat. 
This  is  the  correct  reading,  and  we  should  notput  marks  of  parenthesis  round 
•}r»r,divrjv  T^xjiuu,  as  Bekker  does.  Compare  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  vii.  197. 
Berenice  therefore  was  not  actually  married,  but  only  betrothed  to  Marcus. 

*"  Josephns,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  2;  JFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6. 

"^  Josephns,  Antiq.  xix.  8.  2. 

*2  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  1.  3,  5.  2.     Compare  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  IDG. 


HISTORY  OF  CIIALCIS,  ITUREA,  AND  ABILENE.  343 

On  his  coins  lie  is  named  ^tXo/cXaySto? — a  natural  com- 
pliment to  the  emperor,  to  whom  he  owe^t  all  his  advance- 
ment.^^ Whether  an  honorary  inscription  of  the  Athenians 
to  a  'Hp(i)Sr]<i  Evae^r)^  Kol  ^ikoKaiaap,  refers  to  him,  seems 
doubtful.5* 

He  died  after  a  reign  of  about  seven  years,  in  the  8th  year 
of  Claudius,  a.d.  48.  His  nephew,  Agrippa  II.,  obtained  his 
kingdom,  but  probably  only  at  a  somewhat  later  period.^^ 

Agrippa  continued  in  possession  of  Chalcis  only  till  a.d.  53, 
when  he,  in  return  for  the  surrender  of  this  country,  obtained 
a  larger  kingdom.^''  The  history  of  Chalcis  thereafter  recedes 
again  into  obscurity.  In  the  time  of  Vespasian  there  is, 
indeed,  a  King  Aristobulus  of  Chalcidice  mentioned,  who 
possibly  may  be  identical  with  the  son  of  Herod  of  Chalcis  and 
king  of  Lesser  Armenia.^''      But   even  if   this  were  so,  it  is 

^^  The  coins  are  given  in  Eckliel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  492  ;  Mionnet, 
Description  de  ni<fduiUcs,  v.  5G9  sq.,  Suppl.  viii.  380  ;  Lenormant,  Tre'sor  de 
numismatique,  p.  127,  pi.  Ix.  n.  8-10 ;  Imhoof-Blumer,  Fortriitkopfe  auf 
antiken  Miinzen  (1885),  p.  44,  table  vi.  20. — Many  niimisniatists  have 
assigned  to  one  Herod  a  small  copper  coin  with  an  eagle,  and  the  super- 
Bcription  Boto-zA.  HpuZ.  (so  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatik,  ii.  35  ;  Levy, 
Gcschichte  der  jild.  Miinzen,  p.  82  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  pp. 
111-113).  But  the  fact  that  the  coins  have  been  found  in  Jerusalem  is  in 
favour  of  the  assigning  of  them  to  Herod  the  Great,  and  the  figure  of  the 
eagle  is  not  decisive  against  this  view  (De  Saulcy,  BechercJies  sur  la  Numis- 
matique juda'ique,  p.  131  ;  Wieseler,  Beitriige  zur  richtigen  Wiirdigung  der 
Evangelien,  pp.  86-88;  Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  114,  in  which  he 
retracts  his  earlier  opinion. 

^*  Corp.  Inscr.  Attic,  iii.  1,  n.  551,  at  Athens:  ['O  o]'/i,uo;  \_fix(ri'A]ict 
'llpaly,!/  Evfj-f/S^  X.XI  <i^t7^0Kciiijccpx  [dupery;;  ivacct  x.xl  svepysaiccg. — Another 
inscription  at  Athens  (Corp.  Inscr.  Attic,  iii.  1,  n.  550)  honours  in  a 
similar  manner  a  /3«(7/^6«  'llpulnv  <^i>.opuf4,ct.iov. — On  account  of  the  diver- 
sity in  the  title,  these  two  references  might  be  ajiplied  to  two  different 
men  ;  and  it  seems  to  be  most  in  accordance  with  otherwise  demonstrable 
antiquity  of  the  titles  to  refer  n.  550  to  Herod  the  Great,  and  n.  551  to 
Herod  of  Clialcis.  But  difficulties  arise  over  the  fact  that  the  latter  on 
cuius  calls  himself  ^I'hoK'hxvoio;. 

^^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  5.  2  ;   IFars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  11.  6,  12.  1. 

*^  Josephus,  Antiq.  xx.  7.  1  ;   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  12.  8. 

^^  Josephus,  JFars  of  the  Jeivs,  vii.  7.  1  :  rijr  f^ev  Xx7vkiOik-?jS  X£'/o,Msy>7» 


344  APPENDIX  L 

very  doubtful  whether  by  Chalcidice  we  are  to  understand 
the  territory  of  our  Chalcis  ad  Libanum,  or  the  territory  of 
Chalcis  ad  Belum.      On  both  see  above,  p.  329  f. 

The  city  of  Chalcis,  according  to  the  coins,  has  an  era 
beginning  with  a.d.  92,  which  probably  was  the  year  of  its 
incorporation  with  the  province  of  Syria.^^ 

AptaTo/iovJ^og. — A  coin  with  the  superscription  BxaiXia;  AoiaTofiov'^ov  ET  IZ 
(year  17),  Tna  OvisTrxaiccva  AvraK.poi.ropi  2s/3«jtuj,  is  communicated  by  De 
Saulcy  {Melanges  de  Numismatique,  t.  iii.  1882,  pp.  339-349) ;  Babelou 
(Revue  Numismatique,  troisierae  serie,  t.  i.  1883,  p.  145,  pi.  iv.  n.  9),  and 
Imhoof-Blumer  (Portratkopfe,  p.  44,  table  vi.  21-22,  where  mention  is  also 
made  of  Aristobulus'  wife,  Salome). 

^^  Norris,  Annus  et  ep  chae,  iii.  9.  3  (ed.  Lips.  p.  316  sqq.)  ;  Eckhel, 
Dodr.  Num.  iii.  264  sq.  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  me'dailles,  v.  143  sqq., 
Suppl  viii.  115  sqq. 


APPENDIX    II. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS. 

Literature. 
Reland,  Palestina,  pp.  90-95. 
Vincent,  Commerce  and  Navigation  of  the  Ancients  in  the  Indian  Ocean, 

London  1807,  vol.  ii.  pp.  273-276  (was  not  obtainable  by  me). 
Quatremere,  "  Memoire  sur  les  Nabateens"  (Nouveau  Journal  asiatique, 

t.  XV.  1835,  pp.  5-55,  97-137,  209-240). 
Robinson,  Biblical  Besearches  in  Palestine,  ii.  558  ff. 
Williams   in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Boman   Geography,  art 

"  Nabataei,"  vol.  ii.  392-394. 
RiTTER,  Erdkunde  von  Asien,  Thl.  xii.  (1846),  pp.  111-140. 
Cless,   art.    "Nabataei,"  in  Pauly's   Bcal- Encyclopaedie  der  class.  Alter- 

thumswissenschaft,  Bd.  v.  (1848)  pp.  377-384. 
Winer,  Biblisches  BealwUrterbuch,  art.  "  Nabataer." 
Due  DE  LuYNES,  "  Monnaies  des  Nabateens"  {Revue  Numismatique,  1858, 

pp.  292-316,  362-385,  pi.  xiv.,  xv.,  xvi.). 
The  Nabateans  and  Professor  Chwolson  {Journal  of  Sacred  Literature  and 

Biblical  Record,  new  series,  vol.  i.  1862,  pp.  103-115). 
KuHN,  Die  stadtische  und  hiirgerliche  Verfassung  des  romischen  Beichs,  Bd. 

ii.  (1865)  pp.  165-169. 
De  Vogue,  "!Monnaies  des  rois  de  Nabatene  {Bevue  Numismatique,  18G8, 

pp.  153-168,  pi.  v.);  also  reprinted  in  Melanges  d'archeologie  orientale, 

Paris  1868. 
De  VoGiJii,  Sijrie  centrales,  Inscriptions  semitiques  (Paris  1868),  pp.  100- 

124 ;    comp.    Schroder,  Zeitschrift   des  deutschen  Palastina  -  Vereins, 

xxxviii.  1884,  p.  532  f. 
Noldeke,   art.  "NabalUer,"   in  Schenkel's    Bibcllexicon,   Bd.   iv.  (1872) 

p.  269  f. 
Db  Saulcy,  "Numismatique  des  rois  Nabateens  de  Petra"  {Annuaire  de 

la  Socie'te'  francaise  de  Numismatique  et  d' Arche'ologie,  t.  iv.  1,  1873, 

pp.  1-35).     Supplements  to  this  :  (1)  Annuaire  de  la  Socie'te' francaise 

345 


346  APPENDIX  II. 

de  Numismatique  et  d! ArcMologie,  t.  v,  (  =  seconcle  eerie,  t.  i.)  fasc.  5, 
1881,  p.  462  sq.  (unreadable  coins,  perhaps  of  Aretas  and  Sekailatli). 
(2)  Melanges  de  Numismatique,  i.  iii.  1882,  pp.  193-197  (a  coin  of 
Aretas  and  two  of  Syllaus  ?). 

Gratz,  "  Die  Anfange  der  Nabataerlierrscliaft"  {Monatsschriftfiir  Geschiclite 
und  Wissenschaft  des  Judenthums,  1875,  pp.  49-67). 

ScHRADER,  Keilinschriften  und  Geschichtsforschung,  1878,  pp.  99-116. 

Kautzsch,  art.  "Nabataer,"  in  Riehm's  Handworterbuch  des  biblischen 
Alterthums. 

Marqitardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  Bd.  i.  2  Aufl.  1881,  pp.  404  f., 
431  f. 

Sachau,  "Eine  nabatiiische  Insclirift  aus  Dmer"  (Zeitschrift  der  deutschen 
morgenlcind.  Gesellsch.  1884,  pp.  535-542). — In  addition,  Clermont- 
Ganneau,  Eevue  critique,  1885,  Nr.  5,  pp.  88-92,  and  Nr.  9,  p.  175  sq. 
De  Vogue,  Comptes  rendus  de  VAcademiedes  inscriptions  et  belles-lettres 
de  I'ann^e,  1885  (IV"^  serie,  t.  xiii.),  pp.  45-52. 

Doughty,  Documents  ^pigraphiques  recueillis  dans  le  nord  de  VArabie, 
Paris  1884. 

Berger,  "Nouvelles  inscriptions  nabateennes  de  Medain  Salih"  (Compfes 
rendus  de  VAcmUmie  des  inscriptions  et  belles-lettres  de  Vanne'e  (IV™^  serie, 
t.  xii.),  pp.  377-393. 

HALfivy,  "  Inscriptions  nabatdennes"  {Revue  des  dudes  juives,  t.  ix.  1884, 
pp.  8-16),  known  only  from  quotation  in  Doughty. 

Clermont  -  Ganneau,  "  Les  noms  royaux  nabateens  employes  comme 
nomsdivins"  {Revue  arcMologique,  IIP  serie,  t.  v.  1885,  pp.  170-178). 

Neubauer,  "  On  some  newly-discovered  Temanite  and  Nabataean  Inscrip- 
tions" {Studia  Biblica,  Oxford  1885,  pp.  209-232). 

MoMMSEN,  Romische  Geschichte,  v.  1885,  p.  476  ff. 

EuTiNG,  Nabatdische  Inschriften  aus  Arabien,  Berlin  1885  ;  in  this  work 
at  pp.  81-89  :  Gutschmid,  Verzeichniss  der  nabataischen  Konige — the 
most  complete  collection  of  materials. — Euting  gives  the  same  inscrip- 
tions for  the  most  part  as  Doughty  and  Berger,  but  much  more 
correctly. 

SoRLiN-DoRiGNT  and  Babelon,  "  Monnaies  Nebat^ennes  inedites  "  {Revue 
Numismatique,  troisieme  serie,  t.  v.  1887,  pp.  369-377). 

Separate  single  Nabatean  coins  have  been  communicated  by  Levy, 
Numismat.  Zeitschrift,  Bd.  iii.  1871,  pp.  445-448,  and  Olshausen, 
Monatsberichte  der  Berliner  Akademie  aus  dem  Jahre,  1874,  p.  185.  A 
Nabatean  inscription  from  Puteoli  is  given  by  Gildemeister,  Zeit- 
schrift der  DMG,  1869,  pp.  150-154  ;    comp.  also,  Levy,  Zeitschrift 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  '347 

d^r  DMG.  pp.  652-G54  ;  Ndldeke,  Ibid.  1884,  pp.  144,  G54.  Other 
examples  are  given  by  Eenan,  Journal  asiatique,  VIP  serie,  t.  ii. 
1873,  pp.  366-382.  One  inscription  from  Sidon  is  given  by  Levy, 
in  Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  1869,  pp.  435-440. 

Greek  Aretas  coins  are  given  in  Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  330  ;  Mionnct, 
Description  de  mMailles,  v.  284  sq.  ;  Visconti,  Iconographie  grecque, 
t.  ii.  (p.  444  sq.= atlas,  pi.  48,  n.  12  ;  Lenormant,  Tre'sor  de  Ntimis- 
matique,  p.  117,  pi.  Ivi.  n.  17-19.  A  Latin  coin  of  Scaurus,  with 
reference  to  the  subjugation  of  Aretas,  in  Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  v.  131  ; 
Babelon,  Monnaies  de  la  re'puhlique  romaine,  i.  120  sq. 

On  the  Aretas  referred  to  in  the  New  Testament  (2  Cor.  xi.  32),  see 
especially  Joh.  Gottlob  Heyne,  De  ethnarcha  Ardae  Arahiim  regis, 
2  vols.  Wittemb.  1755  ;  Anger,  De  teniporum  in  adis  apostolorum 
raitone  (1833),  pp.  173-182  ;  W ieselai;  Chronologie  desapostol.  Zeitalters 
(1848),  pp.  167-175,  and  the  articles  on  Aretas  in  ^Ymer's  liealu-orter- 
buch  and  Herzog's  Real-Encydopaedie  (the  latter  by  Wieseler). 

Besides  the  Syrian  empire  in  the  north,  and  the  Egyptian 
empire  in  the  south,  Palestine  had  during  the  Graeco-Eoman 
period  a  third  powerful  neighbour :  the  JSTabatean  kingdom  in 
the  south  and  east.  The  history  of  this  kingdom  can  now 
be  set  forth  in  a  tolerably  connected  manner  only  when  the 
scattered  references  to  it  in  early  writers,  particularly  in 
Josephus,  are  filled  out  by  means  of  the  rich  materials 
afforded  by  coins  and  inscriptions.  Information  regarding 
the  coins  lias  been  imparted  by  the  Due  de  Luynes  (1858), 
De  Vogiie  (1868),  and  De  Saulcy  (1873)  ;  information  regard- 
ing the  inscriptions  by  De  Vogiie  (1868),  Doughty  (1884), 
Berger  (who  in  1884  published  the  materials  gathered  by  the 
scientific  traveller  Huber,  who  perished  as  a  victim  in  the  pro- 
secution of  his  calling),  and  Euting  (1885).  The  inscriptions 
of  De  Vogiie  belong  to  the  district  of  the  Hauran,  and  there- 
fore to  the  north  of  the  Nabatean  kingdom  ;  those  published 
by  Doughty,  Berger,  and  Euting  were  found  for  the  most  part 
at  cl-IIcgr.  (=  Medain  Salih),  one  of  the  southernmost  points  of 
tlie  kingdom  of  Nabatea.  The  latter  are  specially  numerous 
and  important,  since  almost  all  of  them  are  dated  according 


348  APPENDIX  ir. 

to  the  years  of  the  reigns  of  the  Nabateau  kings  Aretas  and 
Malchus.  The  correct  reading  of  them  was  for  the  first  time 
made  possible  by  the  careful  copies  of  Euting.  This  scholar 
has  also  correctly  determined  the  meaning  of  some  Nabatean 
number-signs,  and  has  thereby  made  corrections  upon  several 
conjectured  dates  in  the  earlier  readings  of  the  coins  and 
inscriptions.  The  whole  material  from  writers,  coins,  and 
inscriptions  has  been  collected  together  by  Gutschmid  in  an 
excursus  to  Euting's  works.  To  his  full  and  informing  treatise 
we  are  largely  indebted  for  the  facts  in  the  following  sketch. 

About  the  nation  of  the  Nabateans  (Na^araiot,  1D3J)  we 
know  so  little  that  we  can  point  to  no  certain  indication  of 
its  nationality.  The  language  of  the  coins  and  inscriptions, 
which  without  exception  are  in  Aramaic,  seems  to  confirm 
Quatremere's  supposition  that  they  were  Aramaeans.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  are  uniformly  designated  by  early  writers 
Arabians,  and  indeed  not  only  by  those  writing  at  a  distance, 
but  also  by  such  as  Josephus,  who  must  have  been  quite 
familiar  with  the  distinction  between  Aramaeans  and 
Arabians.  Besides  this,  it  should  be  noted  also  that  the 
names  on  the  inscriptions  are  distinctly  Arabian.  The  idea 
therefore  has  rightly  been  insisted  upon  principally  by 
Noldeke  that  they  were  Arabians,  but  that  they  had  made 
use  for  literary  purposes  of  the  Aramaic  as  the  language  of 
culture  at  that  time,  because  the  Arabic  had  not  yet  been 
developed  into  a  literary  language.^ 

Eegarding  the  history  of  the  Nabateans  previous  to  the 
Hellenic  period,  we  really  know  next  to  nothing.  Their 
identity  with  the  rii'33  who  are  mentioned  in  Gen.  xxv.  13, 
xxviii.  9,  xxxvi.  3,  1  Chron.  i.  29,  Isa.  Ix.  7,  as  an  Arabian 
tribe,  is  indeed  probable  but  by  no  means  certain.^     Nor  do 

*  See  Ntildeke,  Zeiischrift  der  deutschen  viorgenland.  Gesdlsch.  Bd.  xvii. 
1863,  p.  703  ff.,  xxv.  1871,  p.  122  ff. 

2  The  identity  was,  it  would  seem,  assumed  even  by  Josephus,  Antiq.  i. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  349 

we  obtain  much  further  information  from  the  cruciform 
inscriptions,^  The  first  actually  reliable  information  about 
the  Nabateans  comes  to  us  at  the  beginning  of  the  Hellenistic 
period.  We  find  them  then,  where  in  earlier  times  the  Edom- 
ites  had  been  settled,  between  the  Dead  Sea  aud  the  Aelanitic 
Gulf  in  the  district  of  Petra,  the  ancient  V?D  of  the  Edomites. 
"When  Antigonus,  in  B.C.  312,  had  driven  Ptolemy  Lagus  out 
of  Coele-Syria,  he  sent  his  general  Athenaus  with  4000  foot 
soldiers  and  600  cavalry  against  the  Nabateans.  Atheniius 
threw  down  their  stronghold  Petra,  and  took  from  it  great 
spoil.  But  in  consequence  of  his  own  carelessness  his  army 
was  soon  thereafter  almost  completely  annihilated  by  a  night 
attack  of  the  Nabateans ;  only  fifteen  horsemen,  and  even 
these  mostly  M'ounded,  are  said  to  have  escaped.  Antigonus 
thereupon  sent  his  son  Demetrius  against  the  Nabateans  with 
a  new  army.  But  even  Demetrius  was  not  able  to  win  any 
decisive  victory.  After  a  fruitless  siege  of  Petra  he  began 
again  his  homeward  march,  for  he  had  to  content  himself 
with  arranging  for  hostages,  and  taking  pledges  from  the 
Nabateans  that  they  would  maintain  friendship.  Diodorus, 
who  reports  all  this  to  us,^  gives  on  this  occasion  also  a 
description  of  the  Nabateans.  They  were  even  then  un- 
civilised nomads,  practising  no  agricultural  arts,  pursuing  no 
cattle  rearing  and  trade,  and  evidently  still  without  kings. 
But  gradually  culture  must  have  made  its  way  more  and 
more  amongst  them,  imtil  they  came  to  have  a  sort  of  civil 
and  political  order  under  regal  government.     Their  dominion 

12.  4.  He  was  followed  by  Jerome,  Quacstiones  in  Genes,  xxv.  13,  Opj:).  ed. 
Vallarsi,  iii.  345,  and  by  most  modern  commentators.  See,  besides  the 
literature  referred  to  above,  the  commentaries  on  Gen.  xxv.  13.  The  only 
difficulty  arises  from  the  fact  that  Nabajoth  is  written  with  n,  Nabatean 
with  u  (on  coins  and  inscriptions  it  is  written  constantly  "]033). 

2  See  Schrader,  Keilinschriften  und  GeschichtsforscJmng,  1878,  pp.  99-1 IG. 

^Diodorus,  xix.  94-100.  —  Compare  Plutarch,  Demetr.  7j  Droyseu, 
Geschichte  des  Hellenismus,  2  Aufl.  ii.  2,  pp.  55-59. 


350  A.PPENDIX  II. 

was  now  extended  toward  the  north  and  toward  the  south. 
Their  capital  continued  to  be  that  Petra  which  so  early  as 
the  time  of  Antigonus  had  formed  their  strongest  place  of 
refuge.^ 

The  first  prince  (rvpavvo<i)  of  the  Nabateans  of  whom  we 
know  anything  is  that  Aretas  (Aretas  I.)  with  whom  the  high 
priest  Jason  in  B.C.  169  in  vain  sought  shelter  (2  Mace.  v.  8).^ 
Since  Aretas  is  designated  as  Tvpavvo<i  it  would  seem  that  the 
Nabatean  princes  then  had  not  yet  assumed  the  title  of  king. 
— After  the  outbreak  of  the  Maccabean  revolution  the 
Nabatean  princes  assumed  a  friendly  attitude  toward  the 
leaders  of  the  Jewish  national  party  (Judas,  B.C.  164; 
Jonathan,  B.C.  160).  See  1  Mace.  v.  25,  ix.  35.  The 
country  under  their  rule  now  extended  as  far  as  to  the 
district  east  of  the  Jordan. 

^  Compare  on  Petra  as  capital  of  tlie  Nabateans,  especially  Strabo,  xvi. 
p.  779  ;  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  vi.  28.  144  ;  Joseplius,  Aniiq.  1.  xiv.  4,  5.  1,  13.  9, 
xvii.  3.  2,  xviii.  5.  3  ;  TFars  of  the  Jews,  i.  6.  2,  8.  1,  13.  8,  29.  3  ;  Plutarch, 
Pompeius,  c.  41  ;  Periplus  maris  erythraei,  §  19. — Generally :  Rclantl, 
Palaestina,  p.  926  sqq.  ;  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine,  ii.  512, 
517,  C53;  Reinmer,  Palastina,  pp.  276-278,  451  ff.  ;  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  xiv. 
1103-1141;  Cless  in  Pauly's  Real  -  Encyclopaedie,  v.  1394  ff .  ;  Winer, 
Realwcirterbuch,  art.  "Sela;"  Bertheau  in  Scbenkel's  Bibellexicon,  art. 
"Sela;"  Miihlau  in  Riehm's  JFdrterbuch,  &vt.  "Sela  ;"  Dyer  in  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography,  art.  "  Petra,"  vol.  ii.  583  ; 
Eckhel,  Doctr.  Num.  iii.  503  sq.  ;  Mionnet,  Description  de  m^dailles,  v. 
587-589,  Suppl.  viii.  387  sq.  ;  De  Saiilcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre 
Sainte,  pp.  351,  353,  pi.  xx.  1-6  ;  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung, 
2  Aufl.  i.  1881,  p.  431  f. ;  Due  de  Luynes,  Voyage  d'Exploration  d  la  mer 
morte  a,  Pdra  et  sur  la  rive  gauche  du  Jourdain,  3  vols.  Text  and  1  of 
illustr.  Paris,  s.  a.  [1874]  especially  pi.  44-49  ;  Badeker-Socin,  Palastina, 
1875,  pp.  303-309. 

^  The  Second  Book  of  Mace.  v.  8  says  with  reference  to  this  :  Jason  was 
imprisoned  by  Aretas,  prince  of  the  Arabians  {syK^eiadsl;  vpo;  'Apirxv  toV 
Toiu  'Apoifiav  Tvpxvvov),  then  fled  from  city  to  city,  etc.  Instead  of  the 
reading  of  the  common  text  iyn'hiiadiig,  modern  expositors  have  conjectured 
lyK'Xndii<;  (accused),  and  interpreted  it  as  meaning  that  Jason  had  sought 
refuge  with  Aretas,  but  was  not  received  by  him,  since,  on  account  of  his 
hostile  attitude  toward  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  he  had  been  "  accused  "  or 
denounced  before  Aretas. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  351 

The  kingdom  of  the  Nabateans,  however,  did  not  rise  into 
greater  importance  until  the  end  of  the  second  century  before 
Christ,  when  the  fall  of  the  empire  of  the  Ptolemies  and  the 
Seleucid  dynasty  made  possible  the  founding  of  a  powerful 
independent  commonwealth  upon  their  borders.  In  Justin's 
abstract  from  Trogus  Pompeius  it  is  said  of  the  period  about 
B.C.  110-100  (Justin,  xxxix.  5.  5-6)  that  this  kingdom  of 
Syria  and  Egypt  had  become  so  enfeebled,  "  ut  adsiduis 
proeliis  consumpti  in  contemptum  finitimorum  venerint 
praedaeque  Arabum  genti,  inbelli  antea,  fuerint :  quorum 
rex  Erotimus  fiducia  septiugentorum  filiorum,  quos  ex  pae- 
licibus  susceperat,  divisis  exercitibus  nunc  Aegyptum,  nunc 
Syriam  infestabat  magnumque  nomen  Arabum  viribus  finiti- 
morum exsanguibus  fecerat."  This  Erotimus  therefore  onfdit 
to  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  royal  Nabateau 
dynasty.'^ 

An  Aretas  II.  (Apera<i  6  'Apd^cov  ^aaikevs)  is  spoken  of 
at  the  time  of  the  siege  of  Gaza  by  Alexander  Jannaus  in 
B.C.  96.  He  had  promised  help  to  the  Gazites,  but  the  city 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Alexander  before  Aretas  could  afford 
assistance  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  13.  3). 

A  couple  of  years  later,  about  B.C.  90,  Alexander  Jannaus 
attacked  King  Obedas  I.  (O^ehav  rov  'Apd/Scou  ^aaikea),  but 
suffered  at  his  hands  a  crushing  defeat  on  tlie  east  of  the 
Jordan  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  13.  5  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews, 
i.  4.  4).     De  Saulcy,  Gutschmid,  and  Babelon  think  that  to 

7  The  two  "Arabians,"  referred  to  about  B.C.  146,  145,  "Zabdiel," 
1  Mace.  xi.  17  (called  Zabelus  in  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  4.  8,  and  perhaps 
identical  with  Diodes  in  Diodorus  in  :  Midler,  Fragm.  hist,  graec.  t.  ii. 
p.  xvi.),  and  "  Inialkue,"  1  Mace.  xi.  39  (called  Malchus  in  Josephus, 
Antiq.  xiii.  5.  1,  and  in  Diodorus  in  Miiller,  Fragm.  hist,  graec.  ii.  p.  xvii., 
called  Janiblichus,  i.e.  13^0%  see  vol.  i.  of  present  work,  p.  247),  were 
probably  only  petty  rulers,  not  princes  of  the  Nabateans  (see  Gutschmid 
in  Euting,  Nahataische  Inschriften,  p.  81).  The  very  existence  of  the 
Maliku  I.,  whom  Gutschmid,  on  the  strength  of  the  testimony  of  a  coin 
places  on  the  list  before  Erotimu.s,  is  extremely  doubtful. 


352  APPENDIX  II. 

this    Obedas   I.   should   be   ascribed   certain   coins  with    the 
superscription  1033  i?^  mny.^ 

Again,  another  couple  of  years  later,  Antiochus  XIL 
advanced  from  Coele-Syria  against  the  king  of  the  Arabians, 
whose  name  is  not  mentioned.  This  time  also  the  Arabians 
were  victorious.  Antiochus  himself  fell  in  the  battle  at  Cana 
(Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  15.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  4.  7).  By 
the  unnamed  king  of  the  Arabians  we  are  to  understand 
Aretas  III.,  of  whom  Josephus  immediately  afterwards  tells 
that  he,  just  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Antiochus, 
succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  Coele-Syria  and  Damascus, 
and  then  gained  a  victory  over  Alexander  Jannaus  near 
Adida  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  15.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews, 
1.  4.  8).^  The  power  of  the  Nabatean  kings  was  thus  now, 
about  B.C.  85,  extended  as  far  as  Damascus.^°  To  our 
Aretas  III.  the  Numismatists  have  rightly  assigned  the  coins 

^  De  Saulcy,  Annuaire,  t.  iv.  p.  18  sq.  ;  Gutschmid  in  Euting, 
Nahatiiische  Tnschriften,  p.  82.  An  example  of  this  coin  is  also  given  by 
Levy,  Numismat.  Zeitschrift,  iii.  1871,  pp.  445  -  448.  —  The  specimen 
published  by  Babelon  (Revue  Numismatique,  1887,  p.  371  sq.)  has  the 
superscription  it^^j  "[^D  X3^D  miVj  and  is  of  the  fifth  year  (:^'D^  T)^^)- 

^  Gutschmid  understands  by  the  unnamed  king  Eabilus,  by  whom, 
according  to  Steph.  Byz.,  "the  Macedonian  Antigonus  was  slain"  (Steph. 
Byz.  S.V.  Madu'  KUfiri  ''Apafit'ec;,  tv  fi  'iduviv  'Ai/riyouog  6  'MxksOuu  vtto 
PotfitT^ov  roi)  fixai'Aiug  run  'Apoe/S/wj/,  us  Ovpocviog  iv  'jrsy.'mu).  Instead  of 
'Avzt'yovo;,  Gutschmid  reads  'Aurioxo;,  and  understood  by  it  Antiocluis 
XII.  It  seems  to  me,  however,  that  this  hypothesis  is  shattered  by  a 
careful  comparison  of  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  15.  2  with  15.  1.  It  would 
also  thus  be  necessary  to  assume  two  kings  between  Aretas  II.  in  B.C.  96 
and  Aretas  III.  in  B.C.  85.  In  the  passage  from  Steph.  Byz.  we  must  in 
any  case  suppose  that  some  confusion  has  entered  in.  But  all  the  less 
can  we  build  upon  it  any  satisfactory  conclusion.  Compare  also  Miiller, 
Fragm.  hist,  graec.  iv.  525. 

^°  Damascus,  however,  cannot  have  continued  in  unbroken  possession 
of  the  Arabians  down  to  the  Roman  conquest,  for,  according  to  a  coin  of 
the  year  243  Seleuc.  aera  =  B.C.  70-69  (Mionnet,  Suppl.  viii.  193),  it  was 
then  autonomous.  In  agreement  with  this  also  is  the  fact  that  it  was 
occupied  about  that  time  by  the  Jewish  queen  Alexandra  in  order  to 
protect  it  against  Ptolemy  Menniius  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  16.  3 ;  lFar$ 
of  the  Jews,  i.  5.  3). 


HISTOEY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  353 

with  the  superscription,  Bao" tXe'tt)? 'ylperou  ^iXeWijvof;.  These 
caa  belong  to  no  other  Aretas,  for  they  were  minted  in 
Damascus  ;  and  not  indeed  to  the  younger  Aretas  IV.,  since 
he  called  himself  "  the  Friend  of  his  People."  ^^  The  coins 
witness  therefore  to  the  prevalence  of  Hellenism  at  that 
period  in  the  Nabatean  kingdom. — In  the  time  of  this  Aretas 
there  occurred  also  the  first  collision  with  the  Romans.  We 
know  from  the  Jewish  history  that  Aretas,  in  the  conflict 
bet\7een  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus,  sided  with  the  party  of 
Hyrcanus,  supported  him  with  his  troops,  and  laid  siege  to 
Aristobulus  in  Jerusalem  ;  but  then,  at  the  command  of  the 
Itoman  general  Scaurus,  he  withdrew,  and  on  his  return 
march  was  defeated  by  Aristobulus  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv. 
].  4-2.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  i.  6.  2-3).  Thereupon  Pompey 
had  made  a  resolve  to  go  himself  against  Aretas.  But  during 
his  march  to  Petra  he  was  obliged  by  the  hostile  attitude  of 
Aristobulus  to  make  his  way  back  to  Judea  (Antiq.  xiv. 
3.  3-4).  After  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  Pompey  made 
over  the  province  of  Syria  to  Scaurus  {Antiq.  xiv.  4.  5) ;  and 
this  general  was  the  first  to  lead  an  expedition  against  Petra, 
but  obtained  from  Aretas  no  more  than  the  payment  of  a 
sum  of  money  {Antiq.  xiv.  5.  1  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  8.  1). 
Only  to  this  extent  was  the  subjugation  of  Aretas  carried,  of 
which   Pompey  had  boasted,^^  and  which   was   gloried   over 

11  See  the  coins  in  Eckliel,  Dodr.  Num.  Vet.  iii.  330  ;  Mionnet,  Descrip- 
tion de  medailles,  v.  284  sq.  ;  Visconti,  Iconographie  grecque,  ii.  444  sq.  = 
atlas,  pi.  48,  n.  12  ;  Lenormant,  Tre'sor  de  numismatique,  p.  117,  pi.  Ivi. 
u.  17,  18  ;  Due  de  Luynes,  lievue  Numismatique,  1858,  p.  293  sq.,  pl.  xiv. 
n.  2,  3  ;  De  Saulcy,  Annuaire,  t.  iv.  1873,  p.  11  sq.,  pl.  i.  n.  4,  5  ;  Inihoof- 
Blumer,  Portratkopfe  (1885),  p.  47,  Illust.  vi.  24.— One  of  these  coins  has 
the  year  number  AP  =  101,  on  which  comj^are  Due  de  Luynes,  Bevue 
Numismatique,  1858,  p.  311  sq.  The  reference  of  this  coin  to  Aretas  IV., 
which  Rohden  favours  (De  Palaestina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Eomanis,  1885, 
p.  6  sq.),  is  impossible,  since  the  title  on  it,  noy  Dm,  cannot  be  synony- 
mous with  cI)AsAX)7l». 

12  Diodorus,  xl.  A  =  Exc.  Vatican,  pp.  128-130.  Compare  also  Dio  Cassiu.«, 
xxxvii.  15;  Plutarch,  Pompeius,  41 ;  Aj^pian,  Mithridat.  106;  Orosius,  vi.  G. 

DIV.  I.  VOL.  II.  Z 


354  APPENDIX  II. 

upon  a  coin  struck  in  memory  of  the  event. ^^  The  city  of 
Damascus,  on  the  very  first  appearance  of  the  Eomans  in 
Syria,  had  been  laid  siege  to  by  the  legates  of  Pompey 
(Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv.  2.  3  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  6.  2),  and 
from  that  time  onward  continued  under  Eoman  suzerainty.^* 

13  Eckhel,  Bodr.  Num.  Vet.  v.  131  ;  Babelon,  Monnaies  de  la  repuhlique 
romaine,  t.  i.  1885,  p.  120  sq.  On  the  coin  Aretas  is  represented  as 
kneeling,  with  the  superscription  :  "  Rex  Aretas,  M.  Scaur,  aed.  cur., 
ex  S.  C." 

1*  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  i.  405,  and  Mommsen,  Rdmische 
GescMchte,  v.  476  f.,  assume  from  2  Cor.  xi.  32  that  Damascus,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  Roman  period  down  to  a.d.  106,  had  continued  in 
subjection  to  the  Arabian  kings.  But,  besides  the  passage  from  Jerome 
quoted  by  us  in  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  97,  the  following  evidence  seems  to 
tell  against  that  view  :  (1)  According  to  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  v.  18.  74,  and 
Ptolemy,  v.  15.  22,  it  belonged  to  Decapolis,  i.e.  to  the  cities  w^hich  had 
their  freedom  given  them,  and  were  placed  only  under  the  general 
supervision  of  the  Roman  governor  of  Syria.  It  cannot  therefore,  in 
consequence  of  the  arrangements  made  by  Pompey,  have  been  given  over 
to  the  king  of  Arabia.  (2)  The  existence  of  a  "  cohors  I.  Flavia  Damas- 
cenorum''  {Corp.  Inscr.  Lot.  t.  iii.  2,  p.  870,  Dipl.  n.  xxvii.  ;  Ephemeris 
epigr.  t.  v.  p.  194  and  p.  652  sq.,  a  military  diploma  of  Domitian  of  a.d. 
90  found  at  Mainz)  proves  that  at  latest  in  the  time  of  the  Flavian 
dynasty,  therefore  in  the  first  Christian  century,  regular  enlistments  of 
Roman  troops  were  made  in  Damascus.  This,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  was 
very  unlikely  to  occur  in  a  city  belonging  to  the  territory  of  an  Arabian 
king,  although,  indeed,  Mommsen  regards  such  enlistment  as  possiV;le  in 
the  territories  of  kings  who  recognised  the  sovereignty  of  Rome  (Hermes, 
xix.  48,  49).  (3)  After  the  territory  of  the  Arabian  king  had  been 
converted  in  a.d.  106  into  a  Roman  province,  Damascus  belonged  not  to 
the  Roman  province  of  Arabia,  but  to  the  province  of  Syria.  (So,  along 
with  others,  testifies  Justin  in  the  Dial.  c.  Trypho,  c.  78  s.  fin.:  Axi/.oc,aKdi 
Tij;  xppx/iix.^;  yij;  vjv  x-oti  'iariy,  it  kxI  i/V'j  Trpoa'JSvsuYirxt  rri  'S,vpc(poiuiKi] 
"hiyof^iv^.)  (4)  In  the  boundary  dispute  between  the  Sidonians  and  the 
Damascenes  in  the  time  of  Tiberius  {Antiq.  xviii.  6.  3),  mention  is  made 
only  of  the  suzerainty  of  the  Roman  governor,  not  of  that  of  the  Arabian 
king.  (5)  Also  the  coins  of  Damascus,  with  the  images  of  Augustus, 
Tiberius,  Nero,  are  very  unfavourable  to  the  idea  of  a  contemporary 
subjection  to  the  king  of  Arabia.  Recently  Rohden  has  therefore  rightly 
{De  Palaestina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Eomanis,  1885,  pp.  4-9)  decided  against 
the  views  of  Marquardt  and  Mommsen. — Wandel  {Zcitschrift  filr  kirchl. 
JVissensch.  und  kirchl.  Lehen,  1887,  pp.  433-443)  thinks  he  has  made  a 
completely  new  discovery  when  he  declares  that  Damascus  was  "  neither 
Arabian  nor  Roman,  but  an  independent  state  with  certain  guaranteed 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN   KINGS.  ^05 

— The  period  of  the  reign  of  Aretas  III.  extends,  according 
to  the  hitherto  prevailing  view,  from  somewhere  about  B.C. 
85  to  B.C.  60.  On  account  of  the  similarity  between  his 
portrait  and  that  of  Aretas  Philellen,  some  of  the  Nabatean 
coins  with  the  superscription  11233  "i^D  nmn  have  been  ascribed 
to  him.^^  On  one  we  meet  with  the  number  17  or  18  (so 
Eutiug-Gutschmid,  not  as  was  formerly  read,  32  or  33). 

In  B.C.  55  Gabinius  undertook  an  expedition  against  the 
Xabateans.  Whether  at  that  time  Aretas  or  his  successor 
Malchus  occupied  the  throne  is  not  stated  by  Josephus 
(Ayitiq.  xiv.  6.  4  ;    Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  8.  7). 

Malciius  I.  {MaX')(o<i  or  Md\i'xp<i,  see  Noldeke  in  Eating, 
Nahaiciuche  Inschriftcn,  p.  63)  reigned  from  B.C.  50  to  B.C.  28. 
In  B.C.  47  he  placed  cavalry  at  the  service  of  Caesar  for  the 
Alexandrian  war  {Bell.  Alex.  i.).  When  the  Parthians  con- 
quered Palestine  in  B.C.  40,  Herod  wished  to  take  refuge  with 
Malchus,  but  was  not  received  by  him  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xiv. 
14.  1—2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  14.  1—2).  On  account  of  the 
aid  given  by  him  to  the  Parthians,  Ventidius  exacted  from 
him  a  tribute  in  B.C.  39  (Dio  Cassius,  xlviii.  41).  Antony 
bestowed  a  portion  of  his  territory  upon  Cleopatra  (Dio 
Cassius,  xlix.  32;  Plutarch, -4 wifow.  36;  Josephus,  Wars  of 
the  Jews,  i.  18.  4).^^  In  B.C.  32  Malchus  sent  to  Antony 
auxiliary  troops  for  the  Actean  war  (Plutarch,  Anton.  61). 
Since  he  no  longer  paid  the  tribute  for  the  portion  granted 
to  Cleopatra,  war  was  waged  against  him  by  Herod  at  the 
instigation  of  Antony.  The  war,  which  at  the  beginning  was 
favourable  to  the  Arabians,  ended  in   their  utter  overthrow  in 

lilterties  under  Roman  suzerainty  and  Roman  protectors"  (p.  441  f.). 
This,  so  far  as  it  is  correct,  is  precisely  the  view  of  tliose  who  speak  of  it 
as  "  Roman." 

1*  De  Vogiie,  Eevue  Numismatique,  18C8,  p.  157  ;  De  Saulcy,  Anniiaire, 
iv.  p.  13. 

'®  The  statement  of  Josephus,  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  22.  3,  that  Malchus 
was  put  to  death  at  the  instigation  of  Cleojiatra,  is  erroneous. 


356  APPENDIX  IL 

B.C.  32-31  (Josephus,  Antiq.  xv.  5  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  i.  19). 
The  last  that  we  hear  of  Malchus  is  that  he  promised  the 
aged  Hyreanus  to  support  him  in  the  revolt  planned  against 
Herod  in  B.C.  30  (Antiq.  xv.  6.  2-3). — To  our  Malchus  De 
Vogiie  thinks  a  Nabatean  inscription  at  Bozra  should  be 
referred,  in  which  "  the  eleventh  year  of  King  Maliku "  is 
spoken  of  (xDi50  ID^D*^  11  n:^)P  Eenan  finds  this  same 
Malchus  (iD33  l^^D  id^jd)  on  an  inscription  which  has  been 
discovered  at  Puteoli.^^ 

Obodas  IL,  about  B.C.  28-9,  was  king  during  the  campaign 
of  Aelius  Gallus  against  the  southern  Arabians,  B.C.  25-24, 
in  which  campaign  a  thousand  Nabatean  auxiliary  troops 
took  part.  He  made  over  the  concerns  of  government  wholly 
to  his  eTrtr/JOTTo?  Syllaeus,  who  gave  to  Aelius  Gallus  evil 
counsel  as  to  the  course  of  march  that  he  should  take  (Strabo, 
xvi.  pp.  780-782).  Obodas  is  still  spoken  of  as  king  in  the 
last  days  of  Herod,  when  Syllaeus  went  to  Jerusalem  to  treat 
for  the  hand  of  Salome,  the  sister  of  Herod  (Antiq.  xvi. 
7.  6  ;  Wars  of  the  Jeivs,  i.  24.  6),  and  when  Herod  undertook 
an  expedition  against  the  Arabians  (Antiq.  xvi.  9.  1  and  4). 
Just  about  that  time,  B.C.  9  (?),  Obodas  died  it  is  supposed 
by  poison  administered  to  him  by  Syllaeus  (Antiq.  xvi.  9.  4). 
Some  coins  have  been  communicated  by  De  Saulcy.^^ 

Aretas  IV.,  whose  original  name  was  Aeneas,  from  B.C.  9 
till  A.D.  40,  succeeded  Obodas  immediately  in  the  possession 
of  the  throne  (Antiq.  xvi,  9.  4).-*^     Because  of  his  assuming 

^'  De  Vogiie,  Sijrie  centrale.  Inscriptions  se'mitiques,  pp.  103-105.  The 
inscription  is,  according  to  De  Vogiie  (p.  114),  written  in  an  older  character 
than  the  other  inscriptions  whicli  have  come  down  from  the  first  century 
after  Christ. 

^^  Eenan,  Journal  asiatiquc,  VIP  serie,  t.  ii.  1873,  pp.  366-382. 

^^  De  Saulcy,  Annuairc,  t.  iv.  p.  19.  Also  Euting-Gutschmid,  p.  84. — 
Two  coins  of  Syllaeus  (?)  are  given  by  De  Saulcy,  Melanges  de  Numis- 
matique,  t.  iii.  1882,  p.  196. 

-"  The  year  of  the  accession  to  the  throne  cannot  he  with  certainty  deter- 
mined.   Compare  the  chronology  of  the  last  years  of  Herod  in  vol.  i.  p.  414 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  357 

the  government  of  his  own  accord,  Augustus  w<as  at  first 
indignant,  but  afterwards  recognised  him  as  king  (Aniiq.  xvi. 
10.  9).  Aretas  repeatedly  preferred  accusations  against 
SylLieus  before  Augustus  {Antiq.  xvii.  3.  2  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews, 
i.  29.  3),  and  in  consequence  of  these  complaints  Syllaeus 
was  put  to  death  in  Eonie  (Strabo,  xvi.  p.  782  ;  Nicholas  of 
Damascus  in  Miiller,  Fragm.  hist,  grace,  iii.  351).  When, 
after  the  death  of  Herod  in  B.C.  4,  the  governor  Varus  was 
obliged  to  fit  out  a  warlike  expedition  against  the  Jews, 
Aretas  contributed  auxiliary  troops  to  his  army  {Aniiq.  xvii. 
10.  9  ;  Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  5.  1). — -From  the  long  reign  of 
Aretas  only  a  few  incidents  belonging  to  its  latest  period  have 
come  down  to  us.  The  tetrarch  Herod  Antipas  had  a  daughter 
of  Aretas  for  his  wife,  and  her  he  subsequently  divorced  in 
order  to  marry  Herodias.  The  enmity  occasioned  thereby 
between  the  two  princes  was  further  inflamed  by  disputes 
regarding  boundaries.  An  open  conflict  followed,  in  which 
the  army  of  Herod  was  defeated  by  the  troops  of  Aretas. 
Owing  to  his  having  proceeded  at  his  own  instance,  Aretas 
was  to  have  been  chastised  by  the  governor  Yitellius  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius.  But  when  Vitellius,  on 
his  march  against  Petra,  received  in  Jerusalem  the  tidinfjs  of 
the  death  of  Tiberius  he  turned  back,  leaving  his  task  u- per- 
formed (Antiq.  xviii.  5. 1  and  3).  These  events  therefore  belong 
to  the  latest  years  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  a.d.  36—37.  At  a 
period  not  much  later  occurred  Paul's  flight  from  Damascus,  at 
which  time  Damascus  was  under  a  governor  {i6udp'^T]<;)  of  King 
Aretas  (2  Cor.  xi.  32).  We  learn  from  this  statement  that 
now  again  Damascus  belonged  to  the  domain  of  the  Arabian 
king.  This  is  also  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  from  the  time 
of  Caligula  and  Claudius  no  coins  of  Damascus  are  known 
having  the  image  of  the  Roman  emperor.  Compare  Div.  II. 
vol.  i.  pp.  97,  98.  Probably  Caligula,  who  was  induced  to 
the  performance  of  such  acts  of  grace,  had  restored  the  city  to 


353  APPENDIX  II. 

Aretas.-^ — Of  no  other  Nabatean  king  have  wc  so  rich  materials 
in  coins  and  inscriptions  as  of  Aretas  IV.  Among  the  inscrip- 
tions of  el-Hegr  ==  Medain-Salih,  which  Douglity,  Huber,  and, 
most  correctly  of  all,  Euting  have  communicated,  there  are 
found  no  fewer  than  twenty  which  are  dated  from  the  reign 
of  this  Aretas,  most  of  which  are  in  a  good  state  of  preserva- 
tion.-^ The  same  Aretas  is  probably  also  referred  to  in  an 
inscription  at  Sidon,-^  and  on  the  two  inscriptions  from 
Puteoli.-*  His  name  also  occurs  not  infrequently  on  coins.--^ 
On  the  inscriptions  at  el-Hegr  he  is  constantly  called  nmn 
HDj;  Dm  "iDn3  ibi::!,  "  Charitheth,  king  of  the  Nabateans,  who 
loves  his  people  "  (Bacliem-ammeh).  It  is  the  same  also,  as  a 
rule,  upon  the  coins.  The  title  Rachcm-ammeh  is  an  expression 
of  a  national  patriotic  sentiment,  and  embraces  an  indirect 

^^  So  also  Gutschmid  in  Euting,  NabaUiische  Inschriften,  p.  85.  The 
older  literature  on  this  question  is  given  by  Anger,  Wieseler,  Winer  in 
tlie  above-named  works.  Very  improbable  is  the  view  presented  in 
various  forms  that  Aretas  had  gained  possession  of  Damascus  by  force. 
Such  an  attack  upon  Roman  territory  could  not  have  been  left  nnheeded. 
The  coins  of  Damascus  with  the  image  of  Tiberius  come  down  to  the  year 
345  Scleuc.  aera  =  A.D.  33-34  (Mionnet,  v.  286  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique 
de  la  Terre  Sainte,  p.  36)  ;  those  of  Nero  begin  with  the  year  374,  Seleuc. 
aera  =  A.D.  62-63  (Mionnet,  v.  286  ;  De  Saulcy,  Numismatique  de  la  Terre 
Sainte,  p.  S6).  li\  the  interval  Damascus  may  have  been  in  the  possession 
of  tlie  Arabian  king. 
'    -2  Euting,  Nabataische  Inschriften,  pp.  24-61  (Nr.  1-20). 

23  De  Vogiie,  Syrie  centrale,  Inscriptions  semiti([ucs,  j).  113  =  Levy, 
Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  1869,  p.  435  ff.  With  reference  to  the  date,  compare 
also  Euting-Gutschmid,  p.  85.  De  Saulcy  is  inclined  to  refer  it  to 
Aretas  III.,  and  by  the  Zoilus  therein  spoken  about,  to  understand  the 
person  of  that  name  known  to  us  from  Josephus,  Antiq.  xiii.  12.  2  and  4. 
See  Comptes  rcndus  de  la  socide  frangaise  de  numismatique  et  d'arcMologie, 
1873,  which  is  known  to  be  only  by  Bursian's  Jahreshericht,  ii.  1246  f. 

-*  Gildemeister,  Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  1869,  p.  150  If.  ;  Levy  in  sauie 
journal,  p.  652  fF. ;  Noldeke  in  same  journal,  1884,  pp.  144,  654;  Eenan, 
Journal  asiatiques,  VIP  serie,  t.  ii.  1873,  p.  366  sqq. — With  regard  to  the 
dating  of  both,  compare  Euting-Gutschmid,  p.  85. 

2^  Due  de  Luynes,  Revue  Numismatique,  1858,  pp.  294-296 ;  De  Vogiie, 
Revue  Numismatique,  1868,  p.  162  sqq.  ;  De  Saulcy,  Anmiaire,  t.  iv.  1873, 
pp.  13-17  ;  Babelon,  Revue  Numismatique,  1887,  pp.  374-377. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  359 

refusal  or  repudiation  of  sucli  titles  as  ^iXopa)fj.aLo<i  or 
^tXoKaia-ap  (Gutsclimid,  p.  85)."^  That  this  very  Aretas, 
Hachcm-ammeh,  is  identical  with  Aretas  IV,  may  be  regarded 
as  certain.  For  the  year  of  this  reign  as  given  on  the  inscrip- 
tions of  el-Hegr  reach  down  to  the  year  48,  and  indeed  the 
twenty-eighth  year  is  written  on  both  inscriptions  (Euting, 
No.  1 6  and  1 7)  in  words,  Dm  1033  ^7^  nmn^  S3l?2m  pyms  T\iv 
nioy,  so  that  a  doubt  in  regard  to  the  number  is  impossible. 
The  coins  (also  according  to  Euting-Gutschmid,  p.  85)  come 
down  to  the  year  48 ;  but  only  Aretas  IV.  can  have  reigned 
for  so  long  a  time.  And  there  is  thus  also  a  proof  supplied 
that  the  Aretas  mentioned  in  the  last  years  of  Herod  the 
Great  is  identical  with  the  opponent  of  Herod  Antipas. 

Abias,  0  ^Apd^wv  ^aatXev^,  in  the  time  of  Claudius  under- 
took a  warlike  expedition  against  Izates  of  Adiabene,  in 
which  he  was  aided  by  the  very  subjects  of  Izates,  who  were 
disgusted  at  his  conversion  to  Judaism.  Abias  was  conquered 
by  Izates,  and  in  order  to  escape  falling  into  his  enemy's 
liands  took  his  own  life  {Antiq.  xx.  4.  1). — In  Gutschmid's 
list  this  Abias  is  not  inserted  (or  is  overlooked  ?).  But  certainly 
the  fact  is  remarkable  that  a  Nabatean  king  takes  the  field 
against  the  Adiabene  lying  on  the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates. 
— In  another  place,  however,  Josephus  says  expressly  that 
Na^aT7]vr]  stretched  from  the  Eed  Sea  to  the  Euphrates.^^ 

Malchus  II.,  about  a.d.  48-71,  in  a.d.  67  contributed 
auxiliary  troops  to  the  army  of  Vespasian  for  the  Jewish 
war  (Josephus,  IVai's  of  the  Jews,  iii.  4.  2),  and  is  mentioned 
in  the  Feriplus  maris  Erythraei,  composed  about  A.D.    70,  as 

2^  He  casually  remarks  that  one  should  expect,  according  to  the  Semitic 
nmn,  naturally  'Aps^ac,  as  indeed  the  well-kno-\vn  bishop  of  Caesarea 
names  himself.  The  form  'Koizot,;  undoubtedly  has  arisen  under  the 
influence  of  the  Greek  word  dptT'/i. 

^~  Josephus,  Antiq.  i.  12.  4  :  cLzoi  (scil.  tb.e  descendants  of  Ishmael) 
"Tziijotv  TVIV  ei'T  "Ev^pocTOV  xxSi^KOvaui/  -rrpo;  rr.v  'F.pvdpxi/  0x>.ccaaxi/  kmtoikovoi, 
"SocjictTYi'jr/j  7%'j  '/,oipx'j  oi/Ofcxaxi'Ts;. 


360  APPENDIX  n. 

king  of  tlie  Xabateans  {Periplus  maris  Erytlirad,  §  19,  ed. 
Fabricius  :  AevKtj  KWfxr),  Sta  rj^  6S6<?  iartv  eU  TIerpav  irphq 
Ma\i')(ja,v,  ^aaiXea  Na^araiaiv).  An  inscription  at  Salkhat 
in  the  Hauran  is  dated  from  "  the  seventeenth  year  of 
Maliku,  king  of  the  Nabateans,  son  of  Charithath,  king  of 
the  Nabateans,  who  loves  his  people  "  (BacJiem-ammeJi)}^  At 
cl-Hegr  were  found  six  inscriptions,  which  are  dated  accord- 
ing to  the  years  of  the  reign  of  Maliku,^^  of  which  the  latest 
(Euting,  ;N"o.  26)  is  of  "the  twenty-first  year  of  King  Maliku, 
king  of  the  Nabateans,"  "id33  i^d  nd^d  ID^D^  mni  pic'j;  natJ'n. 
There  are  coins  of  the  year  9,  and  of  the  year  23  (so  Euting- 
Gutschmid,  p.  86,  not  as  De  Vogiie,  who  reads  25  and  33).^** 
Since  the  king  Eabel,  according  to  the  inscription  of  D'mer, 
succeeded  to  the  throne  in  a.d.  71,  Malchus  reigned  from 
about  A.D.  48  to  71.  During  his  time  also  Damascus  had 
been,  probably  by  ISTero,  again  separated  from  the  Nabatean 
kingdom  (see  above,  p.  357). 

Eabe],  a.d.  71—106,  is  known  only  from  inscriptions  and 
coins.  His  name  is,  according  to  Euting,  to  be  pronounced 
not  as  formerly  Dabel,  but  Eabel  (^5X31).  An  older  'PayStXo? 
^a(TLkev<i  rwv  'Apa^lcov  is  mentioned  in  Steph.  Byz.  s.v. 
McoOco  (see  above,  p.  352).  The  year  of  his  accession  to 
the  throne  can  be  precisely  determined  according  to  the 
inscription  at  D'mer,  which  is  dated  from  the  month  Ijjar 
"in  the  year  405  according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  Eomans, 
that  is,  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  the  king  Eabel."  ^^  By 
the  year  405,  "according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  Eomans," 

2*  De  Vogiie,  Syrie  centrale,  Inscriptions  s^mitiques,  p.  107  ;  Schroder, 
Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  1884,  p.  532  f. 

29  Euting,  Nahataische  Inschriften,  pp.  61-68  (Nr.  21-26), 

^°  Due  de  Luynes,  Kevue  Numismatique,  1858,  p.  296  sq.  ;  De  Vogiie, 
Tievue  Numismatique,  1868,  p.  166  sq.  ;  De  Saulcy,  Annuaire,  t.  iv.  1873, 
p.  17  sq. — A  coin  of  Malclius  and  Sekilath  without  date  is  given  by  Sorlin- 
Dorigny,  Bevue  Numismatique,  1887,  p.  369  sq. 

^^  So  reads  Euting,  Nahataische  Inschriften,  p.  86.  The  first  to  publish 
it  was  Sachau  in  Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  1884,  p.  535  ff.  ;  and  he  read  410. 


IIISTOEY  OF  THE  NABATEAN  KINGS.  361 

is  to  be  understood  the  year  of  the  Seleucid  era.  Accordingly 
the  date  corresponds  to  May  a.d.  94.  See  Gutschmid,  p.  86. 
The  first  year  of  Eabel  is  a.d.  71.  On  two  inscriptions  at 
el'Hcgr  the  second  and  fourth  year  of  Rabel  are  mentioned ;  ^- 
on  an  inscription  at  Salkhat  in  the  Hauran  the  twenty-fifth, 
h^i'b  L*'Dni  int^^j?  riJC' ;  ^^  the  coins  give  no  certain  date.^* 
Since  on  some  coins  Eabel  is  mentioned  along  with  his 
mother,  he  must  have  been  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his 
accession.  Mention  of  him  on  the  inscription  at  D'mer, 
east  of  Damascus,  on  the  way  to  Palmyra,  proves  that  the 
Nabatean  dominion  extended  to  that  region. 

Eabel  was  probably  the  last  king  of  the  Nabateans,  for  in 
A.D.  106  "Arabia  belonging  to  Petra "  was  converted  by 
Cornelius  Palma,  the  governor  of  Syria,  into  a  Eoman  pro- 
vince.^^  The  boundary  of  the  province  seems  to  have  ap- 
proached that  of  what  had  been  the  Nabatean  kingdom.^^ 
In  any  case,  Petra  in  the  south  and  Bostra  in  the  north  (in 
the  district  of  Hauran),  both  of  which  reckoned  according 
to    the  provincial    era   of  a.d.    106,  had    belonged    to   that 

^-  Euting,  Nahaidische  Inschriften,  pp.  68-70  (Nr.  27,  28). 

^^  De  Vogiie,  Syrie  centrale,  Inscriptions  s^mitiques,  p.  112. 

^*  Due  de  Lnynes,  Revue  Numismatique,  1884,  p.  297  sq.  ;  De  Vogli^ 
Hevuc  Numismatique,  1868,  p.  167  sq. ;  De  Saulcy,  Annuaire,  t.  iv.  1873, 
jip.  19-21.     In  addition  :  Euting-Gutschniid,  p.  86. 

^^  Dio  Cassius,  Ixviii.  14  :  x.eir»  os  t6u  avrou  toZtov  xP^"'^"  "■^i  TlxT^i^x; 
rvjg  Ivpiug  oipxc-'i'  ttiv  ' \f,»(iia,'j  riiit  irfog  rrt  Hizpce.  ix,^ipo)ijono  x.x't  'Vufcaiuv 
vTCTiKoou  iTToimxTo.  Compare,  Ammianus,  xiv.  8.  13.  The  fact  is  also 
celebrated  by  coins  of  Trajan,  with  the  superscription  Arab,  adquisit 
(Cohen,  Me'dailles  imp^riales,  2  ed.  vol.  ii.  1882,  Trajan,  n.  26-38). — On 
Cornelius  Palma,  see  also  Le  Bas  and  Waddington,  Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n. 
2296,  2297,  2305  ;  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  t.  vi.  n.  2186  ;  Liebenam,  Forschungen 
zur  Verwaltungsgescliichte  des  rOxfi.  Kaiserreichs,  Bd.  i  1888,  p.  43  f. — On 
the  incorporation  of  Arabia :  Dierauer  in  Biidinger's  Untersuchungen  zur 
rom..  Kaisergeschichte,  i.  Ill  ;  De  la  Berge,  Fssai  sur  la  r^gne  de  Trajan, 
Paris  1877,  pp.  71-73  ;  Schiller,  Geschichte  der  rom.  Kaiserzeit,  1.  2, 
p.  554. 

^•^  Eohden  (Z>c  Palae.stina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Romanis, -p-p.  15, 17)  makes 
an  attempt  to  determine  the  boundaries  more  exactly. 


3G2  APPENDIX  II. 

kingdom  as  its  most  important  cities.^^  Subsequently  in  the 
fourth  Christian  century  Arabia  was  divided  into  two  pro- 
vinces :  Arabia  with  Bostra  as  its  capital,  and  Falaestina 
iertia  with  Petra  as  its  capital.^^ 

^"  CJironicon  Paschale  (ed.  Dindorf,  i.  472):  Uirpxloi  xul  Boarp/ivol 
ivTivStu  Toiii  iocvTuv  xpo^ov;  dpi6ju,ov(T{.  The  Ghronicon  Paschale  makes  this 
remark  under  the  year  105  ("Candido  et  Quadrato  Coss.").  But  the 
exact  date  of  the  epoch  was  22nd  March  106.  See  Waddington,  "Les 
eres  employees  en  Syrie"  (Revue  arche'ologique,  nouv.  serie,  t.  xi.  1865, 
pp.  263-272) ;  Marquardt,  Bdmische  Staatsvemnltung,  i.  431  ;  Gutschmid 
in  Euting,  Nahataische  Inschriften,  p.  87.  The  inscriptions  are  given  in 
Le  Bas  and  Waddington,  Inscriptions,  t.  iii.  n.  2088,  2462,  2463.  See 
also  Waddington's  explanations  of  n.  2463. 

38  On  the  history  of  the  province,  see  Marquardt,  Fomische  Staatsver- 
waltung,  Bd.  i.  2  Aufl.  1881,  pp.  431-434,  and  the  literature  quoted 
there  ;  Kulin,  Die  stadtische  und  biirgerliche  Verfassimg  des  rom,.  Reichs, 
ii.  373-388  ;  Mommsen,  Romische  Geschichte,  v.  471-486 ;  Eohden,  De 
Palaestina  et  Arabia  provinciis  Romanis  quacstiones  selectae,  Diss.  Berol. 
1885.  Eohden  gives  at  pp.  49-57  a  list  of  the  governors  of  the  province, 
and  seeks  to  show  at  pp.  22-30  that  the  partition  of  the  province  took 
place  between  a.d.  357  and  a.d.  361.  See  also,  Liebenam,  Forschungen 
zur  VerwaltungsgescMchte  des  riJm.  Kaiserreichs,  Bd.  i.  1888,  pp.  42,  49,  for 
a  list  of  the  governors. 


APPENDIX    III. 


THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS  COMPARED 
WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR. 


1. 

1?^? 

Nisan 

aav6iKo<; 

April. 

2. 

-i^K 

Ij>r 

^  Aprejjbicno^ 

May. 

r;? 

Sivan 

Aaicno<i 

June. 

4. 

ni3n 

Taminuz 

IlaveiJLOi, 

July. 

5. 

ax 

Ab 

Aa)0<i 

August. 

6. 

^^>^ 

Elul 

Topinato'i 

September 

1— 

>-\'C'r\ 

Tischri 

'Tirep^epeTalo'i 

October. 

8. 

\y^vi^ 

Marchcslivan 

JiO? 

November. 

9. 

ibp3 

Chisleu 

'^7reA,Xaio? 

December. 

10. 

n3Lp 

Tebeth 

AvZvvalo'i 

January. 

11. 

nTk^' 

Shebat 

TIepirLO<^ 

February. 

12. 

"i"]^ 

Adar 

Avarpo^ 

March. 

The  Jewish  names  of  the  months,  as  has  been  now 
thoroughly  established  by  the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  are  of 
Babylonian-Assyrian  origin.  On  the  tablet  of  months  dis- 
covered at  Nineveh  the  names  are  given  as  follows  (see 
Schrader,  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and  the  Old  Testament, 
London  1885-1888,  vol.  ii.  p.  69):  Nisaannu,  Airu,  Sivanu, 
Duuzu,  Abu,  Ululu,  Tasritav,  Araah  sarana,  Kisilivu,  Tibituv, 
Sabatu,  Addaru. — Within  the  realm  of  Judaism  the  most 
ancient  document  which  gives  the  names  of  the  months  in 
regular  succession  is  the  Mcgillath  Taanith,  which  was  edited 
sometime  during  the  first  Christian  century,  since  it  is  quoted 
in  the  Mishna  (see  vol.  i.  of  this  work,  p.    163).     Of  later 

363 


364       APPENDIX  III. TFIE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

witnesses  we  need  here  mention  only  the  little-known  Christian 
Josephus,  who,  in  his  Rypomnesticuvi,  c.  27,  gives  the  follow- 
ing list  (Fahricius,  Codex  pseudcpigrapJms  Vet  Test.  t.  ii. 
Appendix,  also  in  Gallandi,  BiU.  pair.  t.  xiv.,  and  Migne, 
Patrolog.  graec.  t.  cvi.) :  Nijadv,  Etap,  Hiovdv,  ©a/Mov^,  "A^, 
'EXovX,  'Ocrpt  [read  ©icrpi],  Mapaa^av,  Xaa-eXev,  TT)^i]d, 
Xa^dO,  'Ahdp.  In  regard  to  the  several  names  the  oldest 
proofs  and  examples,  apart  from  the  cuneiform  inscriptions, 

occur  in  the  following  passages  : — 
s 

1-  p''3,   Neh.  ii.  1  ;    Esth.  iii.   7  ;    Mishna,  Pesachim  iv.  9  ;  Shehalim 

iii.  1 ;  Eosh  hashana  i.  1,  3,  4 ;  Taanith  i.  2,  7,  iv.  5  ;  Nedarim  viii.  5  ; 
Bechoroth  ix.  5.  Euting,  Nabataische  Inschriften  aus  Arahien  (1885), 
n.  ii.  4,  V.  3,  x.  7,  xi.  7,  xii.  9,  xvi.  3,  xx.  8,  xxi.  4  ;  De  Vogiie,  Syrie  cen- 
trale,  Inscriptions  s^mitiques  (1868),  Palmyrenische  Inschriften,  n.  i.  2,  4,  6, 
18,  23,  25,  26,  27,  32,  34,  and  elsewhere. — The  Greek  N/frati/  occurs  in  Esra 
apocr.  V.  6 ;  Additions  to  Esther  i.  1  ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  i.  3.  3,  ii.  14.  6, 
iii.  8.  4,  10.  5,  xi.  4.  8. 

2.  TSj  Rosh  hashana  i.  3  ;  Euting,  Nabataische  Inschriften,  n.  viii.  10, 

ix.  9,  xiii.  8,  xxvii.  13  ;  De  Vogiie,  Inscript.  se'mit.  Palmyren.  n.  88. — 'I«p, 
Josephus,  Antiq.  viii.  3.  1. 

3.  JVD,  Esth.  viii.  9  ;  Shehalim  iii.  1  ;  Bechoroth  ix.  5  ;  De  Vogiie,  Pal- 

mijren.  n.  33*  and  33b. — 2/oy«»,  Baruch  i.  8. 

4.  IiSPi,  Taanith  iv.  5,  6. 

5.  3X,  Pesachim  iv.  5  ;  Shehalim  iii.  1  ;  Rosh  hashana  i.  3  ;  Taaanith  ii. 

10,  iv.  5,  6  ;  Megilla  i.  3  ;  Bechoroth  ix.  5  ;  Euting,  n.  vii.  5  ;  De  Vogiie, 
n.  5,  28,  29,  73,  84,  103.— In  Josephus,  Antiq.  iv.  4.  7,  we  have  the  read- 
ing 'A/3/35C  (more  correctly  ^ kfia).  It  is,  indeed,  only  a  conjectural  read- 
ing introduced  by  Bernard,  but  it  is  a  well-conceived  conjecture.  For 
the  2«/3«  adopted,  in  accordance  with  the  manuscripts  by  Niese,  cannot 
possibly  have  been  written  by  Josephus. 

6.  ^i^i?,  Neh.  vi.  15  ;   Shehalim  iii.  1  ;  Rosh  hashana  i.  1,  3  ;   Taanith 

iv.  5  ;   Bechoroth  ix.  5,  6  ;   Euting,  n.  i.  3  ;   De  Vogiie,  n.  78,  79,  123''  I.— 

'EAovA,  1  Mace.  xiv.  27. 

7.  ^"IK'n,  Shelcalim  iii.  1  ;  Rosh  hashana  i.  1,  3,  4 ;  Bechoroth  ix.  5,  6 ; 

De  Vogiid,  n.  17,  22,  85,  123*  II.— In  Josephus,  Antiq.  viii.  4.  1,  where 
editions  since  Hudson  have  Qiapl,  Niese  reads  ' kdvpn.  But  Hudson's 
reading,  which  is  supported  by  tlie  form  used  by  older  Latin  writers,  is 
without  doubt  the  correct  one. 

8.  pti'mo,  Taanith  i.  3,  A.—'Mmpaovocvn;,  Josephus,  Antiq.  i.  3.  3. — On 


COMPARED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR.        365 

the  Palmyrene  inscriptions  this  month  is  called  Kanun,  |133,  De  Vogiie, 
u.  31,  63,  64. 

9-  I^DH,  Zech.  vii.  1  ;   Neh.  i.  1  ;   Eosh  hashana  i.  3  ;   Taanith  i.  5. — 

XuaeXiv,  1  Mace.  i.  54,  iv.  52  ;  2  Mace.  i.  9,  18,  x.  5  ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  xii. 
5.  4,  7.  6. — On  the  Palmyrene  inscriptions  the  name  is  given  in  the  form 
^51^03,  Kislul  or  Kaslul  (De  Vogii^,  n.  24,  75). 

10.  n3L3,  Esth.  ii.  16  ;  Taanith  iv.  5  ;  Euting,  n.  iii.  2,  xiv.  9,  xv.  8  ; 

De  Vogiie,  n.  66,  123^  III.— T£,3s^o,',  Josephus,  Antiq.  xi.  5.  4. 

11.  03ti'>  Zech.  i.  7  ;  Kosh  hashana  i  1  ;  Euting,  u.  iv.  9  ;  De  Vogiie, 

n.  67,  89.— 2«/3«T,  1  Mace.  xvi.  14. 

12.  "nx,  frequently  in  the  Book  of  Esther,  and  also  in  Additions  to  that 

book  ;  SheJcalim  i.  1,  iii.  1  ;  Eosh  liashana  i.  3  ;  Megilla  i.  4,  iii.  4  ;  Neda- 
rim  viii.  5  ;  Edujoth  vii.  7  ;  Bechoroth  ix.  5  ;  Euting,  n.  xxiv.  6  ;  De 
Vogii^,  n.  8,  10,  11,  12,  13,  19,  94,  117,  119.— 'Ao«,o,  1  Mace.  vii.  43,  49  ; 
2  Mace.  XV.  36  ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  iv.  8.  49,  xi.  6.  2,  xii.  10.  5. — -nx 
liti'Sin  and  ij^in  ns,  Megilla  i.  4 ;  Nedarim  viii.  5. 

The  Jewish  months  continued  always  to  be,  what  the 
"  months  "  of  all  civilised  nations  originally  were,  actual  lunar 
months.  Since  the  astronomical  length  of  a  month  is  equi- 
valent to  29  days,  12  hours,  44  minutes,  3  seconds  (Ideler, 
Handhuch  dcr  Chronologie,  i.  43),  then  it  must  follow  that  in 
actual  practice  months  of  29  and  months  of  30  days  must 
pretty  regularly  alternate  with  one  another. — But  twelve 
such  lunar  months  would  give  only  354  days,  8  hours, 
48  minutes,  and  38  seconds  (Ideler,  Handhuch  dcr  Chrono- 
logie, i.  66),  whereas  the  solar  year  embraces  365  days, 
5  hours,  48  minutes,  and  48  seconds  (Ideler,  i.  35,  66) 
The  difference  between  a  lunar  year  of  twelve  months  and 
the  solar  year  is  10  days  and  21  hours.  In  order  to 
do  away  with  this  difference  a  month  must  be  intercalated, 
at  least,  in  every  third  year,  sometimes  even  in  the  second. 
It  was  observed  in  very  early  times  that  a  sufficiently 
accurate  equation  would  be  reached,  if  three  times  in  every 
eight  years  a  month  were  intercalated  (the  difference  in  eight 
years  amounting  to  87  days).  Acquaintance  with  this  cycle 
of  eight  years,  this  "  Octaeteris,"  was  possessed  by  those  who 


oG6       APPFADIX  III. THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

arranged  the  Greek  games  for  every  fourth  year;  for  the 
cycle  of  four  years  is  only  got  by  halving  that  of  eight  years.^ 
But  even  as  early  as  the  fifth  century  before  Christ,  the 
astronomer  Meton  of  Athens  proposed  a  still  more  exact 
system  of  equation,  a  cycle  of  nine  years,  in  which  a  month 
had  to  be  seven  times  intercalated.^  This  was  considerably 
in  advance  of  the  eight  years'  cycle  in  accuracy,  since  in  this 
case  in  19  years  only  a  difference  of  somewhere  about 
2  hours  remained  (Ideler,  i.  47),  whereas  in  the  eight  years' 
cycle  in  8  years  there  was  a  remaining  difference  of  1-|  days. 
How  far,  then,  had  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Christ  ad- 
vanced in  the  knowledge  of  these  matters  ?  They,  naturally, 
had  a  general  sort  of  acquaintance  with  them.  But,  unless 
all  indications  are  deceitful,  they  did  not  in  the  time  of  Jesus 
Christ  possess  as  yet  any  fixed  calendar,  but  on  the  basis  of  a 
purely  empirical  observation,  on  each  occasion  they  began  a 
new  month  with  the  appearing  of  the  new  moon,  and  likewise 
on  the  basis  of  each  repeated  observation  intercalated  a  month 
in  the  spring  of  every  third  and  second  year,  in  accordance 
with  the  rule  that  the  Passover  under  all  circumstances  must 
fall  after  the  vernal  equinox.^ 

^  Compare  on  the  antiquity  of  the  "  Octaeteris,"  Ideler,  Handbuch  der 
Chronologie,  i.  304  f.,  ii.  605  ;  Boeckh,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Mondcyden  der 
Hellenen  (Jahrhiicher  fiir  class.  Fhilol.  1.  Su2:>plementbd.  1855-1856),  p.  9  If. ; 
Adolf  Schmidt,  Handbuch  der  griechiscken  Chronologie,  herausg.  von  Riihl, 
Jena  1888,  pp.  61-95. 

2  According  to  Diodorus,  xii.  36,  Meton  made  known  his  system  in 
B.C.  433-432.  Compare  also  Theophrastus,  de  signis  tempestatum,  c.  4  ; 
Aelian,  Variae  historiae,  x.  7. — But  the  introduction  of  the  system  of 
Meton  at  Athens  did  not  take  place,  as  Boeckh  was  the  first  to  prove,  until 
some  time  later  (according  to  Usener,  B.C.  312  ;  according  to  Unger, 
between  B.C.  346  and  B.C.  325,  see  Philologus,  xxxix.  1880,  p.  475  ff. ; 
Diirr  is  in  favour  of  the  former  view  in  Die  Beisen  dis  Kaisers  Hadrian, 
1881,  p.  90  ff.).  Compare,  generally,  on  the  Calendar  of  the  Athenians, 
Mommsen,  Chronologie,  Untersuchungen  iiber  des  Kalenderwesen  der  Griechen 
insonderheit  der  Athener,  1883,  and  Adolf  Schmidt,  Handbuch  der  griechis- 
chen  Chronologie,  1888. 

^  For  the  view  that  the  Jews  had  even  in  the  time  of  Christ  a  fixed 


COMPARED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAK.        367 

1.  The  author  of  the  astronomical  pieces  in  the  Book  of 
Enoch  was  aware  that  the  year  has  six  months  of  30  days 
each  and  as  many  of  29  days  each;^  and  Galen,  in  the  second 
century  after  Christ,  says  that  "  the  people  of  Palestine " 
divide  the  period  of  every  two  months,  embracing  59  days, 
into  two  unequal  halves,  so  that  they  reckon  to  one  month 
30  days,  and  to  the  other  29  days.^  But  it  would  be  a 
mistake  if  we  were  from  this  to  draw  the  conclusion  that  the 
duration  of  the  months  was  a  priori  strictly  determined. 
Even  in  the  age  of  the  Mishna,  in  the  second  Christian 
century,  this  cannot  have  been  the  case ;  for  the  whole  legis- 
lation of  the  Mishna  rests  on  the  presupposition  that  the  new 
month,  without  previous  reckoning,  was  begun  each  time 
upon  the  new  moon  becoming  visible.  So  soon  as  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  new  moon  was  proved  by  credible  witnesses 
before  the  competent  court  at  Jerusalem  and  later  at  Jamnia, 
the  new  moon  was  solemnized,  and,  after  all  the  rites  had 
been  observed,  messengers  were  sent  in  order  to  notify  the 
opening  of  the  new  month.  So,  at  least,  was  it  done  during 
the  six  months  in  which  it  was  of  importance  on  account  of 
the   existence  of   any   festival :    in  Nisan  on  account  of  the 

calendar,  Wieseler  has  argued  with  special  vigour  (Chronological  Synopsis 
of  the  Four  Gospels,  p.  401  fF. ;  Beitrage  zur  richtigen  Wiirdigung  der  JEvan- 
gclien,  p.  296  ff.). — The  correct  view  is  given,  e.g.,  by  Ideler,  Handbiuh 
der  Chronologie,  i.  512  fF. ;  Guinpach,  Ueber  den  aKjiidischen  Kalendar, 
})p.  117  ff.,  137  ff . ;  Caspar i,  Chronological  and  Geograpliical  Introduction  to 
the  Life  of  Jesus  Christ,  p.  10  f. 

*  Book  of  Enoch,  78.  15-16,  in  Dillmann's  translation  :  "And  for  three 
months  he  makes  30  days  his  period,  and  for  three  months  he  makes  his 
period  29  days,  in  which  he  performs  his  waning  in  the  first  period  and 
in  the  fust  door  in  167  days.  And  in  the  period  of  his  waxing  he 
appears  for  three  months  every  thirty  days,  and  for  three  months  every 
nine  and  twenty  days." 

*  Galen,  0pp.  ed.  Kithn,  t.  xvii.  p.  23  :  tcv;  ovo  ajjva;  r^fx-tpZu  yiyojuii/ov; 
fi  x,xi  u  ■xii/.vuvatu  It;  aiutau.  fiipr,,  -zov  f/.si/  tTipov  uvr^.u  tJ  ijf4,ipuv  tpyee^oinivot 
-i'j  o'  'iziouv  8  Koil  K.  See  the  passage  given  at  length  in  Greek  and 
l']nglish  ill  Caspai'i,  Chronological  and  Geographical  Intruductiuu  to  the  Lif« 
ff  Jesus  Clirist,  p.  9. 


368        APPENDIX  III. THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

Passover,  in  Ab  on  account  of  the  Fast,  in  Elul  on  account  of 
the  New  Year,  in  Tizri  on  account  of  the  arrangement  of 
the  feast  days  of  that  mouth,  the  Day  of  Atonement,  and  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles ;  in  Chisleu  on  account  of  the  feast 
of  the  Dedication  of  the  Temple,  in  Adar  on  account  of  the 
feast  of  Purim,  and  so  long  as  the  temple  stood,  in  Adar 
also  on  account  of  the  little  Passover.^  Since,  naturally, 
it  was  known  pretty  accurately  when  the  appearing  of  the 
new  moon  was  to  be  expected,  every  effort  would  be  made  so 
as  to  fix  the  date  wherever  possible  upon  the  right  day. 
]>ut  the  duration  of  the  particular  months  was  not  fixed. 
This  is  confirmed  especially  by  the  following  two  passages 
from  the  Mishna :  (1)  Arachin  in.  7:  "If  one  should  have 
any  apprehension  in  regard  to  the  New  Year  feast,  lest 
the  month  Elul  should  be  fixed  at  30  days,  he  may,"  etc.^ 
(2)  Arachin  ii.  2  :  "In  one  year  there  are,  at  least,  four 
months  of  thirty  days,  and  of  these  there  have  not  hitherto 
been  more  than  eight,"  From  the  former  passage  it  appears 
that  it  was  by  no  means  established  a  priori  whether  a 
month  should  have  29  or  30  days;  and  the  latter  passage 
shows  how  uncertain  this  empirical  method  left  the  calendar. 
Even  in  the  time  of  the  Mishna,  the  second  Christian  century, 
it  was  still  a  possible  contingency  that  a  year  might  come  in 
which  only  four  months  had  each  30  days,  and  again  another 
in  which  there  might  be  eight  such  months.  Thus  the  length 
of  the  lunar  year  might  vary  from  352  days  to  356  days,  while 
in  actual  fact  it  can  only  oscillate  between  354  and  355  days.'' 

6  Compare,  generally,  Rosh  hashana  i.  3  fF.,  ii.  througliout,  iii.  1,  iv.  4. 
See,  further,  especially  Zuckermann,  Materialien  zur  Entwickelung  der 
altjiidischen  Zeitrechnung  im  Talmud  (1882),  pp.  1-39.— According  to 
Sanhedrin  i.  2  (compare  Eosh  hashana  ii.  9,  iii.  1),  for  the  declaring  of  the 
new  moon  and  of  the  intercalary  year  a  court  of  three  men  was  sufficient, 
but  it  is  not  said  that  as  a  rule  it  was  deteruiined  by  such  a  tribunal. 

«»  That  the  later  rule,  according  to  which  Elul  must  always  have 
29  days,  did  not  then  exist,  is  also  seen  from  Shelnith  x.  2. 

'  In  the  context  of  the  passage  quoted  {Arachin  ii.  2),  with  reference  to 


COMPARED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR.  369 

2.  The  system  of  intercalation  was  not  fixed  even  in  the 
second  century  after  Christ.  Julius  Africanus  indeed  says 
that  the  Jews  as  well  as  the  Greeks  intercalated  three  months 
jn  every  eight  years ;  ^  and  we  have  no  reason  for  doubting 
this  statement  in  regard  to  the  time  of  Julius  Africanus,  in 
the  first  half  of  the  third  Christian  century,  although  it  is 
uncertain  so  far  as  the  Greeks  are  concerned,  for  the  majority 
of  them  had  long  adopted  the  more  exact  cycle  of  nineteen 
years.  Also  for  the  time  of  Jesus  Christ  this  statement  may 
be  regarded  as  generally  valid,  since  the  thrice  repeated  inter- 
calation in  the  course  of  eight  years  would  naturally  result 
from  a  purely  empirical  procedure.  But  the  knowledge  of 
this  eight  years'  cycle  is  certainly  even  in  the  astronomical 
pieces  in  the  Book  of  Enoch  and  the  Book  of  Jubilees  (which 
may  be  approximately  regarded  as  witnesses  for  the  period  of 
Christ)  extremely  inexact,  and  it  is  not  there  made  use  of  for 
the  constructing  of  a  regular  intercalary  system.  In  the 
astronomical  pieces  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  the  erroneous  idea 
is  taken  up  that  the  moon  in  the  eight  years  is  only  about 
eighteen  days  behind  the  sun,  for  the  lunar  year  is  set  down 
at  354  days  and  the  solar  year  at  364  (Book  of  Enoch,  c.  74. 
17;  see  generally  cc.  72-82).  The  very  same  inexact  con- 
ceptions are  found  also  in  the  Book  of  Jubilees,  c.  6  (Ewald's 
Jahrlilcher  der  hihl.  Wissensch.  ii.  246).  A  calendar,  built  up 
upon  such  premises  as  these,  would  certainly  very  soon  land 

matters  of  the  most  diverse  description,  are  laid  down  what  might  be  the 
minimum  and  maximum  limits.  The  variation  sjioken  of  in  the  length 
of  tlie  year  has  therefore  actually  been  observed  and,  even  in  the  age  of 
the  Mishna,  was  regarded  as  a  possible  occurrence. — To  the  authorities  of 
the  Babylonian  Talmud,  indeed,  the  statement  did  appear  so  remarkable 
that  attempts  were  made  to  explain  it  away.  See  bab.  ArarJiin  8''-9'' ; 
Zuckermann,  Matcrialien,  p.  64  f. 

*  Jul.  Africanus  in  Eusebius,  Dcmondratio  evangelica,  viii.  p.  390  = 
Syncell.  ed.  Dindorf,  i.  611  =  Routh,  Reliquiae  sacrae,  ii.  302  :   "EAAwi/sf 
Kcci  'lovlxioi  rpii;  /atiuct;   ifi^o'hifAOVi   hiaiv  oktu  y.ctpi^fioi.'KKwaiv  (Latin  also 
in  Jerome,  Comment,  in  Daniel  ix.  24  sqq.,  Ofi^  ed.  Vallarsi,  v.  683  sq.). 
DIV.  L  VOL.  II.  2  A 


370       APPENDIX  III. THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

in  serious  error.  It  was  fortunate  therefore  that  in  actual 
practice  it  was  disregarded,  and  the  intercalation  carried  out 
without  reference  to  any  preconceived  theory  on  the  hasis  of 
an  empirical  observation  made  on  each  separate  occasion. 
That  this  was  still  the  case  in  the  times  of  the  Mishna  is 
proved  from  the  two  following  passages  : — (1)  Mcgillah  i.  4  : 
"  If  one  has  read  the  Megillah  (the  Book  of  Esther  for  the 
celebration  of  the  feast  of  Purim)  in  the  first  Adar,  and  the 
year  is  then  declared  to  be  an  intercalary  year,  he  must  read 
it  again  in  the  second  or  intercalary  Adar."  (2)  Edujoth  vii.  7  : 
"  E.  Joshua  and  E.  Papias  testified  that  the  year  might  be 
declared  an  intercalary  year  at  any  time  during  the  month 
Adar,  for  previously  this  could  be  done  only  to  the  feast 
of  Purim.  These  same  testified  that  one  might  conditionally 
declare  the  year  an  intercalary  year.  When  on  one  occasion 
Eabban  Gamaliel  was  on  a  journey  in  order  to  obtain  a  con- 
cession from  the  governor  of  Syria,  and  remained  long  away, 
the  year  was  pronounced  an  intercalary  year  under  the 
reservation  that  the  decision  would  stand  only  if  Eabban 
Gamaliel  were  satisfied.  And  when  he  arrived  he  was  satisfied, 
and  so  it  was  an  intercalary  year."  Both  passages  are  so 
clear  that  they  need  no  further  commentary.  Yet  quite  at 
the  close  of  the  year,  in  the  month  Adar,  even  after  the  feast 
of  Purim  had  been  celebrated,  the  decision  might  be  arrived 
at  whether  or  not  a  month  was  to  be  intercalated.  There  is 
absolutely  no  trace  of  any  previous  calculation.^* 

The  rule,  according  to  which  it  was  determined  whether  to 
intercalate  or  not,  was  very  simple.     It  required  that  care 

**  All  that  is  said  in  Tosephta  Sanhedrin  ii.,  hah.  Sanhcdrin  11^-12*, 
and  elsewhere  regarding  the  grounds  for  intercalation,  and  regarding  the 
procedure  carried  on  in  connection  therewith,  goes  to  confirm  what  is 
stated  above.  It  may  therefore  be  accepted  as  certain  that  the  decision  as 
to  whether  there  should  be  intercalation  or  not,  was  made  on  each  separate 
occasion  in  the  course  of  the  year  according  to  the  principles  stated.  For 
the  more  important  details,  see  below  at  note  9*. 


COMPAKED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR,  371 

should  be  taken  that  the  Passover  festival,  to  be  celebrated  at 
the  full  moon  in  Nisan  (14th  Nisan),  should  in  any  case  fall 
after  the  vernal  equinox  (fjuera  larjfiepiav  iapivrjv),  when  the 
sun  stood  in  the  sign  Aries.  This  explanation  is  characterized 
by  Anatolius  in  tlie  fragment  of  decided  importance  in  relation 
to  the  history  of  the  Jewish  calendar  given  in  Eusebius,  Hist, 
ecd.  vii.  32.  16-19,  as  the  view  in  which  all  Jewish  authorities 
are  agreed,  pre-eminently  as  that  of  Aristobulus,  the  celebrated 
Jewish  philosopher  of  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Philonietor  (not 
Philadelphus,  as  Anatolius  erroneously  says).  With  this  also 
agree  the  statements  of  Philo  and  Josephus.^  If  one  therefore 
toward  the  close  of  the  year  noticed  that  the  Passover  would 
fall  before  the  vernal  equinox,  the  intercalation  of  a  month 
before  Nisan  would  have  to  be  resorted  to.-'*  The  intercalated 
month  was  called,  like   the   last  month  of   the   year,  Adar, 

®  Philo,  De  Scptenario,  §  19  (Mangey,  ii.  293)  ;  Quaestiones  et  solid,  in 
Exodum,  i.  §  1  (liicliter,  vii.  262  sq.).  Compare  also  Vita  Mosis,  iii.  29 
(Mangey,  ii.  169),  de  decalo(jo,  §  30  (Mangey,  ii.  206)  ;  Josephus,  Antiq.  iii. 
10.  5  :  11/  Koiu  mil  ij'hiou  KuSiOTUTo;. 

9a  Yov  yet  other  reasons  for  intercalation  see  especially  Tosephta 
Sonhedrm  c.  ii.,  bah  Sanhedrin  11^-12=^;  with  reference  to  these  :  Zucker- 
niann,  Materialen  zur  Entwickelung  der  altjiidischen  Zdtrechnung  im  Talmud 
(1882),  pp.  39-45. — The  most  remarkable  passage  is  the  following:  "For 
tliree  reasons  a  year  may  be  pronounced  an  intercalary  year  :  Because  of 
tlie  ripeness  of  the  grain  [if  this  has  not  occurred  at  the  proper  season], 
and  on  account  of  the  fruit  trees  [if  these  have  not  ripened  at  the  right 
Kcason],  and  on  account  of  the  course  of  the  sun  [if  the  sun  at  the  Passover 
lius  not  yet  come  into  the  sign  Aries].  Only  if  two  of  these  reasons  com- 
bine may  one  conclude  for  intercalation,  but  not  for  one  of  these  alone." 
— "Intercalation  is  not  dependent  on  the  age  of  the  lie-goats  or  lambs  or 
]iigeons.  Yet  tliis  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  supplementary  ground  [i.e.  if  only 
<ine  of  the  above  three  chief  reasons  is  forthcoming,  all  these  minor  reasons 
may  be  read  in  order  to  eke  it  out]."  .  .  .  "Tlius  once  Rabban  Gamaliel 
caused  it  to  be  written  to  the  communities  in  Babylon  and  Media:  Since 
the  pigeons  are  still  too  feeble  and  the  lambs  still  too  young,  and  the  time 
of  harvest  has  not  yet  come,  I  and  my  colleagues  have  found  it  necessary 
to  add  thirty  days  to  the  year." — We  cannot  be  wrong,  tlien,  if  for  the 
lime  of  Clirist  we  consider  the  reason  tliat  i>roved  dec  ii^ivt-  to  be  that 
drawn  from  the  course  of  the  sun. 


372        APl'EXDIX  III. THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

They  were  distinguished  respectively  as  liti'Xin  ins  and  i"^??. 
'•atJ'n  (first  and  second  Adar). 

And  yet,  primitive  as  this  calendar  was,  it  had  this  great 
advantage,  that  serious  and  persistent  inaccuracies,  such  as  in 
the  course  of  the  year  inevitably  crept  into  a  calendar 
calculated  upon  an  incorrect  basis,  were  avoided. — The  very 
complicated  later  Jewish  calendar,  calculated  upon  the  nine- 
teen years'  cycle,  is  said  to  have  been  introduced  by  the 
patriarch  Hillel  in  the  fourth  century  after  Christ.  Although 
this  is  not  witnessed  to  with  absolute  certainty,  it  is  not 
improbable  (Ideler,  Handhuch  der  Chronologie,  i.  569  ff.).^^ 

With  reference  to  the  various  beginnings  of  years  in  spring 
or  in  harvest,  see  vol.  i.  of  the  present  work,  p.  37. 

The  literature  on  the  Jewish  calendar,  especially  in  its  later 
form,  is  very  extensive.  A  systematic  exposition  was  given  as 
early  as  the  twelftli  century  by  Maimonides  in  the  passage 
treating  of  "the  celebration  of  the  New  Moon"  in  his  great 
work  Jad  Ha-cliasaka  or  Mishne  Thora  (compare :  Maimonides' 
Kiddusch  Hacliodesch,  translated  and  explained  by  Ed.  Mahler, 

"■^  On  the  basis  of  some  coins  of  the  Arsacidae,  in  which  the  years  287, 
317,  and  390  of  the  Seleucid.  aera  are  referred  to  as  intercalary  years, 
Theodor  Eeinach  has  proved  in  a  convincing  manner  that  in  the  kingdom 
of  the  Arsacidae,  that  is,  in  Babylon,  even  in  the  first  century  before 
Christ  and  in  the  first  century  after  Christ,  the  Greek  calendar,  calculated 
according  to  the  nineteen  years'  cycle,  was  in  use.  But  since  Julius 
Africanus  in  the  passage  above  referred  to  speaks  of  the  eight  years'  cycle 
as  that  used  "by  Gentiles  and  Jews,"  it  would  seem  that  that  cycle,  even 
in  the  thii'd  Christian  century,  prevailed  in  Palestine  and  Syria  (so  far  as 
the  solar  year  had  not  yet  been  adopted).  From  this,  too,  is  confirmed 
what  otherwise  is  probable,  that  the  later  Jewish  calendar  was  constructed, 
not  by  the  Palestinian,  but  by  the  Babylonian  Jews.  See  Theodor 
Reinach,  "  Le  calendrier  des  Grecs  de  Babylonie  et  les  origines  du  calendrier 
juif "  (Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  xviii.  1889,  pp.  90-94).  As  Eabbis  who  had 
specially  interested  themselves  in  matters  connected  with  the  calendar, 
the  Babylonians  Mar  Samuel  in  Nehardea  and  Rabbi  Adda  bar  Ahaba  in 
Sura  are  specially  named,  both  in  the  third  century  after  Christ.  The 
latter  had  an  exact  acquaintance  with  the  nineteen  years'  cycle  in  the 
improved  form  given  it  by  Hipparchus  in  the  second  century  before 
Christ  (Ideler,  i.  574  f.).  The  Palestinian  Hillel  must  therefore  have 
received  the  incentive  to  his  work  from  the  Babylonians. 


COMPARED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR.        373 

Wien  1889).  Various  monographs  are  collected  by  Ugolini  in 
his  Thesaurus  antiquitatum  sacrarum,  t.  xvii.  (Nic.  Miilleri 
Annus  Judaeorum  luna-solaris  et  Tiirc-Arabum  mere  lunaris ; 
Seldeni  Diss,  de  anno  civili  Judaeorum ;  Maimonidis,  De 
sanctificatione  novilunii,  cum  versione  Latina  de  Veilii.  Christ. 
Langhansen,  De  mense  vcterum  Hehraeorum  lunari). — Of  more 
recent  date,  especially:  Ideler,  Handhuch  der  niathematischen 
tind  techniscJien  Chronologie,  Bd.  i.  pp.  477-583 ;  Wieseler, 
Chronological  Synopsis  of  the  Foitr  Gospels,  pp.  401-436 ; 
Bcitrdcje  zur  richtigen  Wilrdigung  der  Evangclien  und  der 
cvartgclischcn  6^t',sc/cic7i?'c  (1869),pp.  290-321  ;  Seyff'arth,  CArono- 
logia  sacra  (1846),  pp.  26-80  (believes  that  the  Jewish  year 
down  to  A.D.  200  was  a  solar  year ') ;  De  Wette,  Lchrhucli  der 
hehrdisch-jildischcn  Archdologie,  4  Autl.  1864,  §  178-179 ; 
Gumpach,  Ueher  den  altjildischen  Kalender  zundchst  in  seiner 
Beziehung  zur  neutestamentlichen  Geschichte,  Briissel  1848 ; 
Saalschlitz,  Das  mosaische  Recht,  Bd.  i.  1853,  pp.  396-406 ; 
Lewisohn,  Geschichte  und  das  System,  desjildischen  Kalcndcnvescns, 
Leipzig,  1856  {■=^  Schriftcn  hcrausgeg.  vom  Institute  zur  Forderung 
der  israelit.  Literaiur,  erstcsJahr,  1855-1856) ;  Caspari,  Chrono- 
logical and  Geographical  Introduction  to  the  Life  of  Jesus  Christ, 
])p.  2-19 ;  Schwarz,  Der  jiidische  Kalender  historisch  und 
((.stronomisch  untersucht,  1872  ;  Dillmann,  "  Ueber  das  Kalender- 
wesen  der  Israeliten  vor  dem  babylonischen  Exil"  {Monatsherichte 
der  Berliner  Akademie,  1881,  pp.  914-935) ;  Zuckermann, 
Materialien  zur  Enttvickelung  der  altjildischen  Zcitrechnung  im 
Talmud,  1882  (gathers  together  the  Talmudic  deliverances  on 
matters  connected  with  the  calendar) ;  Hamburger,  Real- 
Eneyclopadie  fur  Bihel  und  Talmud,  Abth.  ii.  1883,  pp.  608- 
628,  art.  "Kalender;"  Memain,  La  connaissance  des  temps 
tivaiigdiques,  Paris  1886,  pp.  39-43,  377-445,  481  IT. ;  Isidore 
Loeb,  Tables  du  calcndrier  juif  depuis  Che  chrdtienne  jusqu'  au 
XXX  sidcle,  avec  la  conconlance  des  dates  j'uives  ct  des  dates 
chritiennes  et  une  mMhode  nouvrlle  pour  caleuler  ces  tables,  Paris 
1886;  Mahler,  Chronologische  Vergleichungs-Tabellen,ncbst  einer 
Anleitung  z\i  den  Grundziigen  der  Chronologie,  2  Heft :  Die 
Ziet-  und  Festrcchnung  der  Jiulen,  Wien  1889  ;  also  the  articles 
"  Jahr  "  and  "  Monate  "  in  the  dictionaries  of  Winer,  Schenkel, 
and  Eiehm,  and  in  Herzog's  Beal-Fncyclopacdic,  2  Aufl.  vi.  495- 
498,  article  "  Jar  "  by  Leyrer. 

Since  the  Jewish  year  has  sometimes  twelve,  sometimes 
thirteen  months,  it  is  evident  that  its  months  can  only  be 
made   approximately   to   correspond   to    those  of  the  Julian 


:>74       APPENDIX  in. THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

calendar. — The  Macedonian  names  of  the  months  came  to  be 
nsed  in  Syria  from  the  beginning  of  the  Seleucid  domination 
(Ideler,  Handhuch  der  Chronologic,  i.  397).  They  originally 
also  indicated  lunar  months.  But  from  the  time  of  Julius 
Caesar's  reform  of  the  calendar  they  were  employed  in  Syria 
and  Phoenicia  to  indicate  the  twelve  months  of  the  solar  year, 
which  is,  speaking  generally,  identical  with  the  Julian  ;  there- 
fore its  several  months  do  not  exactly  correspond  with  those 
of  the  Julian,  since  their  beginnings  are  otherwise  determined, 
and  indeed  were  different  in  different  large  cities  (Ideler, 
i.  433).  It  was  not  till  a  later  period  that  the  Julian  months 
came  to  be  named  in  Syria  by  Macedonian  names  (Ideler, 
i.  429  ff.). — Besides  the  Macedonian  names,  the  old  native 
Syrian  names  (which  were  for  the  most  part  identical  with 
the  Jewish)  were  also  used  ;  and  it  may  safely  be  assumed 
that  their  use  was  in  strict  conformity  with  that  of  the 
Macedonian  names.  Thus,  e.g.,  the  Syrian  date  on  the 
inscriptions  at  Palmyra  exactly  corresponds  to  the  Mace- 
donian (24  Tebeth  =24  Audyniius,  2 1  Adar  =21  Dystros  ;  see 
De  Vogiie,  Inscriptions,  n.  123^  iii.  124  =  Le  Bas  and  Wadd- 
ington,  Inscriptions  gircques  et  latines,  t.  iii.  2,  n.  25 71^  2627). 
The  same  is  true  of  the  later  Syrian  calendar,  where  the 
Syrian  as  well  as  the  Macedonian  names  indicate  simply 
the  months  of  the  Julian  calendar.^*' 

Under  these  circumstances  it  may  be  asked  what  Josephus 
means  when  he  makes  use  of  the  Macedonian  names  of  the 
months,  as  he  frequently  does  in  his  History  of  the  Jewish  War. 
Ordinarily  he  uses  them  as  perfectly  parallel  to  the  Jewish, 
precisely  in  the  same  way  as  is  done  in  the  inscriptions  at 
Palmyra  (Nisan  =  Xanthicus,  Ijjar  =  Artemisius,  Ab  =  Lous, 
Tizri  =  Hyperberetaeus,     Marcheshwan  =  Dios,     etc.  ;      the 

^^  That  this  was  already  the  case  on  the  inscriptions  at  Palmyra  cannot 
he  proved.  The  doubts  which  Noldeke  expresses  in  this  connection 
{Zeitschrift  der  DMG.  xxxix.  1885,  p.  339)  are  very  well  founded. 


COMPARED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR.        375 

proofs  for  this  are  given  above  at  p.  364  f,;  for  the  Palmyrene 
inscriptions  see  the  collection  in  Le  Bas  and  Waddington,  n. 
2571^).  But  does  he  mean  precisely  the  Jewish  months 
when  he  uses  the  Macedonian  names  ?  In  many  cases 
undoubtedly  he  does  so.  (1)  The  Jewish  Passover  was 
observed  on  the  14th  Xanthicus  {Antiq.  iii.  10.  5;  Wars 
of  the  Jeivs,  v.  3.  1).  (2)  In  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
the  temple  was  desecrated  and  reconsecrated  on  25tli  Apellaios 
(Antiq.  xii.  5.  4,  7.  6;  comp.  1  Mace.  i.  59,  iv.  52.  (3) 
During  the  siege  of  Titus  the  daily  morning  and  evening 
sacrifice  was  stopped  on  I7th  Panemos  (JVars  of  the  Jews, 
vi.  2.  1)  ;  according  to  Mishna,  Taanith  iv.  6,  however,  this 
happened  on  l7th  Thammuz.  (4)  The  destruction  of  the 
temple  of  Nebuchadnezzar  took  place  on  the  10th  Loos  {Wars 
of  the  Jews,  vi.  4.  5);  according  to  Jer.  Iii.  12,  on  the  10th 
Ab.  On  the  ground  of  these  facts  ancient  and  modern 
investigators  have  assumed  that  Josephus  invariably  intends 
when  using  the  Macedonian  names  of  the  month  to  make  the 
dates  correspond  with  the  Jewish  months.^"*  But  against 
tills  view,  after  the  example  of  Scaliger,  Baronius,  and  Usher, 
0.  A.  Hoffmann  has  recently  advanced  objections.^^  He 
specially  urges  the  point  that  Josephus  was  scarcely  in  a 
position  (and  if  he  had  been,  would  not  certainly  have  taken 
the  trouble)  to  reckon  the  dates  which  had  been  transmitted 
to  him  according  to  another  calendar,  in  accordance  with  the 
Jewish  calendar.  He  just  followed  the  calendar  which  his 
authorities  followed.  But  in  regard  to  the  numerous  dates 
in   the    Wars  of  the  Jews,   Hoffmann   (p.    16)    believes    that 

^"^  So  Noris,  Annus  et  ejwchae  Syromacedonuvi,  i.  3rd  ed.  Lips.  p.  44  sqq.  ; 
Idc'ler,  Handbuch  der  Chronologic^  i.  400-402  ;  Ancer,  I)e  tejnjmrum  in 
Actis  apostolorum  ratione,  p.  16  sq.  ;  Wieseler,  Chronolorjie  Sy7wpse,  p.  448  ; 
Clinton,  Fasti  Hellenici,  iii.  357  sq.  ;  Chauipagny,  Home  et  la  Jud^e, 
(2nd  ed.  18G5),  ii.  349  sqq. 

^1  Otto  Adalb.  Hotrmann,  Dn  iwperatoTis  Titi  temporibus  rede  defintendis 
(Marburg  1883),  pp.  4-17. 


376       APPENDIX  III. THE  JEWISH  AND  MACEDONIAN  MONTHS 

.Tosephus  must  have  used,  as  sources,  the  official  State  Papers 
■which  he  found  in  the  Roman  camp.  Hence  it  may  be  assumed 
that  in  these  the  dates  were  given  in  accordance  with  the 
Julian  calendar,  the  months  of  which  were  simply  indicated 
by  Josephus  under  Macedonian  names.  The  grounds  for  this 
opinion  are  undoubtedly  correct.  A  writer  like  Josephus 
would  not  take  the  trouble  to  change  the  reckoning,  but 
would  simply  give  the  dates  as  he  found  them.  One  should 
not  therefore  assume  right  off  that  in  his  works  all  the  dates 
would  be  according  to  the  same  calendar.  Many  are  given 
undoubtedly  according  to  the  Jewish  calendar,  others  accord- 
ing to  the  Roman.^2  3^^  whether  the  dates  in  the  Wars  of  the 
Jeivs  are  for  the  most  part  derived  from  the  official  Eoman  State 
Papers,  seems  to  me  more  than  doubtful.  It  is  not  correct  to 
say,  as  Hoffmann  does  (p.  15),  that  Josephus  almost  exclu- 
sively gives  precise  dates  for  the  enterprise  of  the  Eomans,  but 
not  for  the  internal  events  of  Jewish  history.     A  thorough 

^2  In  accordance  with  the  Roman  calendar  Josephus  apparently  gives, 
e.g.,  the  periods  of  the  reigns  of  the  Emperors  Galba,  Otho,  Vitellius.  The 
dates  which  come  into  consideration  (according  to  the  careful  statement 
of  Knaake  in  Zeitschrift  ficr  luth.  Theol.  1871,  pp.  230-235)  are  the  follow- 
ing :  Nero,  f  9  June  68  ;  Galba,  f  15  January  69  ;  Otho,  t  16  April  69  ; 
Vitellius,  t  20  December  69.  But  according  to  Josephus,  Galba 
reigned  7  months  and  7  days  (Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  2)  ;  Othoj 
3  months  and  2  days  (Wars  of  the  Jeics,  iv.  9.  9);  Vitellius,  8  months 
and  5  days  (Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  11.  4).  If  we  count  in  the  day 
of  the  accession  and  the  day  of  death,  this  agrees  exactly  with  the 
above  dates  of  the  Julian  calendar,  which  therefore  Josephus  here 
follows.  So  also  Knaake,  Zeitschrift  fur  luth.  Theol.  1871,  p.  244, 
unsuccessfully  contested  by  Wieseler,  Zeitschrift  fiir  luth.  Theol. 
1872,  p.  55  ff. — Josephus  seems  to  give  the  day  of  Vitellius'  death 
according  to  the  calendar  of  Tyre.  While  according  to  the  Julian 
calendar  it  fell  upon  20  December,  Josephus  sets  it  down  upon  3  Apel- 
laios  (Wars  of  the  Jews,  iv.  11.  4).  But  this  in  the  Tyrian  calendar 
corresponds  to  the  20  December  in  the  Julian.  Josephus  may  therefore 
be  supposed  here  to  follow  some  Phoenician  authority.  Compare  Noris, 
Annus  et  epochae  Syromacedonum,  i.  3,  p.  60  sq.  ed.  Lips.  ;  Ideler,  Handbuch 
der  Chronologic,  i.  436 ;  Knaake,  Zeitschrift,  p.  244 ;  0.  A.  Hoffmann,  De 
imperatoris  Titi,  p.  6. 


COMPAKED  WITH  THE  JULIAN  CALENDAR.       377 

examination  of  the  facts  communicated  in  our  exposition  (§  20) 
plainly  shows  that  among  the  details  circumstantially  related 
are  many  that  refer  purely  to  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Jews, 
whereas  on  the  other  hand  the  exact  statements  about  the 
doings  of  the  Eomans,  especially  of  that  period,  become  more 
numerous  when  Josephus  was  first  a  prisoner  and  subse- 
quently on  his  parole  in  the  Eoman  camp.  He  had  therefore 
personal  knowledge  of  these  things.  Indeed,  in  his  vindica- 
tion of  the  credibility  of  his  exposition  he  refers  simply  to  his 
own  memoranda  of  these  occurrences  which  he  had  made  for 
himself  and  not  to  Eoman  official  documents  {Treatise  against 
Apion,  i.  9  :  ra  Kara  to  crrparoTreSov  to  ' Pcofiaiav  opwv 
eiri/jbeXa)^  aviypacpov).  Evidently,  therefore,  he  did  not  use 
these  official  papers.  But  that  he  had  made  his  niemoranda 
according  to  the  Jewish  calendar  is  probable,  partly  from  the 
internal  probability  of  the  matter,  partly  from  the  circumstance 
that  particular  dates  are  given  undoubtedly  according  to  the 
Jewish  calendar ;  so  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  2.  1  (see  above, 
p.  242),  and  Wars  of  the  Jews,  vi.  4.  1—5  (see  above,  p.  243  f.). 
The  oft  recurring  formula,  Uavefiov  vovfnjvia  (Wars  of  the 
Jews,  iii.  7.  36,  v.  13.  7,  vi.  1.  3),  cannot  indeed  be  used 
as  a  proof  that  the  months  of  Josephus  actually  began  with 
the  new  moon.  For  in  later  usage  vovfj,r)via  signifies  gener- 
ally the  first  day  of  the  month,  even  when,  according  to  the 
calendar  employed,  the  months  did  not  begin  with  the  new 
moon,  as  e.g.  in  the  Eoman.  Compare  Dio  Cassius,  Ix.  5  :  r^ 
Tov  AvyovaTov  vovfXTjvla ;  Plutarch,  Galba,  22:  r]  vovjjiTjvia 
Tov  irpwpTov  fir}VQ<i,  rjv  Kokdvha^  ^Iavovapia<i  KaXovai]  Steph. 
Thesaurus,  s.v. 


APPENDIX  lY. 


THE  JEWISH  SHEKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  EEBELLION, 

The  extant  coins  with  old  Hebrew  writing  may  be  arranged 
in  three  groups:  (1)  The  coins  of  the  Asmonean  high  priests 
and  princes  which  are  furnished  with  names,  and  therefore  are 
most  easily  determined ;  (2)  the  silver  shekel  and  half- 
shekel  :  (3)  the  "  Coins  of  Freedom,"  which  with  manifold 
variations  celebrate  the  emancipation  {rfulla  or  cheruth)  of 
Israel  or  Jerusalem  or  Sion,  The  most  perfect  agreement 
prevails  among  numismatists  with  reference  to  the  first  group : 
a  pretty  general  agreement  also  prevails  with  reference  to  the 
second,  because  they  are  assigned  by  the  majority  of  numis- 
matists to  the  times  of  Simon  the  Maccabee.  Most  diverse 
are  the  views  entertained  with  reference  to  the  third  group. 
Since  the  placing  and  determining  of  the  first  group  is 
relatively  easy  and  certain,  it  will  be  found  that  we  have 
already  communicated  all  that  is  necessary  regarding  it  in  our 
historical  exposition.  A  more  special  investigation  is  required 
in  reference  to  the  coins  of  the  second  and  third  groups.  It 
must  be  shown  by  a  systematic  examination  of  all  the 
particulars,  that  with  regard  to  the  third  group  a  much  higher 
degree  of  certainty  may  be  reached  than  in  regard  to  the 
second,  that  therefore  the  measure  of  the  present  consensus 
stands  in  inverse  ratio  to  the  degree  of  scientific  certainty 
attainable. 

378 


THE  JEWISH  SHEKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  REBELLION.       379 


1.  The  Shekel. 

Literature. 

ECKHEL,  Dodrina  Nmnorum  veterum,  iii.  455  sqq. 

Cavedoni,  Bihlische  Numismatik,  traiisl.  by  Werlhof,  i.  18  ff.,  ii.  10  fT. 

De  Saulcy,  Recherches  sur  la  Numismatique  Judiiique,  1854,  p.  17  s(i([. 

EwALD,  Gottinger  "  Nachrichten,"  1855,  p.  109  ff. 

Levy,  Geschichte  der  judischen  Mmizen,  1862,  p.  39  ft. 

Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  1864,  p.  43  sqq. 

De  Saulcy,  Revue  Numismatique,  1864,  p.  370  sq. 

Cavedoni  in  Grote's  Mnnzstxidicn,  v.  1867,  pp.  9-18. 

Eeichardt  in  the    Wiener  Numismatischen  Monatsheffoi,  eJ.  G.  Egi^^rr, 

Bd.  ii.  1866,  p.  137  ff. 
De  Saulcy,  Revue  arcMologiqtce,  nouv.  ser.  vol.  xxiii.  1872,  p.  1  sqq. 
]Merzbacher,  De  siclis  nummis  antiquissimis  Judaeorum,  Beil.  1873. 
Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1874,  p.  281  .sqq. 
Lewis,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1876,  p.  322  (Shekel  of  tlie  year  V.). 
Merzbacher    in    Sallet's    Zeitschrift   fiir    Numismatik,    Bd.    iii.    1876, 

pp.  141  ff.,  183  ff.,  Bd.  V.  1878,  pp.  151  ff.,  292  ff. 
Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews,  1881,  pp.  67-71,  wliere  the  material  is  most 

fully  given. 
Reinach,  "  Acte.s  et  conferences  de  la  societe  des  etudes  juives,"  1877 

(Supplement  to  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  1887),  p.  cciii  sqq.     Separate 

reprint,  Les  monnaies  juives,  Paris  1887,  p.  42  sqq. 

The  silver  shekel  and  half-shekel  are  equal  in  weight  to 
the  Greek  tetradraclimae  and  the  double  drachmae  minted  in 
the  Phoenician  towns,  and  afford  ns  a  point  of  connection 
for  estimating  the  values  of  rhoenician  -  Hebrew  coins.^ 
The  superscription  runs  r\uip  D^D'n"'  or  nK^"npn  D"'^i;'n',  on  tlie 
other   side  bxnt^'  ^pc*  (shekel  of  Israel) ;  on  the  half-shekels : 

1  Compare  on  the  value  of  the  shekel,  especially  :  Brandis,  Das  Miinz-, 
Mass-  und  Gcwichtswesen  in  Vorderasien  (1866),  pp.  55  fl".,  94  ff.,  102  ff.  ; 
Hultsch,  Griechische  und  romische  Metrologie  (2  Bearbeit.  1882),  pp.  456  ff., 
602  ff.  ;  ]\Ierzbacher,  Zeitschrift  fiir  Numismatik,  Bd.  v.  1878,  pp.  151  ff., 
171  ff.,  173  f . ;  Ilevillout,  "Note  sur  les  plus  anciennes  monnaies  heh- 
raiques"  {Annuaire  de  la  Socid^  francaise  de  Numismatique,  t.  viii.  1884, 
pp.  113-146  [revised  reprint  from  the  Rcvxce  igyptologiqne]). 


380  APPENDIX  IV. 

hp^n  ^vn  (half-sheke]).  The  whole  as  well  as  the  half-shekels 
have,  besides  the  indication  of  the  weight,  a  number,  usually 
accompanied  with  an  ti>  =  nJC',  a  year ;  e.g.  nc>  =  year  II. 
There  are  extant  examples  of  both  coins  from  the  years  x,  3, 
i  1  (I.,  II.,  III.,  IV.) ;  of  the  whole  shekel  there  is  also  an 
example  of  n^,  year  V.  As  might  be  expected,  we  have  no 
portrait  profiles,  but  ouly  simple  symbols,  the  significance  of 
which  is  still  doubtful  (a  cup  and  branch  of  lilies  ?). — Since 
upon  those  coins  of  the  "  holy  Jerusalem  "  there  is  no  trace  of 
any  personal  name,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  determine  their 
age.  But  it  should  first  of  all  be  laid  down  as  certain  that 
they  cannot  have  been  minted  between  B.C.  135  and  a.d.  66. 
For  the  Asmoneans,  since  John  Hyrcanus,  B.C.  135,  minted 
coins  bearing  their  own  names,  as  did  also  Herod  and  his 
sons.  It  is  also  clear  that  these  coins  could  not  have  been 
struck  under  the  Eoman  procurators,  for  they  presuppose  the 
political  independence  of  Jerusalem.  They  can  therefore  be 
assigned  only  to  the  time  before  B.C.  135  or  after  a.d.  66. 
Under  the  latter  alternative  they  can  be  referred  only  to  the 
period  of  the  war  a.d.  66—70;  for  from  the  time  of  the 
Hadrian  war,  a.d.  132—135,  we  have  coins  of  quite  another 
sort.  Ewald  was  the  first  {Gottingcr  " Nachricliten"  1855, 
p.  109  ff.)  to  argue  in  favour  of  the  years  66—70  as  the  date 
of  the  minting  of  the  shekels ;  and  in  the  first  edition  of  this 
work,  p.  365  f.,  I  adopted  his  view.  Among  numismatists, 
however,  this  theory  is  now  maintained  only  by  Theod. 
Eeinach  (1887)  and  Imhoof -•  Blumer  (in  epistolary  corre- 
spondence with  myself).  All  the  others  declare  this  impos- 
sible, in  consequence  of  the  antiquated  style,  and  almost 
unanimously  place  these  shekels  in  the  time  of  Simon  the 
Maccabee,  B.C.  142—135.  De  Saulcy  puts  them  even  farther 
back,  assigning  them  first  of  all,  in  Recherclies  sur  la  Numis- 
matique  Judaique,  1854,  to  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
subsequently,  in  the  Etude  chronologique  dcs  livres  d'Esdras  et 


THE  JEWISH  SHEKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  REBELLION.         381 

de  N6Mmie,  1868  (which  has  not  been  accessible  to  me),  and 
in  the  Rcvuc  archeologique,  1872,  to  the  time  of  Ezra. — In 
determining  this  question  we  must  take  into  account:  (1) 
Palaeographical,  (2)  Historical,  (3)  Numismatical  arguments. 

1.  We  may  set  aside,  first  of  all,  the  palaeographical, 
because  they  scarcely  yield  any  result.  The  character  of  the 
writing  is  the  so-called  Phoenician  or  old  Hebraic.  But  this 
writing  for  monumental  purposes,  such  as  inscriptions  and 
coins,  changed  so  little  during  the  period  coming  under  con- 
sideration, that  from  this  nothing  can  be  gained  to  help  in 
determining  our  question.  The  character  of  the  writing  on 
the  coins  fits  equally  the  assigning  of  them  to  the  Macca- 
bean  age  and  to  a  very  much  later  period,  as,  upon  inquiry, 
Euting  also  has  assured  me,  one  of  the  highest  authorities  on 
Semitic  palaeography. 

2.  On  historical  grounds  the  shekel  can  hardly  have  been 
minted  in  the  Persian  and  Greek  age  prior  to  the  winning  of 
Jewish  independence  by  Simon  the  Maccabee.  For  accord- 
ing to  all  that  we  know,  the  Jews  did  not,  either  in  the 
Persian  or  in  the  Greek  age,  possess  such  a  degree  of  political 
independence  as  is  assumed  in  an  autonomous  minting  of 
money  of  their  own.  This  would  have  been  distinctly  impos- 
sible in  the  age  of  Alexander,  from  the  fact  that  under  him 
in  Phoenicia  only  royal  money  was  minted  (so,  e.g.,  in 
Ascalon,  Ptolemais,  Damascus;  see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  pp.  74,  91, 
97)."  All  the  more  perfectly  do  they  now  seem  to  suit  the 
time  of  Simon  the  Maccabee.  Under  him  "  the  yoke  of  the 
heathen  was  taken  away  from  Israel,"  and  expression  was 
given  to  this  fact  by  the  introduction  of  a  native  reckoning 
of  their  own,  according  to  the  years  of  Simon  (1  Mace.  xiii. 
41,  42  ;  compare  also  p.  256).      May  it  not  be  just  this  era 

2  Against  placing  the  shekel  in  the  time  of  Ezra  or  Alexander  the 
Great,  see  especially  the  compreliensive  treatise  of  Merzl>acher,  Zeitschrifi 
fur  Numismatik,  Bd.  v.  1878,  p.  151  fF. 


3S2  APPENDIX  IV. 

that  is  meant  on  the  shekels  ?  This  is  indeed  what  is 
assumed  by  most  numismatists.  But  on  nearer  consideration 
certain  not  inconsiderable  difficulties  arise.  The  era  of  Simon 
begins  in  the  year  170  of  the  Seleucid  era  =  B.C.  143-142 
(1  Mace.  xiii.  41  f.) ;  but  Simon  did  not  die  before  the  year 
177  of  the  Seleucid  era  =; B.C.  136-135  (1  Mace.  xvi.  14). 
One  should  therefore  expect  on  the  shekels  the  year  numbers 
I.— VIL,  whereas  even  of  the  year  V.  we  have  only  one 
example,  but  no  single  example  for  any  later  years.  Merz- 
baclier,  Zeitschrift  fur  Numismatih,  v.  292  ff.,  has  therefore 
made  the  attempt  to  place  the  era  of  Simon  about  two  years 
later.  That  this  expedient  is  quite  inadmissible,  I  think  I 
have  succeeded  in  proving  on  page  259.  It  would  also 
involve  this  further  consequence,  that  the  minting  of  the 
shekels  in  a  very  remarkable  manner  was  suddenly  broken  off 
with  Simon,  and  in  their  place  immediately  under  Simon's 
successor,  John  Hyrcanus,  a  minting  of  quite  another  kind  was 
introduced,  bearing  the  name  of  the  reigning  high  priest.  If 
this  be  not  impossible,  it  is  at  least  very  singular.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  hypothesis  that  the  shekels  were  minted  during  the 
period  of  the  rebellion  a.d.  66-70,  is  beset  by  no  kind  of 
historical  difficulties.  It  must  therefore  have  the  preference, 
if  no  numismatic  considerations  tell  against  it. 

3.  The  decision  from  the  numismatic  standpoint  is  difficult 
for  this  reason,  that  the  minting  is  of  a  rude  or  at  least 
peculiar  description,  and  therefore  hard  to  classify.  This 
explains  the  fact  that  even  expeiienced  numismatists  differ 
from  one  another  in  their  judgments.  Theod.  Ileinach  has 
given  no  convincing  proof  for  the  date  of  a.d.  66—70  as  adopted 
by  him.  By  his  publication  Imhoof-Blumer  has  been  driven 
to  au  examination  of  the  facts  of  the  case,  which  has  led  him 
to  accept  the  theory  of  Reinach.  The  grounds  which  he  has 
been  good  enough  in  correspondence  to  communicate  to  me 
are   the   foUowinu :  "  The  small  diameter  of   the  shekel  and 


THE  JEWISH  SIIKKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  REBELLION.         383 

half-shekel,  and  their  border,  do  not  correspond  to  the  Syrian 
and  Phoeuician  mintiugs  of  the  middle  of  the  second  century 
before  Christ  nearly  so  well  as  to  the  silver  coins  minted  in 
those  districts  bearing  the  images  of  Nero,  Agrippina,  and 
Vespasian,  of  which  there  are  many  tolerably  thick  examples 
of  about  14  and  7  grs.  in  weight.  Upon  a  question  of  style 
no  result  can  be  drawn  from  the  extremely  slovenly  and 
rude  types  referred  to,  but  merely  on  a  question  of  technology, 
and  in  this  respect  they  have  no  resemblance  to  the  broad 
coins  of  the  Syrian  kings  Antichus  VL,  Tryphon,  Antiochus 
YIL,"  etc.  Against  this  theory  may  be  quoted  the  opinions 
of  all  other  numismatists  of  the  time,  who  pronounce  it  im- 
possible, on  account  of  the  ancient  appearance  of  the  shekels, 
that  they  can  be  assigned  to  so  late  an  age.  Also  it  has  been 
emphatically  declared  against  the  above  statement,  e.g.  by 
Sallet  in  an  admirable  communication  which  he  lias  made  to 
me,  that  the  prevailing  view  must  be  maintained.  "  The 
antique  character  of  the  coins  is  so  clearly  stamped,  the 
thickness  of  the  piece  of  metal  so  thoroughly  in  accordance 
with  the  antique  coins  minted  long  before  Christ,  the  stamp 
and  the  writing  are  of  so  decidedly  antique  a  character,  that 
the  coins  must  be  placed  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees." 
They  are  "  distinctly  distinguishable  "  from  the  coins  of  the 
later  rebellion.  In  presence  of  this  diversity  of  opinion 
among  the  best  authorities,  no  one  not  an  expert  can  do  any- 
thing but  conclude  with  the  confession  :  adliuc  siih  judicc  Us 
est. 

2.  The  Coins  of  the  Rebellion. 

Literature. 
EcKHEL,  Dodrina  Numorum  vetermn,  iii.  454-474. 
MiONNET,  Description  de  mMailles  antiques,  v.  555-562,  Suppl.  viii.  378  ; 

Planches,  xxvii.-xxviii. 
Tr^sor  de  Numismatique  (edited  by  Lenonnant,  1849),  pp.  118-123,  pi. 

Ivii.— lix. 


384  APPENDIX  IV. 

Cavedoni,  Biblische  Numismatik,  transl.  by  Werlliof,  i.  18-51. 

De  Saulcy,  Recherches  sur  la  Numismatique  Judaique,  1854,  pp.  151-170, 

pi.  x.-xv. 
EwALD,  Gottinger  "  Nachrichten,"  1855,  pp.  109-122  ;  Gott.  gel.  Aivieigen, 

1862,  p.  841  ff.  (review  of  Levy's  work). 
De  Vogue,  Revue  Numismatique,  1860,  pp.  280-292  (Eleazar  coins) 
Levy,  Geschichte  der  jiidischen  Munzen  (1862),  pp.  83-131. 
Madden,  History  of  Jevnsh  Coinage  (1864),  pp.  154-182,  198-210. 
Cavedoni  in  Grote's  Miinzstudien,  v.  1867,  pp.  29-37. 
De  Saulcy,  Revue  Nuviismatique,  1865,  pp.  29-55. 
Garrucci,  Dissertazioni  archeologiche,  ii.  1865,  pp.  31-39. 
Madden,  Niimismatic  Chronicle,  1866,  pp.  36-65. 
De  Saulcy,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1871,  pp.  250-253. 
Merzbacher,  "  Untersuchungen  iiber  althebraische  Munzen  "  (Zeitschrifi 

fiir  Numismatik,  Bd.  iv.  1877,  pp.  350-365). 
De  Saulcy,  Me'langes  de  Numismatique,  ii.  1877,  pp.  87-92. 
Sallet,  Zeitschrifi  fiir  Numismatik,  Bd.  v.  1878,  pp.  110-114. 
Eenan,  LVglise  chre'tienne  (1879),  pp.  546-551. 
Madden,  Coins  of  the  Jews  (1881),  pp.  188-206,  230-246. 
Stickel,  Zeitschrifi  des  deutschen  Palaestina-Vereins,  vii.   1884,  pp.  212, 

214. 
Gratz,  Monatsschrifi  fiir  Geschichte  und  Wissenschafi  des  Judenthums,  1887, 

pp.  145-176  (Englisli  translation  in  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1888). 
Reinach  (Th^od.),  Revue  des  e'tudes  juives,  t.  xv.  1887,  pp.  56-61. 
Reinach  (Theod.),  Actes  et  conferences  de  la  societe  des  etudes  juives,  1887 

(Suppl.  to  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  1887),  pp.  cciii-ccx\d. —  In  separate 

reprint  (Les  monnaies  juives,  Paris  1887),  pp.  42-67. 
Gratz,  Revue  des  e'tudes  juives,  t.  xvi.  1888,  pp.  161-169  ;  t.  xviii.  1889,  pp. 

301-304. 
Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  Bd.  iii.  4  Aufl.  (1888),  pp.  819-841. 
Reinach  (Theod.),  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  xvii.  1888,  pp.  42-45  ;  t.  xviii. 

1889,  pp.  304-306. 

The  coins  of  the  rebellion  belong  to  the  following  varieties. 
The  material  is  adequately  presented  byDe  Saulcy,  Eecherches 
sur  la  Numismatic[ue,  1854;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage, 
1864;  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875;  Merzbacher,  Zeitschrifi 
fur  Numismatik,  iv.  1887;  most  fully  in  Madden,  Coins  of 
the  Jew's,  1881. 


THE  JEWISH  SHEKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  REBELLION.        385 

1.  Ligullath  Zion,  the  Deliverance  of  Zion. 
Ohv.  |V^'  rh'^'h,  ligullath  Zion. 
Rev.  yanx  nr:^,  year  IV. 

or,  "i^n  ymx  dj::',  year  IV.,  a  half. 

or,  y^m  yniN  niC^,  year  IV.,  a  quarter. 
All  these   are   copper  coins  of  various  sizes,  with  Jewish 
emblems. 

See  De  Saulcy,  Becherches  sur  la  JVitmismaiique,  p.  20 ; 
Cavedoni,  BiUische  Numismatik,  ii.  11  f . ;  Ewald,  Gottinger 
Nachrichien,  1855,  p.  114;  Levy,  Gcschichte,  p.  44;  Madden, 
History  of  Jeivish  Coinage,  p.  47  ;  Garrueci,  Disscrtazioni,  ii.  32, 
38;  Madden,  Nimismatic  Chronicle,  1866,  pp.  48-63  (very 
complete  in  reference  to  the  date,  against  Garrueci) ;  Merz- 
bacher,  Zeitschrift  fur  Numismatik,  i.  222,  iv.  364 ;  Madden, 
Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  71  sq. 

2.  Cheruth  Zion,  the  Emancipation  of  Zion. 
Ohv.  IVV  nnn,  cheruth  Zion. 
Rev.  W'nry  r\:i^,  year  II. 
or,  ^"h^  njC',  year  III. 
Small    copper    coins     with     Jewish     emblems     of    which 
numerous  examples  are  extant  (Sallet,  Zeitschrift,  v.  110). 

See  De  Saulcy,  Bechcrches,  p.  154;  Cavedoni,  BiUische 
Numismatik,  ii.  53  f . ;  Ewald,  Gott.  Nach.  1855,  p.  114; 
Levy,  Gcschichte,  p.  100 ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage, 
p.  180 ;  De  Saulcy,  Bevue  Numismatiqiiey  1865,  p.  29  sq. ; 
Garrueci,  Dissertazioni,  ii.  38 ;  Merzbacher,  Zeitschrift,  i.  223, 
iv.  364  f. ;  Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  p.  320  sq. ; 
Coins  of  the  J  civs,  p.  206. 

3.  Year  I.  ligullath  Israel,  of  the  Emancipation  of  Israel. 

Ohv.  psn  iTi'^x,  Eleasar  the  priest. 

Bev.  h^'\^^  nbxib  nns  nr.^',  year  I.  ligullath  Israel. 

Ohv.  |n3n  nty^s*,  Eleasar  the  priest. 

Rev.  ;iyjDEy,  Simon. 

Ohv.  thvw,  Jerusalem. 

Rev.  ^Kic'''  rh^'h  nns  n3t^',  year  I.  ligullath  Israel. 

DIV.  L  VOL.  II.  2  B 


386  APPENDIX  IV, 

Ohv.  ^x"l:^«  K'':J'3  ^yn:^^  Simon  prince  of  Israel. 

Rev.  b)ir\^^  rhv,:h  nnx  niB',  year  I.  ligullath  Israel. 

These  are  some  of  them  silver,  some  of  them  copper,  coins 
of  various  sizes  and  of  various  types.  That  they  all  belong 
to  the  same  period  is  proved  from  the  date  "  Year  I,  ligullath 
Israel"  which  is  common  to  all  the  three.  But  the  coins 
bearing  the  names  of  Eleasar  and  Simon  cannot  be  separated 
from  the  other  Eleasar  coins. 

See  De  Saulcy,  Becherches, -pip.  158-160, 165-168  ;  Cavedoni, 
Bihlische  Numismatik,  ii,  55-59 ;  Ewald,  Gottinger  Nachr. 
1855,  p.  119  ff. ;  De  Vogli^,  Revue  Num.  1860,  p.  280  ff.  (Eleasar 
coins  communicated  for  the  first  time  by  De  Vogli^) ;  Levy, 
Gesch'ichte,  pp.  88-92,  97-99 ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish 
Coinage,  pp.  161-166,  174-178;  De  Saulcy,  Revue  Biim.  1865, 
p.  29  sq. ;  Cavedoni  in  Grote's  Milnzstudien,  v.  29  ff. ;  Garrucci, 
ii.  37  sq. ;  Merzbacher,  Zeitschrift,  i,  229-232,  iv.  350-353; 
Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  313-320 ;  Coins  of  the 
Jews,  pp.  198-206 ;  Sallet,  Zeitschrift,  v.  110  ff. ;  Eeinach, 
Revue  des  4tudes  juives,  xv,  58  sq.  (on  the  Simon  -  Eleasar 
coins). 

4.  Year  II.  lechiruth  Israel,  the  Freedom  of  Israel. 

Ohv.  \\^'av,  Simon, 

Rev.  ^X"ic^  nnn^  :i"^  year  II.  lecMruth  Israel. 

Ohv.  nbtfliN  Jerusalem. 

Rev.  ?N"iK''  ninn^  2"^  year  II.  lecMruth  Israel. 

The  latter  kind  are  found  rarely,  the  former  very  frequently, 
in  silver  and  copper,  of  various  sizes  and  of  various  types. 
In  regard  to  some  it  is  still  discernible  that  they  had  been 
made  out  of  Eoman  coins  of  Vespasian  and  Trajan  (Sallet, 
Zeitschrift,  v.  110-114). 

See  De  Saulcy,  Recherches,  pp.  168-170  ;  Cavedoni,  Bihlische 
Numismatik,  ii.  59  ff. ;  Ewald,  Gottinger  Nachr.  1855,  p.  119  ff. , 
Levy,  Geschichte,  pp.  93-96,  105-108 ;  Madden,  History  of 
Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  166-174,  207  sq, ;  De  Saulcy,  Revue  Num. 
1865,  29  sq, ;  Cavedoni  in  Grote's  Munzstudien,  v.  30  ff. ; 
Garmcci,  ii,  34;  Merzbacher,  Zeitschrift,  i.  232-236,  iv,  353- 


THE  JEWISH  SHEKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  REBELLION.   387 

356  ;  iVIadden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  329-333  ;  Coins 
of  the  Jews,  pp.  241-246;  Sallet's  Zeitschrift,  v.  110-114. 

5.  Lechenith  Jerushalcm,  the  Freedom  of  Jerusalem. 

Obv.  pyoc',  Simon. 

Bev.  ch^i''  nxirh,  lechSruth  Jerushalem. 

Silver  and  copper  coins  of  various  sizes  and  with  various 
types.  Many  are  stamped  upon  Eoman  coins,  especially 
upon  those  of  Trajan. 

See  De  Saulcy,  Recherches,  pp.  160-165  ;  Cavedoni,  Biblische 
Numismatilc,  ii.  56-59  ;  Ewald,  Gottinger  Nachr.  1885,  p.  119  ff. ; 
Levy,  CescJiichte,  pp.  93-96,  105-108;  Madden,  History  of 
Jewish  Coinage,  pp.  166-174,  203-210;  De  Saulcy,  Revue 
Num.  1865,  p.  29  sqq.  ;  Cavedoni  in  Grote's  MiXnzstudien,  v. 
30  ff. ;  (rarrucci,  ii.  33  sq. ;  Merzbacher,  Zeitschrift,  i.  236  f.,  iv. 
357-363  ;  Madden,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875,  pp.  321-328  ; 
Coins  of  the  Jews,  pp.  233-241 ;  Sallet,  Zeitschrift,  v.  110-114. 

The  three  last  -  named  classes  (Year  I.  ligullath  Israel, 
year  II.  lechiruth  Israel,  lechSruth  Jerushalem  without  date) 
are  to  be  assigned  with  great  probability,  the  last  two  indeed 
with  certainty,  to  the  period  of  the  rebellion  of  Bar-Cochba. 
In  regard  to  the  last  class  this  is  admitted  by  all.  The 
original  Eoman  minting  discernible  upon  many  of  them, 
which  gives  the  figure  of  the  Jewish  temple,  proves  that  they 
were  struck  not  earlier  than  the  times  of  Trajan.  But  only 
one  period  is  conceivable  in  which  this  minting  can  have 
taken  place :  that  of  the  rebellion  under  Hadrian.  Yet  even 
among  the  coins  of  our  fourth  class,  those  of  the  "  Year  II. 
lecMruth  Israel"  some  examples  are  met  with  which  are 
stamped  upon  coins  of  Vespasian  and  Trajan  (Sallet,  Zeit- 
schrift, v.  110-114).  The  same  tlierefore  applies  to  them  as 
to  those  bearing  the  device  "  lecMruth  Jerushalem."  It  will, 
however,  be  readily  admitted  that  those  results  hold  not 
only  for  the  copies  stamped  upon  imperial  coins,  but  also 
for  others  with    similar   superscriptions   and  of  similar  types, 


388  APPENDIX  IV. 

for  the  production  of  whicli  imperial  coins  were  not  employed. 
For  it  is  a  singularly  arbitrary  proceeding  to  divide  among 
different  periods  coins  of  precisely  the  same  impression,  only 
for  this  reason  that  on  some  an  original  Roman  stamp  can 
be  traced,  while  it  is  not  discernible  on  the  others  (so  Levy, 
who  divides  the  coins  of  our  fourth  as  well  as  of  our  fifth 
class  between  the  first  and  the  second  revolutions). — While, 
therefore,  these  two  classes  certainly  belong  to  the  time  of 
Bar-Cochba,  those  of  "  Year  I.  ligullath  Israel "  may  be 
assigned  at  least  with  great  probability  to  the  same  period. 
For  it  is  admitted  by  all  competent  numismatists  that  they 
are  in  style  extremely  similar  to,  quite  the  same,  indeed,  as  the 
others.^  The  rabbinical  tradition  also  speaks  generally  of 
"  coins  of  Bencosiba,"  nvntn  myo  or  xn^ns  p  ynron.^ 

The  great  variety  of  mintings  within  a  few  years,  which  has 
been  the  principal  reason  for  numismatists  dividing  the  coins 
between  the  time  of  the  Vespasian  and  that  of  the  Hadrianic 
war,  is  not  on  closer  examination  incapable  of  explanation. 
During  the  first  year  two  leaders  of  the  rebellion,  "  Eleazar 
the  Priest "  and  "  Simon  the  Prince,"  minted  coins.  In  the 
second  year  Simon  seems  to  have  secured  to  himself  the 
sole  sovereignty.      Thus  it  can  be  easily  understood  that  on 

^  See  especially,  De  Saulcy,  Revue  Num.  1865,  p.  29  sqq.,  and  Sallct, 
Zeitschriftfiir  Numismatik,  v.  110  ff.  :  "To  me,  as  a  numismatist,  it  was 
never  doubtful  that  De  Saulcy's  view  was  liglit,  that,  in  spite  of  all 
arguments  to  the  contrary,  all  these  denarius-like  coins,  and  the  tetra- 
drachms  as  well,  must  imquestionably  have  belonged  to  one  period.  In 
the  numismatics  of  antiquity  it  is  without  example,  and  impossible  that 
coins  perfectly  like  one  another  in  style,  yea,  precisely  the  same  as  one 
another,  should  be  sixty  years  apart.— Also,  Mcrzbacher  says,  although 
he  adopts  the  partition  declared  by  Sallet  impossible,  Zeitschrift  fiir  Num. 
i.  223  f. :  "  They  are  little  distinguished  from  one  another  in.  style  and 
material,  since  only  a  few  divergences  in  type  can  be  pointed  out,  and 
therefore  should  not  be  too  far  separated  in  time  from  one  another." 

^  Tosephta  Maasi  scheni,  i.  5 ;  Jer.  Maaser  sheni,  i.  2  ;  bab.  Baha 
Jcamrna,  97'' ;  in  Levy,  Geschichte,  p.  127  ff.  ;  Madden,  History  of  Jewish 
Coinaye,  p.  329  sq.  ;  Coins  of  the  Jews,  p.  31 1  s(jq. 


THE  JEWISH  SIIICKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  KEBELLION.        389 

the  coins  of  the  first  year  he  distinguished  himself  from  the 
priest  by  the  title  of  "  prince,"  whereas  during  the  second 
year  he  no  longer  found  this  necessary.^  Besides  Simon  and 
Eleasar  the  city  of  Jerusalem  also  minted  coins,  and  that 
indeed  during  the  first  as  well  as  the  second  year;  but  these 
coins  are  very  rare.  Finally,  Simon,  besides  the  coins  dated 
according  to  the  era  of  the  freedom  of  Israel,  also  stamped 
some  coins  without  date  in  commemoration  of  "  the  freedom  of 
Jerusalem."  Their  great  variety  therefore  presents  no  ground 
for  assigning  a  portion  of  them  to  the  time  of  the  war  of 
Vespasian. 

In  the  history  of  numismatics  the  classification  of  our  coins 
has  passed  through  five  different  stages.  1.  The  older  numis- 
matists, Eckhel,  Mionnet,  and  even  Cavedoni,  Biblische  Num.  i., 
])ut  all  the  kinds  together,  so  far  as  they  were  known,  along 
with  the  shekel  coins  in  the  time  of  Simon  the  Maccabee. 
Only  one  French  scholar  of  the  last  century,  Henrion,  recog- 
nised the  fact  that  they  belonged  to  the  time  of  Bar-Cochba  (see 
Eckhel,  Dodr.  Num.  iii.  472).  But  his  voice  sounded  unheard, 
although  even  then  some  copies  stamped  upon  imperial  coins 
were  known,  which  had  to  be  of  necessity  assigned  to  the  age 
of  Bar-Cochba  (Eckhel,  iii.  473). — 2.  De  Saulcy  in  his  Rccherches 
sur  la  Numismatique  Juddiqiic,  1854,  not  only  essentially 
enriched  the  material,  but  also  gave  expression  to  the  correct 
view  that  all  three  kinds  belonged  to  the  time  of  Bar-Cochba. 

3  There  is  a  remarkable  coin  bearing  tlie  inscription,  Ohv.  pan  "ity^X, 
Rev.  pynt^-  De  Vogiie  regarded  it  as  the  work  of  a  forger,  who  combined 
the  fronts  of  an  Eleasar  and  a  Simon  coin  with  one  another.  According 
to  Friedlander's  and  Sallet's  opinion,  however,  its  genuineness  is  indis- 
putable {Zeitschrift  fiir  Nuviismatique,  iv.  350,  v.  Ill,  note  ;  Madden,  Coins 
of  the  Jews,  p.  201).  Yet  more  remarkable  is  a  coin  published  by  Reinach 
in  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  xv.  56-61,  the  inscription  of  which  is  indeed 
defective,  but  has  been  restored  with  tolerable  certainty  as  follows  : — 

obv.  ^sTk^»  n^x:^  nnx  n:^- 
Bev.  bsiB^^  nnn^  3"c'. 

Tliis  coin  also  Reinach  declares  to  be  undoubtedly  genuine.  According 
to  liis  subtle  explanation  we  have  in  both  coins  to  recognise  monnaus 
hyhrides,  i.e.  coins  on  which,  in  consequence  of  an  error  in  the  minting, 
the  inscriptions  of  two  different  coins  were  combined  with  one  another. 
Such  "bastards"  are  not  seldom  found  among  the  Roman  consular  coins. 


390  APPENDIX  IV, 

He  was  followed  by  Cavedoiii,  Bihlische  Num.  ii.,  and  Ewald. 
The  latter  also  assigned  to  the  same  period  the  Eleasar  coins 
first  communicated  by  De  Vogli^  in  1860  (History  of  Israel,  Yiii. 
291). — 3.  An  unfortunate  confusion  was  caused  by  Levy  in 
1862  in  consequence  of  his  arbitrary  division  of  the  coins 
between  the  time  of  Vespasian  and  that  of  Hadrian.  He 
assigned  to  the  earlier  period  not  only  all  coins  of  "  Year  I. 
li(]%dlath  Israel"  but  also  the  greater  part  of  those  of  the  "  Year 
IE.  lecMntth  Israel"  and  "lecheruth  Jerushalem."  But  some 
individual  examples  of  the  last  two  classes  are  met  with  in  the 
time  of  Hadrian,  and  thus  coins  of  a  precisely  similar  stamp 
are  separated  by  a  period  of  sixty  years.  Those  who  issued 
coins  during  the  age  of  Vespasian  were  the  well-known  leader 
of  the  Zealots,  Eleasar,  then  Simon  bar-Giora,  and  the  scribe 
Simon,  son  of  Gamaliel,  upon  whom  the  later  Jewish  legends 
bestowed  the  title  of  Nasi.  On  the  baselessness  of  this  legend 
see  Div.  II.  vol.  i.  p.  183  if.  Neither  could  Eleasar  nor  Simon 
bar-Giora  have  struck  the  coins  of  years  I.  and  II.  of  freedom, 
since  they  did  not  become  party  leaders  until  the  later  days  of 
the  rebellion ;  Simon  bar-Giora  only  in  the  third  year  ( Wars 
of  the  Jews,  iv.  9.  12);  Eleasar  even  later,  and  only  for  a  shoit 
time  (see  above,  p.  235).  Notwithstanding  the  more  than  weak 
foundation  of  these  hypotheses,  Levy  obtained  at  first  ardent 
supporters  in  Madden,  History  of  Jewish  Coinage,  1864,  and 
Cavedoni  in  Grote's  Munzstvdien,  v.  Madden's  work  of  1864 
is  consequently  in  those  parts  extremely  ill-suited  to  afford  a 
clear  summary  of  the  history.  Also  Eenan  was  influenced  by 
Levy,  inasmuch  as  he  inclines  to  ascribe  only  the  super- 
imposition  of  the  stamp  to  the  age  of  Bar-Cochba  {Ldglise 
chretienne,  p.  546  sq.).  Levy's  and  Madden's  views  were 
decidedly  combated  by  Ewald,  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  1862,  p.  841  ff.,  and 
De  Saulcy,  Hevue  Num.  1865,  who  held  fast  by  their  earlier 
judgments.  Yet  even  De  Saulcy  so  far  paid  tribute  to  the 
Jewish  legends  as  to  understand  by  "  Simon  the  Prince " 
the  younger  Simon,  son  of  Gamaliel,  grandson  of  the  earlier 
one  of  that  name,  whose  title  of  Nasi,  however,  stands  historic- 
ally on  as  weak  a  foundation,  as  in  the  case  of  his  grandfather. 
— 4.  A  change  for  the  better,  however,  was  made  by  ]\lerzbacher 
when  he,  although  still  influenced  by  Levy,  abandoned  his 
arbitrary  separation  of  the  coins  of  our  fourth  and  fifth  classes. 
He  put  all  coins  of  "  Year  I.  ligullath  Israel "  and  all  those  of 
"  Year  II.  lecMndh  Israel "  into  the  Vespasian  age,  and  all  those 
with  "lechiruth  Jerushalem"  into  the  age  of  Hadrian.  All  th^ 
Simon  coins  of  the  age  of  Vespasian,  whether  with  or  without 


THE  JEWISH  SHEKEL  AND  COINS  OF  THE  REBELLION.       391 

tlie  title  Nasi,  lie  ascribed  to  Simon,  son  of  Gamaliel.  Uut 
even  before  him  Garrucci  had  come  one  step  nearer  the  truth 
when  he  ascribed  to  the  Hadrianic  period  both  the  coins  of  the 
"Year  11.  lecMruth  Israel,"  and  those  with  "lecMi^uth  Je,rushaUml' 
and  assigned  to  the  age  of  Vespasian  only  those  of  "  Year  I. 
ligullath  larad."  His  arguments  also  soon  made  an  impression 
upon  Madden  {Nitviismatic  Chronicle,  1866,  p.  63  sq.),  who  in  his 
later  works  {Numismatic  Chronicle,  1875 ;  Coins  of  the  Jews, 
1881)  actually  adopted  the  arrangement  of  Garrucci.  In  con- 
sequence of  this,  Madden's  masterpiece  of  1881  marks  an 
important  advance  upon  the  History  of  1864,  not  only  in  regard 
to  the  wealth  of  material,  but  also  in  respect  of  its  incomparably 
superior  arrangement.  —  5.  The  researches  of  Merzbacher, 
Garrucci,  and  Madden  gradually  unravelled  the  confusion 
wrought  by  Levy,  and  led  step  by  step  back  again  to  the 
original  simple  views  of  De  Saulcy.  Sallet  and  Eeinach  have 
returned  completely  to  these  earlier  views,  for  reasons  that 
have  been  stated  above.  Although  on  other  points  De  Saulcy 
is  not  always  happy  in  his  historical  combinations,  his  numis- 
matical  sense  has  in  this  particular  guided  him  aright. — 
Whether  the  weight  of  the  arguments  by  which  modern 
numismatists  have  been  constrained  to  return  step  by  step  to 
De  Saulcy's  view  will  survive  all  attacks  the  future  alone  can 
show.  An  attempt  to  produce  embarrassment  anew  has  been 
made  by  GrJitz  {Monatsschrift,  1887,  p.  145  ff. ;  lievue  des  Studcs 
juives,  xvi.  161  sqq.,  xviii.  301  sq. ;  Geschichte  der  Juden,  iii. 
4  Aufl.  1888,  p.  819  ff.).  There  is  scarcely  any  danger  of  such 
an  attempt  succeeding,  for  any  one  who  has  even  a  moderate 
appreciation  of  scientific  method  must  regard  Gratz's  specula- 
tions as  a  tissue  of  groundless  surmises.  Compare  in  opposition 
to  him  Eeinach,  lievue  des  dtudes  juives,  xvii.  42-45,  xviii.  304— 
306. 

In  regard  to  the  small  copper  coins  communicated  under 
No.  2,  with  the  superscription  jrv  nnn,  cheruth  Zion,  years  II. 
and  III.,  a  much  greater  agreement  prevails  than  in  regard 
to  the  coins  of  our  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  classes.  With 
almost  perfect  unanimity  they  are  ascribed  to  the  period  of 
the  war  of  Vespasian.  This  is  the  opinion  not  only  of  De 
Saulcy,  who  assigns  to  the  Vespasian  period  only  those  coins, 
but  also  of  Ewald,  who  places  the  shekels  along  with  them, 
and  of  Levy,  Garrucci,  and  Madden,  who  join   with  them   a 


392  APPENDIX  IV. 

more  or  less  considerable  portion  of  our  Bar-Cocliba  coins. 
This  latter  view  is  indeed  indefensible,  because  these  coins 
differ  from  the  others  essentially  in  style,  so  that  Merzbacher 
renounces  the  attempt  to  fix  their  age  {Zeitschrift  fur  Numis- 
matique,  i.  223,  iv.  364  f.).  But  if  all  the  coins  of  our  third, 
fourth,  and  fifth  classes  are  placed  in  the  time  of  Bar-Cochba, 
it  will  become  probable,  owing  to  the  diversity  of  style,  that 
the  coins  of  the  years  II.  and  III,  cMruth  Zion  belong  to  the 
time  of  Vespasian.  In  this  case  also  De  Saulcy  has  hit  upou 
the  right  explanation. 

It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  determine  the  coins  of 
the  year  IV.,  jv^  nbt^ib,  ligullath  Zion,  communicated  under 
No.  1.  Many,  on  account  of  the  admitted  antiquity  of  their 
style,  class  them  along  with  the  shekel  coins.  So  De  Saulcy, 
Cavedoni,  Biblisclie  Numismatique,  ii. ;  Ewald,  Levy,  Madden, 
1864.  Yet  it  is  just  their  style  which  leads  Garrucci  to 
separate  them  from  the  shekels,  and  to  place  them  in  the 
time  of  Vespasian  (Dissertazioni,  ii.  32) ;  and  Madden,  after 
lie  had,  in  complete  contradiction  to  Garrucci,  maintained  their 
contemporariness  with  the  shekels  {Num.  Chron.  1866,  pp.  48- 
G  3),  at  last  only  holds  so  far  to  that  opinion  that  their  reference 
to  the  Seleucidean  period  seems  to  some  extent  proved  {Coins 
of  tli&  Jcivs,  p.  73),  while  even  Merzbacher  is  of  opinion  that 
they  were  not  of  the  same  period  as  the  shekels  {Zeitschrift,  i. 
222  f.),  and  are  therefore  to  be  reckoned  only  as  ancient 
coins  of  an  uncertain  age  {Zeitschrift,  iv.  364).  It  is  thus 
difficult  to  arrive  at  any  decided  judgment  upon  these 
matters. 


APPENDIX   Y. 


PARALLEL  YEARS  OF  THE  GREEK,  SYRIAN,  ROMAN, 
AND  CHRISTIAN  ERAS.i 

The  Olympiad  era  begins  in  B.C.  776,  and  is  to  be  reckoned 
from  1st  July .2  The  Seleucid  era  begins  in  B.C.  312,  and  is 
to  be  reckoned  from  1st  October.^  The  Varronian  era  ah 
Urle  condita,  begins  in  B.C.  753,  and  counts  from  the  festival 
of  the  Pcdilia,  XI.  Cal.  Mail  =  21st  April.^  But  since  writers 
reckon  by  the  years  of  office  of  the  consuls,  we  have  to  do, 
not  with  the  starting-point  of  the  Varronian  year,  but  v/ith 
the  point  of  time  at  which  the  consuls  entered  upon  their 
office.  Bat  this  took  place  from  a.U.  601,  and  so  continued 
during  almost  the  whole  of  the  succeeding  period,  on  1st 
January.^  —  In  the  following  table  the  respective  years  of 
the  Greek,  Seleucidean,  and  Eoman  eras  are  paralleled  with 
the  same  year  of  the  Christian  era  in  which  they  begin. 
Thus : 

01.  151,  1  =  1st  July  B.C.  176  down  to  the  same  day  in 
B.C.  175. 

Sel.  137  =  1st  October  B.C.  176  down  to  the  same  day 
in  B.C.  175. 

A.U.  578  =  21st  April  (or  1st  January)  B.C.  176  down 
to  the  same  day  in  B.C.  l75. 

^  According  to  Clinton,  Fasti  HelUnici,  iii.  472  sqq. 
2  Ideler,  Handhuch  der  Chronologic,  i.  377. 
8  lUd.  i.  450-453.  •♦  Ibid.  ii.  47,  150,  163  ff. 

«  Ibid.  ii.  148  f. 

893 


394 

APPENDIX 

V. PARALLEL  YEARS 

OF  THE 

Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

B.C. 

Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

B.G 

1,1 

776 

159, 

2 

170 

611 

143 

6,4 

1 

753 

3 

171 

612 

142 

117,  1 

1 

442 

312 

4 

172 

613 

141 

,    . 

. 

. 

. 

160, 

1 

173 

614 

140 

151,  1 

137 

578 

176 

2 

174 

615 

139 

2 

138 

579 

175 

3 

175 

616 

138 

3 

139 

580 

174 

4 

176 

617 

137 

4 

140 

581 

173 

161, 

1 

177 

618 

136 

152,  1 

141 

582 

172 

2 

178 

619 

135 

2 

142 

583 

171 

3 

179 

620 

134 

3 

143 

584 

170 

4 

180 

621 

133 

4 

144 

585 

169 

162 

1 

181 

622 

132 

153,  1 

145 

586 

168 

2 

182 

623 

131 

2 

146 

587 

167 

3 

183 

624 

130 

3 

147 

588 

166 

4 

184 

625 

129 

4 

148 

589 

165 

163, 

1 

185 

626 

128 

154,  1 

149 

590 

164 

2 

186 

627 

127 

2 

150 

591 

163 

3 

187 

628 

126 

3 

151 

592 

162 

4 

188 

629 

125 

4 

152 

593 

161 

164, 

1 

189 

630 

124 

155,  1 

153 

594 

160 

2 

190 

631 

123 

2 

154 

595 

159 

o 

O 

191 

632 

122 

3 

155 

596 

158 

4 

192 

633 

121 

4 

156 

597 

157 

165, 

1 

193 

634 

120 

156,  1 

157 

598 

156 

2 

194 

635 

119 

2 

158 

599 

155 

3 

195 

636 

118 

3 

159 

600 

154 

4 

196 

637 

117 

4 

160 

601 

153 

166, 

1 

197 

638 

116 

157,  1 

161 

602 

152 

2 

198 

639 

115 

2 

162 

603 

151 

3 

199 

640 

114 

3 

163 

604 

150 

4 

200 

641 

113 

4 

164 

605 

149 

167, 

1 

201 

642 

112 

158,  1 

165 

606 

148 

2 

202 

643 

111 

2 

166 

607 

147 

3 

203 

644 

110 

3 

167 

608 

146 

4 

204 

645 

100 

4 

168 

609 

145 

168, 

1 

205 

646 

108 

159,  1 

169 

610 

144 

2 

206 

647 

107 

GREEK,  SYRIAN,  ROMAN,  AND  CHRISTIAN  ERAS. 


395 


Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

B.C. 

Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

B.C. 

168,  3 

207 

648 

106 

177, 

4 

244 

685 

69 

4 

20  S 

649 

105 

178, 

1 

245 

686 

68 

169,  1 

201) 

650 

104 

2 

246 

687 

67 

2 

210 

651 

103 

3 

247 

688 

66 

3 

211 

652 

102 

4 

248 

689 

65 

4 

212 

653 

101 

179, 

1 

249 

690 

64 

170,  1 

213 

654 

100 

2 

250 

691 

63 

9 

214 

655 

99 

3 

251 

692 

62 

3 

215 

656 

98 

4 

252 

693 

61 

4 

216 

657 

97 

180, 

1 

253 

694 

60 

in,  1 

217 

658 

96 

2 

254 

695 

59 

2 

218 

659 

95 

3 

255 

696 

58 

3 

219 

660 

94 

4 

256 

697 

57 

4 

220 

661 

93 

181, 

1 

257 

698 

56 

172,  1 

221 

662 

92 

2 

258 

69  9 

55 

2 

222 

663 

91 

3 

259 

700 

54 

3 

223 

664 

90 

4 

260 

701 

53 

4 

224 

665 

89 

182, 

1 

261 

702 

52 

173,  1 

225 

666 

88 

2 

262 

703 

51 

2 

226 

667 

87 

3 

263 

704 

50 

3 

227 

668 

86 

4 

264 

705 

49 

4 

228 

669 

85 

18  3, 

1 

265 

706 

48 

174,  1 

229 

670 

84 

2 

266 

707 

47 

2 

230 

671 

83 

3 

267 

708 

46 

3 

231 

672 

82 

4 

268 

709 

45 

4 

232 

673 

81 

184, 

1 

269 

710 

44 

175,  1 

233 

674 

80 

2 

270 

711 

43 

2 

234 

675 

79 

3 

271 

712 

42 

3 

235 

676 

78 

4 

272 

713 

41 

4 

236 

677 

77 

185, 

1 

273 

714 

40 

176,  1 

237 

678 

76 

2 

274 

715 

39 

2 

238 

679 

75 

3 

275 

716 

38 

3 

239 

680 

74 

4 

276 

717 

37 

4 

240 

681 

186, 

1 

277 

718 

36 

177,  1 

241 

682 

72 

2 

278 

719 

35 

2 

242 

683 

71 

3 

279 

720 

34 

3 

243 

084 

70 

4 

280 

721 

33 

396 


APPENDIX  V. PARALLEL  YEARS  OF  THE 


0 

L. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

B.C. 

Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

A.R 

187, 

1 

281 

722 

32 

190, 

2 

318 

759 

6 

2 

282 

723 

31 

3 

319 

760 

7 

8 

283 

724 

30 

4 

320 

761 

8 

4 

284 

725 

29 

197, 

1 

321 

762 

9 

188, 

1 

285 

726 

28 

2 

322 

763 

10 

2 

286 

727 

27 

3 

323 

764 

11 

3 

287 

728 

26 

4 

324 

765 

12 

4 

288 

729 

25 

198, 

1 

325 

766 

13 

189, 

1 

289 

730 

24 

2 

326 

767 

14 

2 

290 

731 

23 

3 

327 

768 

15 

3 

291 

732 

22 

4 

328 

769 

16 

4 

292 

733 

21 

199, 

1 

329 

770 

17 

190, 

1 

293 

734 

20 

2 

330 

771 

18 

2 

294 

735 

19 

3 

331 

772 

19 

3 

295 

736 

18 

4 

332 

773 

20 

4 

296 

737 

17 

200, 

1 

333 

774 

21 

191, 

1 

297 

738 

16 

2 

334 

775 

22 

2 

298 

739 

15 

3 

335 

776 

23 

3 

299 

740 

14 

4 

336 

777 

24 

4 

300 

741 

13 

201, 

1 

337 

778 

25 

192, 

1 

301 

742 

12 

2 

338 

779 

26 

2 

302 

743 

11 

3 

339 

780 

27 

3 

303 

744 

10 

4 

340 

781 

28 

4 

304 

745 

9 

202, 

1 

341 

782 

29 

193, 

1 

305 

746 

8 

2 

342 

783 

30 

2 

306 

747 

7 

3 

343 

784 

31 

3 

307 

748 

6 

4 

344 

785 

32 

4 

308 

749 

5 

203, 

1 

345 

786 

33 

194, 

1 

309 

750 

4 

2 

346 

787 

34 

2 

310 

751 

3 

3 

347 

788 

35 

3 

311 

752 

2 

4 

348 

789 

36 

4 

312 

753 

1 

204, 

1 

349 

790 

37 

195 

1 

313 

754 

A.D.  1 

2 

350 

791 

38 

2 

314 

755 

2 

3 

351 

792 

39 

3 

315 

756 

3 

4 

352 

793 

40 

4 

316 

757 

4 

205 

1 

353 

794 

41 

196 

1 

317 

758 

5 

o 

354 

795 

42 

GREEK,  SYKIAN,  KOMAN,  AND  CHRISTIAN  ERAS. 


39^ 


Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

A.I). 

Ol. 

Sel. 

A.U. 

A.D. 

205,  3 

355 

796 

43 

214,  4 

392 

833 

80 

4 

356 

797 

44 

215,  1 

393 

834 

81 

206,  1 

357 

798 

45 

2 

394 

835 

82 

2 

358 

799 

46 

3 

395 

836 

83 

3 

359 

800 

47 

4 

396 

837 

84 

4 

360 

801 

48 

216,  1 

397 

838 

85 

207,  1 

301 

802 

49 

2 

398 

839 

86 

2 

362 

803 

50 

3 

399 

840 

87 

3 

363 

804 

51 

4 

400 

841 

88 

4 

364 

805 

52 

217,  1 

401 

842 

89 

208,  1 

365 

806 

53 

2 

402 

843 

90 

2 

366 

807 

54 

3 

403 

844 

91 

3 

367 

808 

55 

4 

404 

845 

92 

4 

368 

809 

56 

218,  1 

405 

846 

93 

209,  1 

369 

810 

57 

2 

406 

847 

94 

2 

370 

811 

58 

3 

407 

848 

95 

3 

371 

812 

59 

4 

408 

849 

96 

4 

372 

813 

60 

219,  1 

409 

850 

97 

210,  1 

373 

814 

61 

2 

410 

851 

98 

2 

374 

815 

62 

3 

411 

852 

99 

3 

375 

816 

63 

4 

412 

853 

100 

4 

376 

817 

64 

220,  1 

413 

854 

101 

211,  1 

377 

818 

65 

2 

414 

855 

102 

2 

378 

819 

66 

3 

415 

856 

103 

3 

379 

820 

67 

4 

416 

857 

104 

4 

380 

821 

68 

221,  1 

417 

858 

105 

212,  1 

381 

822 

69 

2 

418 

859 

106 

2 

382 

823 

70 

o 

419 

800 

107 

3 

383 

824 

71 

4 

420 

861 

108 

4 

384 

825 

72 

222,  1 

421 

862 

109 

213,  1 

385 

826 

1- .» 

!      2 

422 

863 

110 

2 

386 

827 

74 

3 

423 

864 

111 

3 

387 

828 

75 

1       4 

424 

865 

112 

4 

388 

829 

76 

'   223,  1 

425 

866 

11:; 

214,  1 

389 

830 

77 

2 

420 

867 

114 

2 

390 

831 

78 

3 

427 

868 

115 

3 

391 

832 

79 

4 

428 

869 

116 

398 


APPENDIX  V. 


Ol.  Sel.  a.U.  a.d. 

224,  1  429  870  117 

2  430  871  118 

3  431  872  119 

4  432  873  120 
225, 1  433  874  121 

2  434  875  122 

3  435  876  123 

4  436  877  124 
226,  1  437  878  125 

2  438  879  126 


Ol.  Sel.  a.U.  a.d. 

226,  3  439  880  127 
4  440  881  128 

227,  1  441  882  129 

2  442  883  130 

3  443  884  131 

4  444  885  132 

228,  1  445  886  133 

2  446  887  134 

3  447  888  135 

4  448  889  136 


APPENDIX   YI. 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  SELEUCIDAE. 

Seleucus  I.  Nicator 
t280. 


Autiochus  I.  Soter 
t261. 


Antiochus  II.  Theoa 
t  24G. 


Seleucus  II.  Callinicos 
1226. 


Seleucus  III.  Ceraunos      Antiochus  III.  the  Great 
t  223.                                        t  187. 
, >. 

Seleucus  IV.  Philopator    Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanea 
t  175.  t  164. 


Demetrius  I.  Soter  Autiochus  V.  Eupator 

t  150.  t  1G2. 

^ A ^ 

Demetrius  II.  Nicator    Antiochus  VII.  Sidetes 
t  125/24  t  128. 


Seleuc.  V.   Antioch.  VIII.  Grypos  Antioch.  IX.  Cj-zicenos 
t  125/24.  t  96.  t  i)i>- 


SeL  VI.  Antioch.  XI.  Philip,  Demetr.  III.  Antioch.  XII.   Antioch.  X.  Eus. 


Philip.  Antiochus  XIII.  Asiaticus 

deposed  B.C.  65. 


899 


APPENDIX   YII. 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  ASMONEANS. 


Mattathias 
t  166. 


Simon 
tl35. 


Judas 
t  161. 


Jonathan 
tl43. 


John  Hyi'canus  I. 
tl05. 


Aristobulus  I. 
t  104. 


I  Alexander  Janniius 
I  t78. 

I  Alexandra 
L      t69. 


Hyrcanus  II. 

tso. 


Aristobulus  II. 
t49. 


Alexandra 
128. 


Alexander 
t49. 


Aristobulus     Mariamnie 
t  35.  t  29 

(married  to 
Herod). 


Antigonua 
t37. 


Daughter,  married  to 
Antipater,  the  son  of 
Herod  (Joseph.  Antiq. 
xvii.  5.  2). 


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DIV.   I.   VOL.   II. 


2    C 


ADDENDA  TO  DIVISION  I.  VOLS.  L  AND  IL 


VOLUME  I. 

PAGE 

6.  Prideaux.     A  new  and  improved  edition  of  this  work,  revised  Ly 

J.  Talboys  Wheeler,  appeared  in  2  vols,  in  1858. 

7.  Holtzmann,   Oskar,   Bas  Ende  des  judischen   Staatsicesens  und  die 

Entstehung  des  Ghristenthums,  1888,  forming  the  second  half  of  the 
second  volume  of  Stade's  Geschichte  des  Volhes  Israel. 

8.  Griitz,   Geschichte   der    Juden,  vol.   iii.   4th   edition,    1888;    greatly 

enlarged. 

8.  Sack,  Die  altjiidische  Religion  im   Uehergange  vom  Bibelthiivie  zum 

Talmudismus,  Berlin  1889  (612  pp.). 

9.  Morrison,  The  Jeivs  under  Roman  Rule,  London  1890  (426  pp.). 

10.  Weber,  Sj/stem  der  altsyn.  pal.  Theologie,  in  a  new  unaltered  edition 
has  appeared  under  the  title  :  Die  Lehren  des  Talmud,  quellen- 
mdssig,  systeviatisch  iind  gemeinverstdndlich  dargestellt,  Leipzig 
1886. 

18.  Guerin,    Jerusalem,    son    histuire,    sa    description,   ses    dahlissements 

religieux,  Paris  1889  (409  pp.). 

19.  Maps  of  Palestine.     The  following  are  important  supplements  to  the 

English  map,  which  embraces  only  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan  : 
(1)  The  Map  of  Djaulan  by  Schumacher,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  ix. 
1886  ;  (2)  the  Map  of  the  Hauran,  "after  measurements  and  plans 
taken  by  Dr.  Alphons  Stiibel  in  1882,  compared  with  other  most 
important  sources,  and  constructed  by  Dr.  Hans  Fischer," 
Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xii.  1889. — A  Map  of  Palestine  on  a  reduced 
scale  after  the  best  authorities,  prepared  by  H.  Fischer  and  H. 
Guthe,  has  been  issued  by  Wagner  &  Debes,  Leipzig  (1890)  for 
1  M.  50  Pf.  It  is  given  also  in  vol.  xiii.  of  the  Zeitschrift  des 
DPV. 

28.  The  following  additions  to  the  literature  of  Numismatics  may  be 
noticed  :  Griitz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  vol.  iii.  4th  edition,  1888, 
pp.  819-841  ;  Griitz,  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  xviii.  1889,  pp.  301- 
304;  Reinach,  Revue  des  etudes  juives,  t.  xvii.  1888,  pp.  42-45  ; 
Reinach,  Revue,  t.  xviii.  1889,  pp.  304-306. 

34.  Marucchi,  Di  un  nuovo  cimitero  giudaico  scoperto  sulla  Via  Lahicana, 
Roma  1887. 

403 


404  ADDENDA  TO  DIVISION  I.  VOLS.  I.  AND  II. 

34.  Derenbourg  in  the  Melanges  Renier,  1887,  pp.  437-441,  from  com- 
munications by  De  Rossi,  has  made  known  five  inscriptions  from 
tbe  Jewish  cemetery  at  Porto,  four  of  these  being  published  for 
the  first  time. 

43.  On  the  Sabbatical  ^year :  Griltz,  Gescliichte  der  Juden,  vol.  iii.  4th 
edition,  pp.  652-655  (note  8). 

53.  On  Dellius  :  Fabricius,  Theophilus  von  3Iytilene  und  Quintus  Dellius 
als  Quellen  der  Geographie  des  Strabon,  Strassburg  1888. 

56.  On  Strabo :  Otto,  "Strabonis  iaropiySiv  dTrofiv/i/iioc-Tuv  fragmenta 
collegit  et  enarravit  adjectis  quaestionibus  Strabonianis  "  (Leipsi^er 
Shidien  zur  classischen  Fhilologie,  xi.  Suppl.  vol.  1889). 

69.  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  vol.  iii.  4th  edition,  pp.  554-557,  on 
Justus  of  Tiberias. 

91,  note.    Against  Niese's  theory  about  the  waj''  in  which   Josephus 

obtained  access  to  the  authorities  referred  to  in  Antiq.  xiv.  10, 
these  two  facts  maybe  adduced  :  (l)That  the  greater  part  of  them 
refers  to  that  relief  from  military  service  (Antiq.  xiv.  10.  11-19) 
which  was  not  in  dispute  in  the  controversy  between  the  municipal 
communities  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  Jews ;  and  (2)  that  another 
part  of  them  refers  to  Judea  (Antiq.  xiv.  10.  2-10),  the  aff"airs  of 
which  were  of  no  importance  in  the  particular  conflict  then  going  on. 

92.  Add  to  note  15,  with  regard  to  Justus  of  Tiberias  :  Gratz,  Geschichte 

der  Juden,  vol.  iii.  4th  edition,  p.  555. 

102.  The  text  of  the  so-called  Hegesippus  is,  according  to  Weber,  also 
printed  in  :  Sancti  Amhrosii  opera  omnia,  ed.  Ballerini,  t.  vi. 
(Mediol.  1883)  col.  1-276.  — The  text  of  Weber's  Programm 
edition,  we  may  here  observe  in  passing,  is  not  quite  complete, 
since  in  passing  from  one  Programm  to  another  a  small  part  is 
wanting.  Therefore  only  the  edition  in  book  form  can  be  used 
(Marburg  1864). — On  Hegesippus  compare  also  :  Bardenhew^er  in 
Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlexicon,  2nd  edition,  vol.  v.  1888,  col. 
1585  f. ;  Ihm,  Studia  Ambrosiana  (Jahrhiicher  fiir  classischen 
Fhilologie,  xvii.  Siqypl.  vol.,  1st  pt.  1889),  pp.  61-68.  The  latter 
is  again  in  favour  of  assigning  the  authorship  to  Ambrose. 

105.  The  fifth  vol.  of  Niese's  great  edition  of  Josephus,  containing  the 
treatise  contra  Apionem,  appeared  in  1889. — Of  the  edition  by 
Bekker,  issued  in  Teubner's  series,  vols.  i.  and  ii.  have  appeared  : 
Flavii  Josephi  opera  omnia  recognovit  Naber,  1888-1889. 

105.  As  contributions  to  criticism  of  the  text :  Destinon,  De  Flavii  Josephi 
hello  Judaico  recensendo  ad  Benedictum  Nisum  epistula  critica,  Kiel 
1889,  Programm. 

109.  On  the  State  Papers  used  by  Josephus,  compare  also:  Judeich,  Caesar 
im  Orient  (1885), pp.  119-141  ;  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,\o\.  iii. 
ed.  iv.  pp.  655-671  (note  9). 

129.  Note  22  :  Fiirst,  "Antoninus  und  Rabbi"  (Magazin  fiir  die  JVissen- 
srhaft  des  Judenthums,  xvi.  1889,  pp.  41-45). 


ADDENDA  TO  DIVISION  I.  VOLP.  T.   AND  II.  405 

PAGE 

135.  Note  33  :  Wuiische,  iJer  Bahylonuclie  Talmud  \\.  s.  w.,  2nd  lialf-vol. 
pts.  3-4,  1889. 

137.  Seliwab's  French  translation  of  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  has  beenbrought 

to  a  conclusion  by  the  publication  of  vol.  xi.  1889  (Sanhedrin, 
conclusion,  Makkoth,  Shebuoth,  Aboda  sara,  Horajoth,  Nidda). — 
Of  vol.  i.,  which  in  the  first  edition  contained  the  tract  Berachoth 
according  to  the  Jerusalem  and  the  Babylonian  Talmud,  a  new 
edition  appeared  in  1890,  containing  the  tract  Berachoth  according 
to  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  only  {Le  Talmud  de  Jerusalem,  etc.,  t.  i. 
nouvelle  edition,  Traite  des  Berakhoth,  Paris  1890). 

138.  "Wiinsclip,  Der  Bahylonische   Talmud  xi.  s.  w.,  2nd  half-vol.  pts.  3-4, 

1889. 

139.  Levy's  Nciihehraisches  und,  Clialddisches  TForterhuch  has  been  completed 

by  the  issue  of  the  concluding  vol.  iv.  1889. 
139.  Jastrow,  A  Dictionary,  etc.,  2  fasc.  ih^LSH  —  """13,  New  York  1887. 
139.  Stein,  Das  Verbum  der  Mischriasprache,  Berlin  1888. — Rosenberg,  Das 

araviaiscJie  Verbum  im  habylonischen  Talmud,  Marburg  1888. 
143.  Darmesteter,  "  Le  Talmud"  {Actes  et  conferences  de  la  Socie'te  des  dudes 

juires  [Appendix  to  Bevue  des  e'tudes  juires],  1889,  pp.  CCCLXXXI- 

CDXLIl). 

147.  On  Mechilta,  Siphra,  and  Sijihre,  compare  also  :  D.  Hoffmann,  Ziir 
Einleitung  in  die  halacltiscJicn  Midrasclmn.  Contributions  to  the 
Jalire>ibericlit  des  Babbiner- Seminars,  at  Berlin  1886-1887  ;  Konigs- 
berger.  Die  Qmllen  der  Halachah.  1  Part.  Der  Midrasch,  Berlin 
1890. — I  regret  that  I  did  not  sooner  become  acquainted  with  this 
careful  and  excellent  work  of  D.  Hofl'mann.  It  contains  very 
valuable  studies  on  the  history  of  the  origin  of  the  three  Mid- 
rashim  above  named.  On  p.  24,  Hofl'mann  gives  a  list  of  the 
authorities  most  frequently  cited  in  Siphra ;  in  pp.  38-40  those 
most  frequently  cited  in  Mechilta,  and  on  p.  54  those  most  fi'e- 
([Uently  mentioned  in  Siphre.  A  complete  index  of  the  Tannaim 
in  Mechilta,  Siphra,  and  Siphre  is  given  at  pp.  82-90. 

147.  On  Siphre  suta,  see  D.  Hofl'mann,  Zur  Einleitung  in  die  halachischcn 
Midraschim,  pp.  59-66. 

152.  Levi,  "  ElLinents  chrctiens  dans  le  Pirke  Rabbi  Eliezer"  {Revue  des 
etudes  juires,  t.  xviii.  1889,  pp.  83-89). 

164.  Griitz,  GescMchte  der  juden,  vol.  iii.  4th  edition,  pp  559-577 
(note  1). 

208.  Gatt,  "Zur  Akra-Frage",(r/i6'o/.  Quartalschr.  1889,  pp.  77-125). 

210.  "VTiDn  "iTy^X  '"1  i'^  frequently  referred  to  in  Mechilta.  See  the  list 
of  passages  in  D.  Hoffmann,  Zur  Einleitung  in  die  halachischen 
Midraschim  {Jaliresbericht  des  Babhiner- Seminars,  at  Berlin  1886- 
1887),  p.  83. 

221.  On  the  geography  of  1  ]\lacc.  v.  26,  compare  also  Furrer,  Zeitschrift 
des  DBV.  xii.  1889,  pp.  151;  Buhl,  Zeitschrift,  xiii.  1890, 
pp.  41-43. 


406  ADDENDA  TO  DIVISION  I.  VOLS.  I.  AND  II. 

PAGE 

254.  On  Bascama,  see  Furrer,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xii.  p.  151. 

2GS.  On  Antiq.  xiv.  8.  5  :  Judeich,  Caesar  im  Orieiit  (1885),  jjp.  129-136 

(reaches  same  conclusion  as  Mommsen). 
271.  "Ivedron  is  the  modern  Katrah  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jamnia" 

(Furrer  in  correspondence). 
302.  "  Bethome  is  Betuni  on  the  same  mountain  ridge  as  Xebi  Saniwel " 

(Furrer  in  correspondence). 
304.  On  Gaulana,  see  Furrer,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xii.  p.  l^l. 
304.  "  Eagaba  is  very  likely  Ragib  which  lies  in  almost  the  same  degree 

of  latitude  as  Gerasa  "  (Furrer  in  correspondence). 
328.  Liebenam,    Forschungen    zur     VerwaltungsgeschicJde     des    romischen 

Kaiserreichs.     1  Bd.     Die  Legaten  in  den  romischtn  Frovinzen  von 

Augustus  bis  Diocletian,  Leipzig  1888.     At  pp.  359-389  a  list  is 

given  of  imperial  legates  in  Syria  from  Augustus  down  to  the 

third  Christian  century. 
335.  Judeich,  Caesar  im  Orient.     Kritische   Uebersicht  der  Ereignisse  vom 

9  August  48  bis  October  47,  Leipzig  1885. 
417.  The  form  Hpuilr,;  is  also  found  in  Corp.  Inscr.  Atticarum,  ii.  3  (1888), 

n.  1672, 
449.  That  the  Herodian  princes  were   cv/ufceixoi  is  now   quite   beyond 

doubt.     Compare  the  Coins  of  Agrippa  above  in  vol.  ii.  p.  155. 


VOLUME  II. 

27.  The  custom  of  celebrating  the  birthday  of  a  prince  is  very  ancient. 
Compare  Gen.  xl.  20,  and  the  commentaries  on  that  passage  by 
Dillmann  and  others.  Seeing  that  the  Herodian  princes  expressly 
celebrated  the  day  of  their  accession  to  the  throne  (Josephus, 
Antiq.  xv.  11.  6),  it  is  instructive  to  learn  from  the  great  inscrip- 
tion of  Rosetta  that,  e.g.,  m  Egypt  also  it  was  customary  to  keep 
both  days  :  kuI  Ititu  -v-v  TpictKuloe,  toD  Mfo-ops;,  si/  r,  Toi  yevidyucc  tov 
(iocat'hiug  cLyizxi,  cfz-oiu;  05  kuI  [ty.v  rov  Mfp^iio  k'TTTOc.x.xtdiKciTyiv],  Iv  r, 
'TToi.pi'hot.fisv  TViu  (ia.ijt'hitocv  'TTxpci  Tov  -^oirpo;  x.r.X.  (see  the  text,  e.g.  iu 
Miiller's  Frag.  hist,  graec.  vol.  1  at  close).  For  the  custom  of  celebrat- 
ing birthdays,  compare  also  2  Mace.  vi.  7  (Antiochus  Epiphanes) 
and  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  7.  1  (Agrippa  I.). — Since  in  the  Bible 
out  of  a  great  number  only  the  celebrations  of  the  birthdays  of 
Pharaoh  (Gen.  xl.  20)  and  Herod  Antipas  are  referred  to,  Origen 
and  Jerome  in  their  observations  on  Matt.  xiv.  6  drew  the  con- 
clusion that  only  wicked  men  acted  thus  (Origen  on  Matt.  t.  x.  c. 
22  ;  Jerome,  0pp.  ed.  Yallarsi,  vii.  101). 

58.  A  Greek  text  of  the  Acts  of  Perpctua  and  Felicitas  has  now  been 
discovered  which  proves  to  be  the  original.  The  Acts  of  the 
Martyrdom  of  Perpetua  and  Felicitas  ;  the  original  Greek  text 


ADDENDA  TO  DIVISION   I.  VOLS.  I.  AND  11.  407 

VACF 

now  first  edited  from  a  MS.  in  the  library  of  the  Convent  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem  by  J.  Eendel  Harris  and  Seth 
R.  GifFord,  London  1890.  The  passage  about  the  Procurator 
Hilarius  here  runs  as  follows:  x«i  ' I'hxpioc.uoc  iv'npo'Trog  Sg  tots 
TOt/  civ^vTrocrov  d77odxv6vrog  Mivovatov  '  OTririu'jov  i^ovtriocv  d'hi^Cpii 
fta.)^»ip»g. 
87.  "  Tirathana  =  Tireh,  south  of  Gerizim"  (Furrer  in  correspondence). 

224.  Tarichea  on  the  south-western  corner  of  the  Lake  of  Gennezaret, 

So  also  Buhl,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xiii.  1890,  p.  38  ft". 

225.  Against  Furrer's  identification  of  Gamala  and  Jamli  I  have  advanced 

the  consideration  that  one  could  not  say  of  a  place  which  is  a 
day's  journey  from  the  sea  that  it  lies  v-zip  tvjv  'Kii^vtiv-  With 
reference  to  this  Furrer  writes  me  :  "  Jamli  stands  on  a  rising 
ground  overlooking  the  lake,  and  is  indeed  the  height  of  the 
stronghold,  seen  from  the  west  bank  of  the  lake,  occupying  a 
commanding  situation,  because  from  it  westward  the  land  slopes 
downward.  We  may  surely  say  St.  Gall  overlooks  the  Lake  of 
Geneva,  though  it  is  some  five  leagues  distant  from  the  lake." 
I  am  now  inclined  to  agree  with  Furrer. 

249.  On  the  Arch  of  Titus  see  also  Reinach,  "  L'arc  de  Titus "  (^Actes  ct 
conferences  de  la  Socid^  des  etudes  juives  [Appendix  to  Bevue  des 
dudes  juives],  1890,  pp.  Ixv-xci). — The  inscription  of  the  other 
now  extant  Arch  of  Titus  is  given  according  to  the  manuscript 
of  Einsiedeln  by  De  Rossi,  Inscription's  christianae  uriis  Eomae, 
vol.  ii.  1  (1888),  p.  25,  n.  31. 

266.  An  inscription  found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Caesarea,  on  which 
Caesarea  is  referred  to  as  a  colony  (Col.  I.  Fl.  Aug.  Caesarea),  has 
been  published  by  Zangemeister,  Zeitschrift  des  DPV.  xiii.  1890, 
p.  25  ff. 


Date  Due 


t^MMBHSHiiMHi  Miti, 


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PRINTED 


